Monterey County CA Archives History - Books .....Chapter IX The Change From Spanish To Anglo-American 1893
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Book Title: Memorial And Biographical History Of The Coast Counties Of Central California.

CHAPTER IX.
THE CHANGE FROM SPANISH TO ANGLO-AMERICAN.

ALTHOUGH the actual change of government in Alta or Upper California dates from
the raising of the American flag at Monterey, July 7, 1846, by order of
Commodore Sloat, of the United States frigate, Savannah, the gradual
modification of manners and customs, and modes of life, and the slow
substitution of the English for the Spanish language, began some time before
that date, and they have been going on ever since; indeed, the changes are not
yet altogether complete. American civilization in California has certainly been
sensibly and probably permanently modified in an infinite variety of forms, by
the adoption of Spanish nomenclature, Spanish ideas and Spanish ways of doing
things, etc., as Eastern, or American, agricultural methods, under the four
annual seasons of the East, have been radically changed here in the West of
necessity under our only two annual seasons, the wet and the dry.

   And a further very important change, far-reaching in its effects, has been
caused by the new and in the East, practically, unknown use of water for
irrigation, in many portions of this State. It is a fundamental maxim in the
Eastern States and in England, from whom we derive our theories of water and
water-rights, that the water of running streams must not be diminished. It is
equally a fundamental maxim in dry countries, where irrigation is an absolute
necessity, that the volume of flowing water must be diminished, or, in other
words, it must be absorbed in the thirsty ground. As a matter of fact, the
Spanish theory of the use of water from springs and running streams, and evolved
by long experience from the actual necessities of the case, has come in contact
and in conflict here in California with the English or riparian theory, which is
based on entirely different uses of such running streams, to wit, for motive
power and navigation. As all oar lawyers and law-makers are educated under the
English law, the change or adaptation of our legislation to this new use of
water or to the Spanish theory, is necessarily very slow. Nevertheless it must,
and eventually will be effected; though much wrong, and perhaps violence must be
suffered, pending the irrepressible conflict between the two theories.

  Prior to the year 1846. English-speaking trappers and traders came hither in
considerable numbers by land, where they found the sweet Spanish idiom was the
vernacular; and a few English-speaking sailors landed here from the occasional
vessels that touched on this coast; and, as almost without exception, they liked
the country, its climate, and its people, they married and became fixture, or
permanent settlers. And thus they in turn, as they increased in numbers, came to
exert not a little influence on the Spanish-speaking population, and to
predispose it favorably toward American ways, and toward the American people.
That this predisposition was-a very important factor in facilitating the change
of governments, no one can deny. Of course the marrying, occasionally, of
Englishmen into influential California families, as in the case of Don Juan
Forster, who married a Pico, had a tendency to dispose favorably such families
toward the English, and this fully and very naturally explains why Governor
Pico, when he saw that a change of government was inevitable, favored the
English rather than the Americans. But of course American alliances with native
Californian families were much the more numerous, and their influence was
therefore proportionately greater. It is only necessary, in order to appreciate
how potently and yet how insensibly this influence was exerted, to cite the
names of such early pioneers as the Temples, Captain Cooper, Leese, Robinson,
Stearns, Wolfskill, Warner, Fitch, Howard, Bidwell, and many others who came
later, but prior to the change of government, all of whom either married into
native families or established intimate relations with influential Californians.

  The story of the exploits of those who officially took part in effecting the
change Fremont, Sloat, Larkin, Stockton, Kearny, etc., and of those who served
under them-will always have an interest for Californians. To have brought about
a transfer of allegiance of the people of California from the Mexican to the
United States Government, almost without the shedding of blood, comparatively
speaking, was a feat requiring tact and judgment, especially in view of the long
distance of the actors from the scene of events transpiring on the other side of
the continent, on which, to a large extent, their own action must necessarily
depend; and of the long and tedious methods then required to communicate
information between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Each acted his part
according to his best judgment, though at times he was compelled to act in the
dark.

  As Monterey was the capital where events centered, an account of what happened
here would have both a local and a territorial interest.

  Captain John C. Fremont, an officer of the United States Topographical
Engineers, in charge of some sixty men, reached the eastern territorial limits
of California, via Great Salt Lake, on his second expedition to this western
coast, in the latter part of 1845, and his party in two sections camped on Kern
and Kings rivers. Desiring to obtain supplies for his exhausted men and animals,
and give them rest before proceeding to Oregon, Fremont deemed it advisable to
obtain permission from the authorities for his company to camp in the valley of
the San Joaquin. He therefore came to Monterey, where he met the American
consul, Thomas O. Larkin, and through him obtained the desired permission from
the prefect, General Castro; Governor Pio Pico at Los Angeles was duly advised
of Fremont's request, to the granting of which he interposed no objection.

  Of course in the interview between Fremont and Larkin, the former became
thoroughly informed concerning the pecular [sic] status of political affairs in
California at that time; and of course the information thus gained influenced
his future action, which has been sharply criticised by various writers, and
especially by Professor Royce. Fremont may not always have acted wisely; but his
intentions were certainly patriotic. Imbibing Senator Benton's advanced, but
enlightened views, as to the very great importance of opening communication with
Oregon, and the far West of our own country, then undeveloped, and almost
unknown; and well knowing that in case of war with Mexico, which was liable to
break out at any time, England might attempt to secure the debt due her from
Mexico, by seizing California, which our government could never permit; it was
very natural that he should take a lively interest in the course of events in
California, and should desire to do all in his power to further the views, which
he knew were held by the administration. Undoubtedly he was stimulated to take
steps, at times, which were indiscreet, by mingling freely with the American
settlers (who also ardently desired to see California become an American
territory;) as for example, in the cases of the "Bear Flag" and other episodes.
The native Californians had twice initiated movements looking toward
independence. If war broke out, of course, as a mere war measure, California
would be seized by United States naval forces in Pacific waters. Although
Fremont was engaged in a purely scientific exploring expedition, it was natural
and right and patriotic, that he, being on the ground, should take an interest
in the important events which were then transpiring here. That his instincts
were right, in assuming as he did, that the administration at Washington would
expect him, in case of war, to assist the navy and and [sic] such land forces as
might be sent here, in forestalling the English in the seizure of California, is
shown by the fact that orders to that effect were not long afterward received by
him.

  That Fremont and Sloat, and others sometimes erred in judgment, for reasons
already suggested, is not at all strange.

  With this proviso, it is but just to say, because it is the simple truth, that
all those officials who took part in the conquest of California, aimed to do
their duty to the best of their ability, with the light they possessed; and that
they deserved and received therefor the communication of the American Government
and people.

   It is vastly easy for the student in his closet to criticise the daring
explorer who, thousands of miles away from home and from his base of supplies,
must constantly encounter new and unexpected exigencies, involving, as they
sometimes do, the success of his expedition, and not infrequently the very
existence of the party under him. Only a carper and a prig would pretend that an
academician or finnicky doctrinaire, in his seclusion, is better able to decide
what should be donein a given emergency, full of complications, in a distant
part of the world, than the man of action who is on the ground, and knows
intimately and practically all the complex circumstances of the situation.

  As Fremont's company moved about the country rather freely, General Castro
became uneasy, and on the 7th of March, 1846, dispatched a note to him, reciting
that he and his party, contrary to law, had entered the settled portions of the
Territory, and notifying him that he must immediately retire beyond the limits
thereof, threatening to expel him if he did not at once obey his order. On
receiving this rather brusque notice to get out of the country, Fremont
fortified himself on the Gabilan mountain probably in order to save his party
from being overwhelmed by a force superior in numbers to his own, which Castro
had hastily gotten together. Fremont, in answer to a note from Larkin, insisted
that he had in no wise done wrong to the people or the authorities. He
undoubtedly intended, after the receipt of this note, to move on northwardly,
but he evidently did not propose to be incontinently driven out, and thus run
the risk of being attacked on the road, where he would be at a disadvantage; if
compelled to protect himself and party from assault, he would do so in a
position which could be defended. On the 10th of March, Fremont, finding there
was no prospect of immediate attack, withdrew his company into the San Joaquin
valley, and from there proceeded on his way to Oregon.

  Fremont's own account of this affair is given briefly in a letter to his wife:
"About the middle of next month, at latest, I will start for home. The Spaniards
were somewhat rude and inhospitable below, and ordered us out of the country,
after having given me permission to winter there. My sense of duty did not
permit me to fight them, but we retired slowly and growlingly, before a force of
three or four hundred men, and three pieces of artillery. Without a shadow of a
cause, the governor suddenly raised the whole country against us, issuing a
false and scandalous proclamation. Of course I did not dare to compromise the
United States, against which appearances would have been strong; but though it
was in my power to increase ray party by many Americans, I refrained from
committing a solitary act of hostility or impropriety."

  This is certainly coherent and altogether reasonable, if we take the view,
which seems to be the true one, that Fremont's course was wholly defensive, and
that it was only adopted after the sudden change of policy of Castro. In the
permission given him to encamp and recuperate his party in the country, there
may have been some misunderstanding as to how much that permission implied.
Perhaps Fremont interpreted it too freely, and that the subsequent movements of
his party alarmed the Californians, causing Castro to suddenly change his
attitude toward Fremont, thus giving his acts the appearance of being, as the
latter expressed it, "rude and inhospitable." Being called upon to defend his
party--that was one of the imperative functions imposed on him by his position
as the responsible leader of the expedition from the time he left the Missouri
till his return thither-Fremont promptly placed his men where they could defend
themselves against all comers, on the summit of Gabilan peak, where they hastily
fortified themselves, and raised the stars and stripes. All this was done
strictly in the line of self-defense and self-preservation, and not at all in
the line of aggression, or as indicating intent to raise the standard of
revolution, which would have been absurd. If these acts implied apparent
defiance of the Californians, it was clearly defiance of the defensive kind, and
not intended to be aggressive in any sense of the word, if interpreted in the
light of prior and subsequent events.

   In the meantime, changes in the condition of affairs, both in the East as
well as on this coast, were going on. Lieutenant Gillespie arrived at Monterey,
April 17, on the United States vessel Cyane, bringing instructions from
Washington to Consul Larkin and Captain Fremont, which modified their subsequent
action, somewhat. Matters here were rapidly approaching a crisis. Even as early
as March 27, a meeting of leading citizens, with the military junta, was held at
Larkin's house, to consider the situation, in which the several propositions
were discussed, of independence, annexation to the United States, to England or
to France, by Castro, Vallejo, Prudon, Hartnell, and others. From this it was
evident that the partisans of all these schemes already believed that a
political change of some kind was certain to come very soon. This belief, more
or less clearly defined, extended throughout the Territory; but it was probably
more actively discussed at Monterey than at any other locality. All through the
various phases of events leading to this change, Consul Larkin acted with great
efficiency and skill.


Additional Comments:
Extracted from:

Memorial and Biographical History of the Coast Counties of Central California.

Illustrated.

Containing a History of this Important Section of the Pacific Coast from the
Earliest Period of its Discovery to the Present Time, together with Glimpses of
its Auspicious Future; Illustrations and Full-Page Portraits of some of its
Eminent Men, and Biographical Mention of many of its Pioneers, and Prominent
Citizens of To-day.



HENRY D. BARROWS,
Editor of the Historical Department.

LUTHER A. INGERSOLL,
Editor of the Biographical Department.

"A people that take no pride in the noble achievements of remote ancestors will
never achieve anything worthy to be remembered with pride by remote
descendants."—Macaulay.


CHICAGO: THE LEWIS PUBLISHING COMPANY.
1893.


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