Glynn County GaArchives History - Books .....Frederica, Part II 1878
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Book Title: The Dead Towns Of Georgia

  On the 5th of October, 1739, at his little town four miles from Savannah, the
venerable Tomo-chi-chi,-Oglethorpe's earliest and best friend among the
Indians,- yielding to the effects of a lingering illness, died at the advanced
age of ninety-seven years. The General acted as one of the pall-bearers, and the
body of the old Chief, in accordance with his wish, was interred, with becoming
honors, in one of the public squares in Savannah. In his last moments he
expressed no little concern that he was about to be taken away at a time when
his services might prove of special value to his friends, the English, against
the Spaniards, and counseled his people never to forget the favors he had
received, when in England, from the King, and to persevere in their amicable
relations with the colonists. [38] These injunctions were not unheeded.
Toonahowi-the favorite nephew of the aged Mico-accompanied General Oglethorpe in
his expedition against St. Augustine; and again, leading a party of Creek
Indians, brought off from the very walls of that city Don Romualdo Ruiz del
Moral, lieutenant of Spanish horse and nephew to the late governor of Florida,
and delivered him a prisoner to Oglethorpe. During the memorable and successful
resistance maintained when St. Simon's island was attacked by the Spaniards in
1742, this brave Indian, illustrating the valor, personal courage, and
friendship which characterized his distinguished uncle, remained firm in his
attachment to the colonists and rendered valuable military service. On the 7th
of July, although wounded in the right arm by Captain Mageleto, he drew his
pistol with the left, and shot the Captain dead on the spot. This brave warrior
and faithful ally was finally killed in 1743, at Lake di Papa, while valiantly
fighting for the English against the Yemasee Indians. [39]

  The disputes existing between England and Spain culminated in a declaration of
war in October, 1739. On the 15th of November intelligence was brought to
Frederica that a party of Spaniards had recently landed on Amelia island in the
night, and, concealing themselves in the woods, had, on the ensuing morning,
shot two unarmed Highlanders who were in quest of fuel, and then, in the most
inhuman manner, hacked their bodies with their swords. Francis Brooks,-
commanding the scout-boat,-heard the firing and gave the alarm to the fort,
which was garrisoned by a detachment from Oglethorpe's regiment. Although
pursued, the enemy escaped, leaving behind them the proofs of their inhuman
butchery. [40] Informed of the outrage, Oglethorpe manned a gunboat and followed
in the hope of overtaking the party. The effort proved futile, and the General,
by way of retaliation, passing up the St. Johns drove in the guards of Spanish
horse posted on that river, and detached Captain Dunbar to ascertain the
location and force of the enemy's fort at Picolata. This incursion was followed
by another in January, which resulted in the capture of Forts Picolata and St.
Francis, the garrisons being made prisoners of war. In the assault upon the
latter work General Oglethorpe narrowly escaped death from a cannon shot. [41]

  Chafing under these repeated annoyances experienced at the hands of the
Spaniards, advised that the garrison at St. Augustine was suffering for lack of
provisions, and ascertaining that the galleys having been sent to Havana for
reinforcements and supplies, the St. Johns river and the Florida coast were in a
comparatively defenseless condition, the General deemed it a fitting opportunity
to attempt the reduction of St. Augustine and the expulsion of the Spaniards
from Florida. Admiral Vernon was instructed to assume, the offensive against the
Spanish possessions in the West Indies, while General Oglethorpe should conduct
all available forces against the seat of their dominion in Florida. The
assistance of Carolina was urgently invoked, but the authorities at first would
not acquiesce in the feasibility of the enterprise. [42] A rapid movement being
regarded ' essential to success, General Oglethorpe repaired to Charleston to
urge early and potent co-operation. As a result of the conference which there
ensued, the Legislature, by an act passed April 5th, 1740, agreed to contribute
a regiment of five hundred men to be commanded by Colonel Vanderdussen, a troop
of Rangers, presents for the Indians, and three months' provisions. A large
schooner,-conveying ten carriages and sixteen swivel guns, and fifty men under
the command of Captain Tyrrell,-was also furnished for the expedition. Commodore
Vincent Price, with a small fleet, pledged his assistance.

  On the first of April General Oglethorpe published a manifesto, in which,
recognizing Alexander Vanderdussen, Esq., as Colonel of the Carolina regiment,
he empowered him for the space of four months to hold regimental court martials
for the trial of all offenders. At the expiration of that period all connected
with that regiment were to be suffered to return to their homes. To the naval
forces uniting in the expedition a full share of all plunder was guaranteed. To
the maimed and wounded, and to the widows and orphans of such as might perish in
the service, was promised whatever share of the spoils should fall, to the lot
of the General in Chief. Indian enemies, if taken captive, were to be treated as
prisoners of war, and not as slaves. [43]

  The mouth of the St. Johns was designated as the point of rendezvous.

  Runners were sent from the Uchee town to the Indian allies to inform them of
the contemplated demonstration against St. Augustine, and to request a junction
of their forces at Frederica at the earliest moment. This done, the General
returned at once to St. Simons island where he devoted himself to equipping his
forces and collecting the requisite munitions of war.

  Anticipating the concentration of his forces, and wishing to reduce the posts
through which the enemy derived supplies from the country, General Oglethorpe,
with four hundred men of his own regiment and a considerable force of Indians
led by Molochi,-son of Prim, the late Chief of the Creeks,-Raven, war chief of
the Cherokees, and Toonahowi, nephew of Tomo-chi-chi, on the 9th of May passed
over into Florida, and within a week succeeded in capturing Fort Francis de Papa
[44] seventeen miles north of St. Augustine, and Fort Diego [45] situated on the
plains twenty-five miles from St. Augustine. The latter work was defended by
eleven guns and fifty regulars, besides Indians and negroes. Leaving Lieutenant
Dunbar and sixty men to hold this post, the General returned with the rest of
his command to the place of rendezvous where, on the 19th of May, he was joined
by Captain McIntosh with a company of Highlanders, and by the Carolina troops
under Colonel Vanderdussen. The anticipated horsemen, pioneers, and negroes,
however, did not arrive.

  From the best information he could obtain,-gathered from prisoners and
otherwise,-General Oglethorpe ascertained that the Castle of St. Augustine at
that time consisted of a fort, built of soft stone. Its curtain was sixty yards
in length, its parapet nine feet thick, and its rampart twenty feet high,
"casemated underneath for lodgings, and arched over and newly made bomb-proof."
Its armament consisted of fifty cannon,-sixteen of brass,-and among them some
twenty-four pounders. The garrison had been for some time working upon a
covered-way, but this was still in an unfinished condition. The town of St.
Augustine was protected by a line of intrenchments with ten salient angles, in
each of which some field pieces were mounted.

In January, 1740, the Spanish forces in Florida, by establishment, consisted of
the following organizations: [46]

1 Troop of Horse,                          numbering 100 officers and men.
1 Company of Artillery,                      "       100     "     "   "
3 Independent Companies of old Troops, each  "       100     "     "   "
2 Companies of the Regiment of Austurias, "  "        53     "     "   "
1 Company     "        "     " Valencia,     "        53     "     "   "
1    "        "        "     " Catalonia,    "        53     "     "   "
2 Companies   "        "     " Cantabria, "  "        53     "     "   "
2    "        "        "     " Mercia,    "  "        53     "     "   "
Armed Negroes,                                       200     "     "   "
White Transports for labor,                          200
1 Company of Militia, (strength unknown.) 
Indians, (number not ascertained.)

  It was General Oglethorpe's original purpose, as foreshadowed in his dispatch
of the 27th of March, 1740, [47] with four hundred regular troops of his
regiment, one hundred Georgians, and such additional forces as South Carolina
could contribute,, to advance directly upon St. Augustine, and attack, by sea
and land, the town and the island in its front. Both of these, he believed,
could be taken "sword in hand." He would then summon the castle to surrender, or
surprise it. Conceiving that the castle would be too small to afford convenient
shelter for the two thousand one hundred men, women, and children of the town,
he regarded the capitulation of the fortress as not improbable. Should it refuse
to surrender, however, he proposed to shower upon it "Granado-shells from the
Cohorns and Mortars, and send for the Artillery and Pioneers and the rest of the
Aid promised by the Assembly; [48] also for Mortars and Bombs from Providence;"
and, if the castle should not have yielded prior to the arrival of "these Aids,"
he was resolved to open trenches and conduct a siege which he reckoned would be
all the easier, the garrison having been weakened by the summer's blockade.

  About the time of the concentration of the Georgia and Carolina forces for
combined operations against St. Augustine, that town was materially reinforced
by the arrival of six Spanish half-galleys,-manned by two hundred regular troops
and armed with long brass nine-pounder guns,-and two sloops loaded with provisions.

  Warned by the preliminary demonstration which eventuated, as we have seen, in
the capture of forts Francis de Papa and Diego, the enemy massed all detachments
within the lines of St. Augustine, collected cattle from the adjacent region,
and prepared for a vigorous defense.

  Apprehending that he might not be able to carry the town by assault from the
land side,-where its entrenchments were strong and well armed,-unless supported
by a demonstration in force from the men of war approaching the town where it
looks toward the sea and where it was not covered by earth-works, and being
without the requisite pioneer corps and artillery train for the conduct of a
regular siege, before putting his army in motion General Oglethorpe instructed
the naval commanders to rendezvous off the bar of the north channel, and
blockade that and the Matanzas pass to St. Augustine. Captain Warren, with two
hundred sailors, was to land on Anastasia island and erect batteries for
bombarding the town in front. When his land forces should come into position and
be prepared for the assault, he was to notify Sir Yelverton Peyton, commanding
the naval forces, and St. Augustine would thus be attacked on all sides. Shortly
after the middle of May, 1740, General Oglethorpe, with a land army numbering
over two thousand regulars, militia, and Indians, moved upon St. Augustine. Fort
Moosa, [49] situated within two miles of that place, lay in his route. Upon his
approach the garrison evacuated it and retired within the lines of the town.
Having burnt the gates of this fort and caused three breaches in its walls,
General Oglethorpe, on the 5th of June, made his reconnoissances of the land
defenses of St. Augustine and prepared for the contemplated assault. Everything
being in readiness, the signal previously agreed upon to insure the cooperation
of the naval forces was given; but, to the General's surprise and mortification,
no response was returned. His forces being disposed and eager for the attack,
the signal was repeated, but failed to evoke the anticipated answer. Satisfied
that the town could not be carried without the assistance of the naval forces,
and being ignorant of the cause of their non-action, the General reluctantly
withdrew his army and placed it in camp at a convenient distance, there to
remain until he could ascertain the reason of the failure on the part of the
navy to cooperate in the plan which had been preconcerted. This failure was
explained in this wise. Inside the bar, and at such a remove that they could not
be affected by the fire of the British vessels of war,-the Flamborough, the
Phoenix, the Squirrel, the Tartar, the Spence, and the Wolf,-Spanish gallies and
half gallies were moored so as to effectually prevent the ascent of the barges
intended for the attack, and preclude a landing of troops upon Anastasia island.
The shallowness of the water was such that the men of war could not advance near
enough to dislodge them. Under the circumstances therefore, Sir Yelverton Peyton
found himself unable to respond to the important part assigned him in the attack.

  Advised of this fact, and chagrined at the non-realization of his original
plan of operations, Oglethorpe determined at once to convert his purposed
assault into a siege. The ships of war lying off the bar of St. Augustine were
directed to narrowly observe every avenue of approach by water, and maintain a
most rigid blockade. Colonel Palmer, with ninety-five Highlanders and forty-two
Indians, was left at Fort Moosa with instructions to scout the woods incessantly
on the land side and intercept any cattle or supplies coming from the interior.
To prevent surprise and capture, he was cautioned to change his camp each night,
and keep always on the alert. He was to avoid anything like a general engagement
with the enemy. Colonel Vanderdussen, with his South Carolina regiment, was
ordered to take possession of a neck of land known as Point Quartel, about a
mile distant from the castle, and there erect a battery. General Oglethorpe,
with the men of his regiment and most of the Indians, embarked in boats and
effected a landing on Anastasia island, where, having driven off a party of
Spaniards there stationed as an advanced guard, he, with the assistance of the
sailors from the fleet, began mounting cannon with which to bombard the town and
castle. [50] Having by these dispositions completed his investment, Oglethorpe
summoned the Spanish Governor to a surrender. Secure in his strong-hold, the
haughty Don "sent him for answer that he would be glad to shake hands with him
in his castle." Indignant at such a response, the General opened his batteries
upon the castle and also shelled the town. The fire was returned both by the
fort and the half gallies in the harbor. So great was the distance, however,
that although the cannonade was maintained with spirit on both sides for nearly
three weeks, little damage was caused or impression produced. [51] It being
evident that the reduction of the castle could not be expected from the
Anastasia island batteries, Captain Warren offered to lead a night attack upon
the half gallies in the harbor which were effectually preventing all ingress by
boats. A council of war decided that in as much as those galleys were covered by
the guns of the castle, and could not be approached by the larger vessels of the
fleet, any attempt to capture them in open boats would be accompanied by too
much risk. The suggestion was therefore abandoned.

  Observing the besiegers uncertain in their movements, and their operations
growing lax, and being sore pressed for provisions, the Spanish Governor sent
out a detachment of three hundred men against Colonel Palmer. Unfortunately that
officer, negligent of his instructions and apprehending no danger from the
enemy, remained two or three consecutive nights at Fort Moosa. This detachment,
under the command of Don Antonio Salgrado, passed quietly out of the gates of
St. Augustine during the night of June 14th, and after encountering a most
desperate resistance, succeeded in capturing Fort Moosa at day light, the next
morning. Colonel Palmer fell early in the action. The Highlanders "fought like
lions," and "made such havoc with their broadswords as the Spaniards cannot
easily forget." This hand-to-hand conflict was won at the cost to the enemy of
more than one hundred lives. Colonel Palmer, a Captain, and twenty Highlanders
were killed. Twenty-seven were captured. Those who escaped made their way to
Colonel Vanderdussen at Point Quartel. Thus was St. Augustine relieved from the
prohibition which had thitherto estopped all intercourse with the surrounding
country.

  Shortly after the occurrence of this unfortunate event, the vessel which had
been blockading the Matanzas river was withdrawn. Taking advantage of the
opportunity thus afforded, some small vessels from Havana, with provisions and
reinforcements, reached St. Augustine by that narrow channel, bringing great
encouragement and relief to the garrison. This reinforcement was estimated at
seven hundred men, and the supply of provisions is said to have been large.
"Then," writes Hewitt, [52] whose narrative we fhave followed in the main, "all
prospects of starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair of forcing
the place to surrender. The Carolinean troops, enfeebled by the heat, dispirited
by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched away in large bodies.
The navy being short of provisions, and the usual season of hurricanes
approaching, the commander judged it imprudent to hazard his Majesty's ships by
remaining longer on that coast. Last of all, the General himself, sick of a
fever, and his regiment worn out with fatigue and rendered unfit for action by a
flux, with sorrow and regret followed, and reached Frederica about the 10th of
July, 1740."

  The Carolineans, under Colonel Vanderdussen, proved themselves inefficient,
"turbulent, and disobedient." They lost not a single man in action, and only
fourteen deaths occurred from sickness and accident. Desertions were frequent. [53]

  Upon Oglethorpe's regiment, and the Georgia companies, devolved the brunt of 
the siege. On the 5th of July the artillery and stores on Anastasia island were
brought off, and the men crossed over to the mainland, [54] Vanderdussen and his
regiment at once commenced a disorderly retreat in the direction of the St.
Johns, leaving Oglethorpe and his men within half-cannon shot of the castle. In
his dispatch to the Secretary of State, dated Camp on St. Johns in Florida, July
19th, 1740, the General thus describes his last movements: "The Spaniards made a
sally, with about 500 men, on me who lay on the land side. I ordered Ensign
Cathcart with twenty men, supported by Major Heron and Captain Desbrisay with
upwards of 100 men, to attack them; I followed with the body. We drove them into
the works and pursued them to the very barriers of the covered way. After the
train and provisions were embarked and safe out of the harbour, I marched with
drums beating and colours flying, in the day, from my camp near the town to a
camp three miles distant, where I lay that night. The next day I marched nine
miles, where I encamped that night. We discovered a party of Spanish horse and
Indians whom we charged, took one horseman and killed two Indians; the rest ran
to the garrison. I am now encamped on St. Johns river, waiting to know what the
people of Carolina would desire me farther to do for the safety of these
provinces, which I think are very much exposed to the half-galleys, with a wide
extended frontier hardly to be defended by a few men."

  In one of the Indian chiefs Oglethorpe found a man after his own heart. When
asked by some of the retreating troops to march with them, his reply was, "No! I
will not stir a foot till I see every man belonging to me marched off before me;
for I have always been the first in advancing towards an enemy, and the last in
retreating." [55]

  This failure to reduce St. Augustine may be fairly attributed

I; to the delay in inaugurating the movement, caused mainly, if not entirely, by
the tardiness on the part of the South Carolina authorities in contributing the
troops and provisions for which requisition had been made; 

II; to the reinforcement of men and supplies from Ha-vanna introduced into St.
Augustine just before the English expedition set out; thereby materially
repairing the inequality previously existing between the opposing forces;

III; to the injudicious movement against forts Francis de Papa and Diego, which
put the Spaniards on the alert, encouraged concentration on their part, and
foreshadowed an immediate demonstration in force against their stronghold; and 

IV; to the inability on the part of the fleet to participate in the assault
previously planned, and which was to have been vigorously undertaken so soon as
General Oglethorpe with his land forces came into position before the walls of
St. Augustine. 

V. The subsequent destruction of Colonel Palmer's command,-thereby enabling the
enemy to communicate with and draw supplies from the interior,-the lack of heavy
ordnance with which to reduce the castle from the batteries on Anastasia
island,-the impossibility of bringing up the larger war vessels that they might
participate in the bombardment,-the inefficiency of Colonel Vanderdussen's
command,- the impatience and disappointment of the Indian allies who anticipated
early capture and liberal spoils,-hot suns, heavy dews, a debilitating climate,
sickness among the troops, and the arrival of men, munitions of war, and
provisions through the Matanzas river, in the end rendered quite futile every
hope which at the outset had been entertained for a successful prosecution of
the siege.

  Great was the disappointment upon the failure of the expedition, and unjust
and harsh the criticisms levelled by not a few against its brave and
distinguished leader. [56] We agree with the Duke of Argyle who, in the British
House of Peers, declared "One man there is, my Lords, whose natural generosity,
contempt of danger, and regard for the public prompted him to obviate the
designs of the Spaniards, and to attack them in their own territories; a man
whom by long acquaintance I can confidently affirm to have been equal to his
undertaking, and to have learned the art of war by a regular education, who yet
miscarried in the design only for want of supplies necessary to a possibility of
success."

  Although this attempt,-so formidable in its character when we consider the
limited resources at command, and so full of daring when we contemplate the
circumstances under which it was undertaken,-eventuated in disappointment, its
effects were not without decided advantages to the Colonies. For two years the
Spaniards remained on the defensive, and General Oglethorpe enjoyed an
opportunity for strengthening his fortifications on St. Simons island, so that
when the counter blow was delivered by his adversary he was in condition not
only to parry it, but also to severely punish the uplifted arm." [57]

  For two months after the termination of this expedition, Oglethorpe lay ill of
a continued fever contracted during the exposures and fatigues incident upon his
exertions and anxieties during the siege. When, on the second of September, Mr.
Stephens called to see him at Frederica, he found him still troubled with a
lurking fever and confined to his bed. His protracted sickness had so "worn away
his strength" that he "seldom came down stairs, but retained still the same
vivacity of spirit in appearance to all whom he talked with, though he chose to
converse with very few." [58]

  Four companies of the regiment were now encamped at the south-east end of St.
Simons island, and the other two at Frederica. So soon as the men recovered from
the malady contracted at St. Augustine, they were busily occupied in erecting
new fortifications and strengthening the old. From these two camps detachments
garrisoned the advanced works, St. Andrew, Fort William, St. George, and the
outposts on Amelia island;-the details being relieved at regular intervals. [59]

  During the preceding seven years, which constituted the entire life of the
Colony, General Oglethorpe had enjoyed no respite from his labors. Personally
directing all movements,-supervising the location, and providing for the
comfort, safety, and good order of the settlers,-accommodating their
differences,-encouraging and directing their labors,-propitiating the
Aborigines,-influencing necessary supplies, and inaugurating suitable defences,
he had been constantly passing from point to point finding no rest for the soles
of his feet. Now in tent at Savannah,-now in open boat reconnoitering the
coast,-now upon the southern islands,-his only shelter the wide-spreading
live-oak,-designating sites for forts and look-outs, and with his own hands
planning military works and laying out villages,- again in journeys oft along
the Savannah, the Great Ogeechee, the Alatamaha, the St. Johns, and far off into
the heart of the Indian country,-frequently inspecting his advanced
posts,-undertaking voyages to Charlestown and to England in behalf of the Trust,
and engaged in severe contests with the Spaniards, his life had been one of
incessant activity and solicitude. But for his energy, intelligence,
watchfulness, and self-sacrifice, the enterprise must have languished. As we
look back upon this period of trial, uncertainty, and poverty, our admiration
for his achievements increases the more narrowly we scan his limited resources
and opportunities, the more intelligently we appreciate the difficulties he was
called upon to surmount. Always present wherever duty called or danger
threatened, he never expected others to press on where he himself did not lead.
The only home he ever owned or claimed in Georgia was on St. Simons island. The
only hours of leisure he ever enjoyed were spent in sight and sound of his
military works along the southern frontier, upon whose safe tenure depended the
salvation of the Colony. Just where the military road connecting Fort St. Simon
with Frederica, after having traversed the beautiful prairie,- constituting the
common pasture land of the village,- entered the woods, General Oglethorpe
established his cottage. Adjacent to it were a garden, and an orchard of
oranges, figs and grapes. Magnificent oaks threw their protecting shadows above
and around this quiet, pleasant abode, fanned by delicious sea-breezes, fragrant
with the perfume of flowers, and vocal with the melody of song-birds. To the
westward, and in full view, were the fortifications and the white houses of
Frederica. Behind rose a dense forest of oaks. "This cottage and fifty acres of
land attached to it," says the honorable Thomas Spalding in his "Sketch of the
life of General James Oglethorpe," [60] "was all the landed domain General
Oglethorpe reserved to himself, and after the General went to England it became
the property of my father.  *  *  *  After the Revolutionary war, the buildings
being destroyed, my father sold this little property. But the oaks were only cut
down within four or five years past, and the elder people of St. Simons yet feel
as if it were sacrilege, and mourn their fall." Here the defences of St. Simons
island were under his immediate supervision. His troops were around him, and he
was prepared, upon the first note of warning, to concentrate the forces of the
Colony for active operations. In the neighborhood several of his officers
established their homes. Among them, "Harrington Hall,"-the country seat of the
wealthy Huguenot, Captain Raymond Demere, enclosed with hedges of cassina,-was
conspicuous for its beauty and comfort.

  Including the soldiers and their families, Frederica in 1740 is said to have
claimed a population of one thousand. [61] This estimate is perhaps somewhat
exaggerated, although much nearer the mark than that of the discontents Tailfer,
Anderson, and Douglas, who, in their splenetic and jacobinical tract entitled "A
True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America," assert that
of the one hundred and forty-four lots into which the town was divided, only
"about fifty were built upon," and that "the number of the Inhabitants,
notwithstanding of the Circulation of the Regiment's money, are not over one
hundred and twenty Men, Women, and Children, and these are daily stealing away
by all possible Ways." [62]

  As we have already seen, the town was regularly laid out in streets called
after the principal officers of Oglethorpe's regiment; and, including the
military camp on the north, the parade on the east, and "a small wood on the
south which served as a blind to the enemy in case of attack from ships coming
up the river," was about a mile and a half in circumference. The fort was
strongly built of tabby and well armed. Several eighteen pounders, mounted on a
ravelin in front, commanded the river, ťand the town was defended on the land
side by substantial intrenchments. The ditch at the foot of these intrenchments
was intended to admit the influx of the tide, thus rendering the isolation of
Frederica complete, and materially enhancing the strength of its line of
circumvallation. We reproduce from "An Impartial Enquiry into the State and
Utility of the Province of Georgia " [63] the following contemporaneous notice:
"There are many good Buildings in the Town, several of which are Brick. There is
likewise a Fort and Store-house belonging to the Trust. The People have a
Minister who has a Salary from the Society for propagating the Gospel. In the
Neighbourhood of the Town, there is a fine Meadow of 320 Acres ditch'd in, on
which a number of Cattle are fed, and good Hay is likewise made from it. At some
Distance from the Town is the Camp for General Oglethorpe's Regiment. The
Country about it is well cultivated, several Parcels of Land not far distant
from the Camp having been granted in small Lots to the Soldiers, many of whom
are married, and fifty-five Children were  born there in the last year. These
Soldiers are the most industrious, and willing to plant; the rest are generally
desirous of Wives, but there are not Women enough in the Country to supply them.
There are some handsome Houses built by the Officers of the Regiment, and
besides the Town of Frederica there are other little Villages upon this Island.
A sufficient Quantity of Pot-herbs, Pulse, and Fruit is produced, there to
supply both the Town and Garrison; and the People of Frederica have begun to
malt and to brew; and the Soldiers Wives Spin Cotton of the Country, which they
Knit into Stockings. At the Town of Frederica is a Town-Court for administring
Justice in the Southern Part of the Province, with the same Number of
Magistrates as at Savannah."

  At the village of St. Simon, on the south point of the island, was erected a
watch-tower from which the movements of vessels at sea might be conveniently
observed. Upon their appearance, their number was at once announced by signal
guns, and a horseman dispatched to head quarters with the particulars. A
look-out was kept I by a party of Rangers at Bachelor's Redoubt on the main, and
a Corporal's guard was stationed at Pike's Bluff. To facilitate communication
with Darien a canal was cut through General's island. Defensive works were
erected on Jekyll island, where Captain Horton had a well improved plantation,
and there a brewery was established for supplying the troops with beer. On
Cumberland island were three batteries,-Fort St. Andrew,-built in 1736, on high
commanding ground, at the north-east point of the island,-a battery on the west
to control the inland navigation,-and Fort William,-a work of considerable
strength and regularity,-commanding the entrance to St. Mary's river. Two
companies of Oglethorpe's regiment were stationed near Fort St. Andrew. As many
of the soldiers were married, lots were assigned to them which they cultivated
and improved. Near this work was the little village of Barrimacke of twenty-four
families.

  Upon Amelia island, where the orange trees were growing wild in the woods,
were stationed the Highlanders with their scout boats. They had a good
plantation,- upon which they raised corn enough for their subsistence,-a little
fort, and "a stud of horses and mares." [64]

  "Nowhere," remarks Mr. Spalding, [65] "had mind, with the limited means under
its control, more strongly evinced its power. And it will be seen hereafter,
that it was to the great ability shown in the disposition of these works, that
not Georgia only, but Carolina owed their preservation; for St. Simon's was
destined soon to become the Thermopylae of the southern Anglo American
provinces." Besides compassing the improvement of, and garrisoning his defensive
works along the southern frontier with the men of his regiment, Oglethorpe kept
in active service considerable bodies of Indians whose mission was to harrass
the Spaniards in Florida, annoy their posts, and closely invest St. Augustine.
So energetically did these faithful allies discharge the duty assigned them, and
so narrowly did they watch and thoroughly plague the garrison and inhabitants of
St. Augustine, that they dared not venture any distance without the walls.
Adjacent plantations remained uncultivated; and, within the town, food, fuel,
and the necessaries of life became so scarce that the Spanish government was
compelled to support the population by stores sent from Havana. To the efficient
aid of his Indian allies was Oglethorpe on more than one occasion indebted for
the consummation of important plans. It would not be an exaggeration to affirm
that to their friendship, fidelity, and valor, was the Colony largely beholden
not only for its security, but even for its preservation. "If we had no other
evidence," writes Mr. Spalding, "of the great abilities of Oglethorpe but what
is offered by the devotion of the Indian Tribes to him, and to his memory
afterwards for fifty years, it is all-sufficient; for it is only master minds
that acquire this deep and lasting influence over other men."

  In his letter to the Duke of Newcastle, dated Frederica, May 12th, 1741,
Oglethorpe advises the Home Government of a reinforcement of eight hundred men
newly arrived at St. Augustine, and of a declared intention on the part of the
Spanish authorities to invade the provinces of Georgia and Carolina so soon as
the result of Admiral Vernon's expedition in the West Indies should have been
ascertained. He makes urgent demand for men-of-war to guard the water
approaches, for a train of artillery, arms, and ammunition, and for authority to
recruit the two troops of Rangers to sixty men each, and the Highland company to
one hundred, to enlist one hundred boatmen, and to purchase or build, and man
two half-galleys. Alluding to the expected advance of the Spaniards, the writer
continues: "If our men of war will not keep them from coming in by sea, and we
have no succour, but decrease daily by different accidents, all we can do will
be to die bravely in his Majesty's service.  *  *  I have often desired
assistance of the men-of-war, and continue to do so. I go on in fortifying this
town, making magazines, and doing everything I can to defend the Province
vigorously, and I hope my endeavors will be approved of by his Majesty, since
the whole end of my life is to do the duty of a faithful subject and grateful
servant. I have thirty Spanish prisoners in this place, and we continue so
masters of Florida that the Spaniards have not been able to rebuild any one of
the seven forts which we destroyed in the last expedition."

  It does not appear that the men-of-war and ordnance requested were ever
furnished.

  With a little squadron composed of the Guard sloop, the sloop "Falcon," and
Captain Davis' schooner "Norfolk" carrying a detachment of his regiment under
command of Major Heron, General Oglethorpe on the 16th of August, 1741, bore
down upon a large Spanish ship lying at anchor, with hostile intent, off the bar
of Jekyll sound. A heavy storm intervening, the Spanish vessel put to sea and
was lost to sight. Unwilling to dismiss his miniature fleet until he had
performed more substantial service, the General boldly continued down the coast,
attacked and put to flight a Spanish man-of-war, and the notorious privateer
"Black-Sloop " commanded by Destrade, a French officer, challenged the vessels
lying in the inner harbor of St. Augustine to come out and engage his small
squadron, remained at anchor all night within sight of the castle, cruised for
some days off the Matanzas, and, after having alarmed the whole coast, returned
in safety to Frederica.

  In the midst of these labors and anxieties incident upon his preparations to
resist the threatened Spanish invasion, and at a time when harmony and content
were most essential to the well-being of the Colony, Oglethorpe was annoyed by
sundry complaints from evil-minded persons. Most of them were frivolous, and a
few quite insulting in their character. The publication of two tracts, one
entitled "An Impartial Enquiry into the State and,Utility of the Province of
Georgia," [66] and the other "A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon
Oath in the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740," [67] -both presenting
favorable views of the Colony and disseminated in the interest of the
Trust,-irritated these malcontents and gave rise to several rejoinders, among
which, as particularly reflecting upon the conduct of the commander-in-chief and
his administration of affairs, may be mentioned "A Brief Account of the Causes
that have Retarded the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, attested
upon Oath, being a Proper Contrast to 'A State of the Province of Georgia
attested upon Oath,' and some other misrepresentations on the same subject."
[68] The charge was openly made that some of the magistrates at Savannah and
Frederica (the principal towns in Georgia) had wilfully injured the people by
declaring "from the Bench that the Laws of England were no laws in Georgia," by
causing "false imprisonments," by "discharging Grand Juries while matters of
Felony lay before them," by "intimidating Petit Juries," and, in short, "by
sticking at nothing to oppress the people." It was further alleged that there
was no way of applying for redress to his Majesty. General Oglethorpe was
accused of partiality and tyranny in his administration. In support of these
charges various affidavits were obtained from parties claiming to be residents
of Frederica, Darien, Savannah, Ebenezer, and Augusta,-most of them, however,
being sworn to and verified outside the limits of Georgia. Those who are curious
with regard to the contents of these affidavits, so far as they reflect upon the
conduct of the Frederica magistrates, are referred to the depositions of Samuel
Perkins, John Roberson, and Samuel Davison. [69]

  A desire to sell forbidden articles, and to ply trades for which special
permission had been granted to others, opposition to the regulation which
prohibited the owners of hogs and cattle from allowing them to run at large on
the common and in the streets of Frederica, alleged misfeasance in the conduct
of bailiffs and under-magistrates in the discharge of their duties, the
unprofitableness of labor, overbearing acts committed by those in authority, and
similar matters formed the burthen of these sworn complaints. While they tended
to distract the public mind and to annoy those upon whose shoulders rested the
administration of affairs, they fortunately failed in producing any serious
impression either within the Colony or in the mother country. We allude to the
subject in its proper connection simply as a matter of history, and to show how
ill-judged and ill-timed were these efforts of the malcontents, among whom Pat
Tailfer, M. D., Hugh Anderson, M. A., and Da: Douglas should not be forgotten.

  The utter destruction of the provinces of Georgia and South Carolina was the
avowed object of the Spaniards, who promised to extend no quarter to English or
Indians taken with arms in their hands. The struggle was to be desperate in the
extreme. To the urgent applications for assistance forwarded by General
Oglethorpe, Lieutenant-Governor Bull turned a deaf ear; and the Carolinians,
instead of furnishing supplies and munitions of war, and marching to the south
to meet the invader where the battle for the salvation of both Colonies was to
be fought, remained at home, leaving the Georgians single-handed to breast the 
storm. [70]

  The Gentleman's Magazine [71] contains the following estimate of the Spanish
forces under the command of Don Manuel de Monteano, Governor of Augustine and
Commander-in-Chief of the expedition, and Major General Antonio de Rodondo,
Engineer General, participating in the attack upon St. Simons island:

" 2 Colonels with Brevits of Brigadiers.
" One Regiment of Dragoons, dismounted, with their Saddles and Bridles.
" The Regiment call'd The Battalion of the Havannah.
" 10 Companies of 50 each, draughted off from several Regiments of Havannah.
" One Regiment of the Havannah Militia, consisting of 10 Companies of 100 Men each.
" One Regiment of Negroes, regularly officer'd by Negroes.
" One ditto of Mulattas, and one Company of 100 Miguelets.
" One Company of the Train with proper Artillery.
" Augustine Forces consisting of about 300 Men.
" Ninety Indians.
" And 15 Negroes who ran away from South Carolina."

  From the various accounts of this memorable struggl we select that prepared by
Oglethorpe himself, written on the spot, with the scars of battle fresh around
him, and the smoke of the conflict scarce lifted from the low-lying shores and
dense woods of St. Simons island. The commanding eye that saw, the stern lips
which answered back the proud defiance, and the strong arm which, under
Providence, pointed the way to victory, are surely best able to unfold the
heroic tale. We present the report as it came from his pen: [72]

                                 "FREDERICA IN GEORGIA,
                                      30th July, 1742.

  " The Spanish Invasion which has a long time threatened the Colony. Carolina,
and all North Ameri6a has at last fallen upon us and God hath been our
deliverance. General Horcasilas, Governour of the Havannah, ordered those Troops
who had been employed against General Wentworth to embark with Artillery and
everything necessary upon a secret expedition. They sailed with a great
fleet:[73] amongst them were two half Galleys carrying 120 men each & an 18
pound Gun. They drew but five feet water which satisfied me they were for this
place. By good great Fortune one of the half Galleys was wrecked coming out.[74]
The Fleet sailed for St. Augustine in Florida. Capt. Homer the latter end of May
called here for Intelligence. I acquainted him that the Succours were expected
and sent him a Spanish Pilot to shew him where to meet with them. He met with
ten sail [75] which had been divided from the Fleet by storm, but having lost 18
men in action against them, instead of coming here for the defence of this Place
he stood again for Charles Town to repair, and I having certain advices of the
arrival of the Spanish Fleet at Augustine wrote to the Commander of His
Majesty's Ships at Charles Town to come to our assistance, [76]

  "I sent Lieut. Maxwell, who arrived there and delivered the letters the 12th
of June, and afterwards Lieut. MacKay, who arrived and delivered letters on the
20th of June.

  "Lieut. Colonel Cook who was then at Charles Town, and was Engineer, hastened
to England, and his son-in-law Ensign Eyre, Sub-Engineer, was also in Charles
Town, and did not arrive here till the action was over; so, for want of help, I
myself was obliged to do the duty of Engineer.

  "The Havannah Fleet, being joined by that of Florida, composed 51 sail, with
land men on board, a List of whom is annexed: they were separated, and I
received advice from Capt. Dunbar (who lay at Fort William with the Guard
Schooner of 14 Guns and ninety men) that a Spanish Fleet of 14 sail had
attempted to come in there, [77] but being drove out by the Cannon of the Fort
and Schooner they came in at Cumberland Sound. I sent over Capt. Horton to land
the Indians and Troops on Cumberland. I followed myself and was attacked in the
Sound, but with two Boats fought my way through. Lieut. Tolson, who was to have
supported me with the third and strongest boat, quitted me in the fight and run
into a River where he hid himself till next day when he returned to St. Simons
with an account that I was lost but soon after found. I was arrived there before
him, for which misbehaviour I put him in arrest and ordered him to be tryed. The
Enemy in this action suffered so much [78] that the day after they ran out to
sea and returned for St. Augustine and did not join their great Fleet till after
their Grenadiers were beat by Land.

  "I drew the Garrison from St. Andrews, reinforced Fort William, and returned
to St. Simons with the Schooner.

  "Another Spanish Fleet appeared the 28th off the Barr: by God's blessing upon
several measures taken I delayed their coming in till the 5th of July. I raised
another Troop of Rangers, which with the other were of great service.

  "I took Captain Thomson's ship [79] into the service for defence of the
Harbour. I imbargoe'd all the Vessells, taking their men' for the service, and
gave large Gifts and promises to the Indians so that every day we increased in
numbers. I gave large rewards to men who distinguished themselves upon any
service, freed the servants, [80] brought down the Highland Company, and Company
of Boatmen, filled up as far as we had guns. All the vessels being thus prepared
[81] on the 5th of July with a leading Gale and Spring Tide 36 sail of Spanish
vessels run into the Harbour in line of Battle.

  "We cannonaded them very hotly from the Shipping and Batterys. They twice
attempted to board Capt. Thomson [82] but were repulsed. They also attempted to
board the Schooner, but were repulsed by Capt. Dunbar with a Detachment of the
Regiment on board.

  "I was with the Indians, Rangers, and Batterys, and sometimes on board the
ships, and left Major Heron with the Regiment. It being impossible for me to do
my duty as General and be constantly with the Regiment, therefore it was
absolutely necessary for His Majesty's service to have a Lieut. Colonel present,
which I was fully convinced of by this day's experience. I therefore appointed
Major Heron to be Lieut. Colonel, and hope that your Grace will move His Majesty
to be pleased to approve the same.

  " The Spaniards after an obstinate Engagement of four hours, in which they
lost abundance of men, passed all our Batterys and Shipping and got out of shot
of them towards Frederica. Our Guard Sloop was disabled and sunk: one of our
Batterys blown up, and also some of our Men on board Capt. Thomson, upon which I
called a Council of War at the head of the Regiment where it was unanimously
resolved to march to Frederica to get there before the Enemy and defend that
Place. To destroy all the Provisions, Vessels, Artillery, &c, at St.
Simon's,-that they might not fall into the Enemy's hands.

  "This was accordingly executed, having first drawn all the Men on shoar which
before had defended the shipping. I myself staid till the last, and the wind
coming fortunately about I got Capt. Thompson's Ship, our Guard Schooner, and
our Prize Sloop to sea and sent them to Charles Town. This I did in the face and
spite of thirty-six sail of the Enemy: as for the rest of the Vessells, I could
not save them, therefore was obliged to destroy  them.

  "I must recomend to His Majesty the Merchants who are sufferers thereby, since
their loss was in great measure the preserving the Province.

  "We arrived at Frederica, and the Enemy landed at St. Simon's. [83]

  "On the 7th a party of their's marched toward the Town: our Rangers discovered
them and brought an account of their march, on which I advanced with a party of
Indians, Rangers, and the Highland Company, ordering the Regiment to follow,
being resolved to engage them in the Defiles of the Woods before they could get
out and form in the open Grounds. I charged them at the head of our Indians,
Highland Men and Rangers, and God was pleased to give us such success that we
entirely routed the first party, took one Captain prisoner, and killed another,
and pursued them two miles to an open Meadow or Savannah, upon the edge of which
I posted three Platoons of the Regiment and the Company of Highland foot so as
to be covered by the woods from the Enemy who were obliged to pass thro' the
Meadow under our fire. [84] This disposition was very fortunate. [85] Capt.
Antonio Barba and two other Captains with 100 Grenadiers and 200 foot, besides
Indians and Negroes, advanced from the Spanish Camp into the Savannah with
Huzzah's and fired with great spirit, but not seeing our men by reason of the
woods, none of their shot took place,  but ours did [86] 

  "Some Platoons of ours in the heat of the fight, the air being darkened with
the smoak, and a shower of rain falling, retired in disorder.

  "I hearing the firing, rode towards it, and at near two miles from the place
of Action, met a great many men in disorder who told me that ours were routed
and Lieut. Sutherland killed. I ordered them to halt and march back against the
Enemy, which orders Capt. Demere and Ensign Gibbon obeyed, but another Officer
did not, but made the best of his way to Town. As I heard the fire continue I
concluded our Men could not be quite beaten, and that my immediate assistance
might preserve them: therefore spurred on and arrived just as the fire was done.
I found the Spaniards intirely routed by one Platoon of the Regiment, under the
Comand of Lieut. Sutherland, and the Highland Company under the Comand of Lieut.
Charles MacKay.

  "An Officer whom the Prisoners said was Capt. Don Antonio Barba [87] was taken
Prisoner, but desperately wounded, and two others were prisoners, and a great
many dead upon the spot. Lieut. Sutherland, Lieut. Charles MacKay and Sergt.
Stuart having distinguished themselves upon this occasion, I appointed Lieut.
Sutherland Brigade Major, and Sergt. Stuart second Ensign.

  "Capt. Demere and Ensign Gibbon being arrived with the men they had rallied,
Lieut. Cadogan with an advanced party of the Regiment, and soon after the whole
Regiment, Indians, and Rangers, I marched down to a causeway over a marsh very
near the Spanish Camp over which all were obliged to pass, and thereby stopt
those who had been dispersed in the fight in the Savannah from getting to the
Spanish Camp. [88] Having passed the night there, the Indian scouts in the
morning advanced to the Spanish Camp and discovered they were all retired into
the ruins of the Port and were making Intrenchments under shelter of the cannon
of the ships. That they guessed them to be above 4,000 men. I thought it
imprudent to attack them defended by Cannon with so small a number but marched
back to Frederica [89] to refresh the soldiers, and sent out Partys of Indians
and Rangers to harrass the Enemy. I also ordered into arrest the officers who
commanded the Platoons that retired.

  "I appointed a General Staff: Lieut. Hugh MacKay and Lieut. Maxwell Aids de
Camp, and Lieut. Sutherland Brigade Major. [90] On ye 11th of July the Great
Galley and two little ones came up the river towards tire Town. We fired at them
with the few Guns, so warmly that they retired, and I followed them with our
Boats till they got under the cannon of their ships which lay in the sound.

  "Having intelligence from the Spanish Camp that they had lost 4 Captains and
upwards of 200 men in the last Action,  besides a great many killed in the
sea-fight, and several killed in the night by the Indians even within or near
the camp, and that they had held a Council of War in which there were great
divisions, insomuch that the Forces of Cuba separated from those of Augustine
and the Italick Regiment _____ of Dragoons separated from them both at a
distance from the rest near the woods, and that there was a general Terror
amongst them, upon which I was resolved to beat up their Quarters in the night
and marching down with the largest body of men I could make, I halted within a
mile and a half of their camp to form, intending to leave the Troops there till
I had well reconitred the Enemy's disposition.

  "A French Man who without my knowledge was come down amongst the volunteers
fired his Gun and deserted. Our Indians in vain persued and could not take him.
Upon this, concluding we were discovered, I divided the Drums in different parts
and beat the Grenadiers march for about half an hour, then ceased, and we
marched back with silence.

  "The next day [91] I prevailed with a Prisoner, and gave him a sum of money,
to carry a letter privately and deliver it to that French Man who had deserted.
This Letter was wrote in French as if from a friend of his, telling him he had
received the money that he should strive to make the Spaniards believe the
English were weak. That he should undertake to pilot up their Boats and Galleys
and then bring them under the Woods where he knew the Hidden Batterys were; that
if he could bring that about, he should have double the reward he had already
received. That the French Deserters should have all that had been promised to
them. The Spanish Prisoner got into their Camp and was immediately carried
before their General Don Manuel de Montiano. He was asked how he escaped and
whither he had any letters, but denying his having any, was strictly searched
and the letter found, and he upon being pardoned, confessed that he had received
money to deliver it to the Frenchman, for the letter was not directed. The
Frenchman denied his knowing anything of the contents of the Letter or having
received any Money or Correspondence with me, notwithstanding which, a Council
of War was held and they deemed the French Man to be a double spy, but General
Montiano would not suffer him to be executed, having been imployed by him:
however, they imbarqued all their Troops, [92] and halted under Jekyl, they also
confined all the French on board and imbarked with such precipitation that they
left behind them Cannon, &c., and those dead of their wounds, unburied. The Cuba
Squadron stood out to sea to the number of 20 sail: General Montiano with the
Augustine Squadron returned to Cumberland Sound, having burnt Captain Horton's
houses, &c, on Jekyll. I, with our boats, followed him. I discovered a great
many sail under Fort St. Andrew, of which eight appeared to me plain, but being
too strong for me to attack, I sent the Scout Boats back.

" I went [93] with my own Cutter and landed a man on Cumberland who carried a
letter from me to Lieut. Stuart at Fort William with orders to defend himself to
the last extremity.

  "Having discovered our Boats & believing we had landed Indians in the night
they set sail with great haste, in so much that not having time to imbarque,
they killed 40 horses which they had taken there, and burnt the houses. The
Galleys and small Craft to the number of fifteen went thro' the inland Water
Passages. They attempted to land near Fort William, but were repulsed by the
Rangers; they then attacked it with Cannon and small Arms from the water for
three Hours, but the place was so bravely defended by Lieut. Alexander Stuart
that they were repulsed and ran out to sea where twelve other sail of Spanish
vessells had lain at anchor without the Barr during the Attack without stirring,
but the Galleys being chased out, they hoisted all the sails they could and
stood to the Southward. I followed them with the Boats to Fort William, and from
thence sent out the Rangers and some Boats who followed them to Saint Johns, but
they went off rowing and sailing to St. Augustine.

  "After the news of their defeat in the Grenadier Savannah arrived at Charles
Town, the Men of War and a number of Carolina People raised in a hurry set out
and came off this Barr after the Spaniards had been chased quite out of this
Colony, where they dismissed the Carolina vessels, and Capt. Hardy promised in
his Letters to cruise off St. Augustine.

  "We have returned thanks to God for our deliverance, have set all the hands I
possibly could to work upon the Fortifications, and have sent to the Northward
to raise men ready to form another Battalion against His Majesty's Orders shall
arrive for that purpose. I have retained Thompson's ship, have sent for Cannon
Shott, &c., for Provisions and all kinds of stores since I expect the Enemy, who
(tho' greatly terrified) lost but few men in comparison of their great numbers,
as soon as they have recovered their fright will attack us with more caution and
better discipline.

  "I hope His Majesty will approve the measures I have taken, and I must entreat
Your Grace to lay my humble request before His Majesty that he would be
graciously pleased to order Troops, Artillery and other Necessarys sufficient
for the defence of this Frontier and the neighboring Provinces, or give such
direction as His Majesty shall think proper, and I do not doubt but with a
moderate support not only to be able to defend these Provinces, but also to
dislodge the Enemy from St. Augustine if I have but the same numbers they had in
this expedition." [94]

  That a small force of between six and seven hundred men, assisted by a few
weak vessels, should have put to flight an army of nearly five thousand Spanish
troops, supported by a powerful fleet, and amply equipped for the expedition,
seems almost incapable of explanation. [95] General Oglethorpe's bravery and
dash, the timidity of the invaders, coupled with the dissentions which arose in
their ranks, and the apprehensions caused by the French letter, furnish the only
plausible explanation of the victory. Whitefield's commentary was: "The
deliverance of Georgia from the Spaniards is such as cannot be paralleled but by
some instances out of the Old Testament." The defeat of so formidable an
expedition by such a handful of men was a matter of astonishment to all. Had Don
Manuel de Monteano pushed his forces vigorously forward, the stoutest resistance
offered along his short line of march and from the walls of the town would have
been ineffectual for the salvation of Frederica. Against the contingency of an
evacuation of this strong-hold Oglethorpe had provided, as best he could, by a
concentration of boats in which to transport the garrison to Darien [96] by way
of the cut previously made through General's island. This necessity, however,
was fortunately never laid upon him. If the naval forces at Charleston had
responded to his requisitions, a considerable portion of the Spanish fleet might
have been captured. Oglethorpe's success in his military operations may be
explained by the fact that he constantly acted on the offensive. He was never
content to grant any peace to an enemy who was within striking distance. The
temerity and persistency of his attacks inspired his followers, and impressed
his antagonist with the belief that the arm delivering the blow was stronger
than it really was.

  The memory of this defense of St. Simons island and the southern frontier is
one of the proudest in the annals of Georgia. Thus was the existence of the
Colony perpetuated. Thus was hurled back in wrath and mortification a powerful
army of invasion whose avowed object was to show no quarter, [97] but crush out
of existence the English colonies. Had success attended the demonstration
against Frederica, the Enemy would have advanced upon the more northern
strong-holds. Appreciating this, and deeply sensible of their great obligations
to General Oglethorpe for the deliverance vouchsafed at his hands, the Governors
of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina,
[98] addressed special letters to him "thanking him for the invaluable services
he had rendered to the British-American Provinces; congratulating him upon his
success and the great renown he had acquired; and expressing their gratitude to
the Supreme Governor of Nations for placing the destiny of the southern colonies
under the direction of a General so well qualified for  the important trust."

  Upon the disappearance of the Spanish forces Oglethorpe at once bent his
energies to strengthening the fortifications at Frederica and repairing the
damages which had been sustained by the southern forts. For a long time he seems
to have counted upon a return of the expedition, and could not bring his mind to
believe that the enterprise upon which so much preparation and money had been
expended would be thus hastily and almost causelessly abandoned. Within a few
months the works upon St. Simons, Jekyll, and Cumberland islands were stronger
than ever. What those additional defensive works at Frederica were, we shall
shortly see. Not content with having repulsed the Spaniards in their effort to
crush the colony, General Oglethorpe was soon again engaged in "carrying the war
into Africa."

Finding the enemy so strong in St. Augustine that they defeated all the parties
of Indians he sent against them, ascertaining that a large detachment was
marching towards the river St. Mattheo, and concluding that this was a movement
to extend their quarters so as to be prepared for the proper location and
accommodation of reinforcements expected from Havana in the spring, taking with
him a considerable body of Creek warriors, a detachment from the Highland
company of Rangers, and a portion of his regiment, Oglethorpe landed by night in
Florida in March, 1743, and, moving rapidly, drove the enemy, with loss, within
the lines of St. Augustine. Having disposed his command in ambush, the General,
with a small party, advanced within sight of the town, intending to skirmish and
draw the garrison out. The enemy declined to leave their fortifications; [99]
and the English, being too weak to attack, and having compelled the Spaniards to
abandon their advanced posts in Florida, returned, having performed the
extraordinary march of ninety-six miles in four days. [100] This was the last
expedition led by the General against the Spaniards. [101]

  Still persuaded that the attack upon Frederica would be renewed at an early
day, he continued to place the frontier in the best possible state of defense.
Until he left Georgia on the 23d of July, 1743, never again to return, he
resided at his cottage on St. Simons island. Of all the places planted and
nurtured by him, none so warmly enlisted his energies and engaged his constant
solicitude as the fortified town at the mouth of the Alatamaha.

  Upon the General's departure, William Stephens was left as Deputy General of
the Colony, and Major Horton, as military commander at Frederica. With the civil
matters of the province Major Horton had no concern except where his assistance,
as commander in chief of the military, was occasionally invoked to enforce the
measures of the president and council. In such instances he acted with calmness
and humanity, and secured the respect and esteem of the better class of the
colonists.

  On the 22nd of March, 1743, the magazine at Frederica was blown up, to the
general alarm and regret of the inhabitants. Although it contained, at the time,
three thousand bombs, so well bedded were they, but little damage occurred. A
vagabond Irishman was suspected of having fired the magazine. [102]

  We have two descriptions of Frederica in 1743,-the period of its greatest
prosperity and importance,-which we make no apology for transcribing.

  The first is from the lips of a captain conversant with the appearance and
condition of the town.

   Captain John Mac Clellan, who had left Georgia on the 31st of January, 1743,
on his arrival in England reported the colonists busily engaged in placing
themselves in the best posture of defense, in anticipation of a second attack
from the Spaniards; that Fort William had been fortified anew with brick work,
and that "great numbers of Men were employ'd in compleating the Fortifications
at Frederica, the Walls whereof are judged strong enough to be Proof against
Eighteen-Pound Shot;" that two towers,-one at each corner of the town
walls,-capable of holding one hundred men each, and designed to protect the
flanks by means of small arms, had been erected; that the men were "full of
spirits and unanimous to make a vigorous Defence to the last Drop of Blood;"
that General Oglethorpe had been reinforced by two hundred men from Virginia,
raised by Major Heron, many of whom were disciplined soldiers from Colonel
Gouge's late regiment, and that thirty horsemen were on their way to Georgia to
"recruit the Rangers." [103]

  The second is from the pen of an intelligent traveler, who made his
observations early in 1743. It reads as follows:

  "Frederica, on the Island of St. Simon, the chief Town in  the Southernmost
Part of the Colony of Georgia, is nearly in Lat: 31° 15' North. It stands on an
Eminence, if consider'd with regard to the Marshes before it, upon a Branch of
the famous River Alatamaha, which washes the West side of this agreeable little
Island, and, after several Windings, disembogues itself into the Sea at Jekyl
Sound. It forms a kind of a Bay before the Town, and is navigable for Vessels of
the largest Burden, which may lie along the wharf in a secure and safe Harbour;
and may, upon Occasion, haul up to careen and refit, the Bottom being a soft
oozy Clay, intermix'd with small Sand and Shells. The Town is defended by a
pretty strong Fort of Tappy, [104] which has several 18 Pounders mounted on a
Ravelin in its Front, and commands the River both upwards and downwards; and is
surrounded by a quadrangular Rampart, with 4 Bastions, of Earth, well stockaded
and turfed, and a palisadoed Ditch which include also the King's Storehouses,
(in which are kept the Arsenal, the Court of Justice, and Chapel) two large and
spacious Buildings of Brick and Timber; On the Rampart are mounted a
considerable Quantity of Ordnance of several sizes. The Town is surrounded by a
Rampart, with Flankers, of the same Thickness with that round the Fort, in Form
of a Pentagon, and a dry Ditch; and since the famous attempt of the Spaniards in
July 1742, [105] at the N. E. and S. E. Angles are erected two strong cover'd
pentagonal Bastions, capable of containing 100 men each, to scour the Flanks
with Small Arms, and defended by a Number of Cannon; At their Tops are Look-outs
which command the View of the Country and the River for many miles: The Roofs
are shingled, [106] but so contriv'd as to be easily clear'd away, if
incommodious in the Defense of the Towers. The whole Circumference of the Town
is about a Mile and a Half, including, within the Fortifications, the Camp for
General Oglethorpe's Regiment, at the North Side of the Town; the Parades on the
West, and a small Wood to the South, which is left for Conveniency of Fuel and
Pasture, and is an excellent Blind to the Enemy in case of an Attack; in it is a
small Magazine of Powder. The Town has two Gates, call'd the Land-port, and the
Water-port; next to the latter of which is the Guard-house, and underneath it
the Prison for Malefactors, which is an handsome Building of Brick. At the North
End are the Barracks, which is an extremely well contriv'd Building in Form of a
Square, of Tappy work, in which, at present, are kept the Hospital, and Spanish
Prisoners of War: Near this was situated the Bomb Magazine which was blown up on
March 22, 1744, [107] with so surprisingly little Damage. [108]

  "The town is situated in a large Indian Field. To the East it has a very
extensive Savannah (wherein is the Burial Place) thro' which is cut a Road to
the other Side of the Island, which is bounded by Woods, save here and there
some opening Glades into the Neighboring Savannah's and Marshes, which much
elucidate the Pleasure of looking. Down this Road are several very commodious
Plantations, particularly the very agreeable one of Capt. Demery, and that of
Mr. Hawkins. Pre-eminently appears Mr. Oglethorpe s Settlement, which, at
Distance, looks like a neat Country Village, where the consequences of all the
various Industries of an European Farm are seen. The Master of it has shewn what
Application and unbated Diligence may effect in this Country. At the Extremity
of the Road is a small Village, call'd the German Village, inhabited by several
Families of Saltzburghers, who plant and fish for their Subsistence. On the
River Side one has the Prospect of a large Circuit of Marshes, terminated by the
Woods on the Continent, in Form like an Amphitheatre, and interspers'd with the
Meanders of abundance of Creeks, form'd from the aforesaid River. At a Distance
may be seen the white Post at Bachelor's Redoubt, also on the Main, where is
kept a good Look-out of Rangers. To the North are Marshes, and a small Wood, at
the Western Extremity of which are the Plantations of the late Capt. Desbrisay,
and some others of less note; together with a Look-out wherein a Corporal's
Guard is stationed, and reliev'd weekly, called Pike's, on the Bank of the
River, from whence they can see Vessels a great way to the Northward. On the
South is a Wood, which is, however, so far clear'd as to discover the Approach
of an Enemy at a great Distance; within it, to the Eastward, is the Plantation
of Capt. Dunbar; and to the Westward a Corporal's Look-out. The Town is divided
into several spacious Streets, along whose sides are planted Orange Trees, [109]
which, in some Time, will have a very pretty Effect on the View, and will render
the Town pleasingly shady. Some Houses are built entirely of Brick, some of
Brick and Wood, some few of Tappy-Work, but most of the meaner sort, of Wood
only. The Camp is also divided into several Streets, distinguished by the names
of the Captains of the several Companies of the Regiment; and the Huts are built
generally of Clap-boards and Palmetto's, and are each of them capable to contain
a Family, or Half a Dozen Single men. Here these brave Fellows live with the
most laudable (Economy; and tho' most of them when off Duty, practise some Trade
or Employment, they make as fine an Appearance upon the Parade, as any Regiment
in the King's Service; and their exact Discipline does a great deal of Honour to
their Officers; They have a Market every Day; The Inhabitants of the Town may be
divided into Officers, Merchants, Store-Keepers, Artisans, and People in the
Provincial Service; and there are often, also, many Sojourners from the
neighbouring Settlements, and from New York, Philadelphia, and Carolina, on
account of Trade. The Civil Government does not seem yet to be quite rightly
settled by the Trustees, but is, at present, administered by three Magistrates,
or Justices, assisted by a Recorder, Constables, and Tything Men. The Military
is regulated as in all Garrison-Towns in the British Dominions. In short, the
whole Town, and Country adjacent, are quite rurally charming, and the
Improvements everywhere around are Footsteps of the greatest Skill and Industry
imaginable, considering its late Settlement, and the Rubs it has so often met
with; and as it seems so necessary for the Barrier of our Colonies, I am in
Hopes of, one Time, seeing it taken more Notice of than it is at present." [110]

  For the ensuing few years, and during the retention of Oglethorpe's regiment
on St. Simons island, but little change occurred in the condition of Frederica.
It retained its importance as a military post, and was regarded as the safe
guard of the Province against Spanish invasion. The expectations, if indeed any
were seriously entertained, of elevating this town into commercial importance,
were practically abandoned previous to the withdrawal of the troops. In fact,
even before the existing difficulties with Spain were formally accommodated by
treaty, and it became manifest that there would in all likelihood occur no
further serious demonstrations along the southern frontier, the population of
Frederica began to decrease.

  The home authorities, however, were loth to acknowledge its manifest tendency
to decadence, and for some time, by occasional reports and notices, endeavored
to assure the public of the continued prosperity of a town which had attracted
such special attention in connection with the progress and perils of the Colony
of Georgia.

  An article having appeared in the " Daily Gazetteer" giving "a most scandalous
and untrue account of the present state of the Colony of Georgia, particularly
levelled at the Southern Part thereof (which is the Frontier against the French
and Spaniards)" in justice to the public, William Thomson and John Lawrence,
Jr., who had been trading with the Colony for some years and who had left
Georgia in June, 1747, on business calling them to England, united in a card to
the editor of the London Magazine [111] in which they stated: "That instead of
the false Representation in the said Gazetteer 'That only seven Houses were in
the Town of Frederica,' the said Town has several Streets, in every one of which
are many good Houses, some of Brick, some of Tappy (which is a Cement of Lime
and Oyster Shells;) That the High Street is planted with Orange Trees and has
good Houses on both sides. That the Fort, besides other Buildings has two large
Magazines, three Stories high, and sixty Feet long; That there are Barracks in
the Town, on the North side, ninety Feet Square, built of Tappy, covered with
Cypress Shingles, and a handsome Tower over the Gateway of twenty Feet square;
That there are two Bastion Towers, of two stories each, in the Hollow of the
Bastions, defended on the Outside with thick Earth-works, and capable of lodging
great Numbers of Soldiers, the two long Sides being nearly fifty Feet, and the
short Sides twenty-five; And that instead of the Inhabitants removing from
thence, several Families were come and more coming from North Carolina to settle
in Georgia, who will certainly establish themselves there unless they are
prevented by any Fears which may arise from the Reduction of the Rangers and
Vessels which have hitherto made that Frontier safe: That before the Barracks
were finished, very good Clap-board Huts were built sufficient for the lodging
of two Companies who do Duty at Frederica (with their Wives and Families) which
by an Accident of Fire were lately burnt down; since which others have been made
for married Soldiers; and the Soldiers have the Privilege of cutting Timber and
building Houses for their Families, which many have done, and thrive very well,
and we know the Soldiers are regularly paid and kindly treated. We also certify
that there are several Farms which produce not only Indian Wheat and Potatoes,
but English Wheat, Barley, and other Grain. In short, Provisions in general are
plentiful, Venison, Beef, Pork, at Two Pence Half-Penny per Pound, and sometimes
under. Fish extremely cheap."

  Upon the confirmation of the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in April, 1748, most of
the troops were withdrawn from St. Simons island and the fortifications soon
began to fall into decay.

  The Trustees having surrendered their charter, Captain John Reynolds was, in
1754, appointed by the King, Governor of Georgia, with the title of "Captain
General and Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Province of Georgia, and
Vice-Admiral of the same." He entered upon his duties in October of that year,
and early, the following Spring, made a tour of inspection through the southern
portion of the Province. Arriving at Frederica, he found the town "in ruins,"
the fortifications "decayed," and the "houses falling down." Twenty pieces of
cannon were lying dismounted and "spoiled for want of care." The melancholy
prospect was presented of "houses without inhabitants, barracks without
soldiers, guns without carriages, and streets grown over with weeds." [112] Fort
Frederick was entirely dismantled. Not a gun was mounted, and neither powder nor
ball could be found. Among his recommendations for the defense of the Colony,
the Governor suggested the construction of a work at Frederica "in the form of
half a hexagon, nine hundred and sixty feet each, with two whole and two
demi-bastions towards the land, and two demi-bastions and a citadel towards the
sea, on which were to be placed fifty cannon manned by three hundred regulars."
This fortification was never built, and no effort was made to repair the works
then crumbling and abandoned.

  This dilapidation and neglect continued without any effort on the part of the
Colonial authorities to check their annihilating influences. Frederica had now
ceased to be a place of any note. In his report of the condition of the Province
of Georgia, submitted to the Earl of Dartmouth on the 20th of December, 1773,
Sir James Wright, then Governor of the Colony, represents Fort Frederick at
Frederica as "going to decay very fast." "There is still,"-such is the language
of the report,-"some Remains of good Tabby Walls, &c, but there has been no men
there since the Independent Company were broke in the Year 1767." [113]

  In March, 1774, William Bartram visited Frederica and St. Simons island and
was most hospitably entertained by Mr. James Spalding who was there engaged in
an extensive trade with the Indian tribes of East Florida. Following the old
highway across the savannah, he devoted a day to exploring the island and was
charmed with the magnificent forests of pines and oaks perfumed with the
fragrant breath of the white lily and the sweet bay. The venerable live-oaks
still overshadowed the spacious avenue leading to the former seat of General
Ogletherpe, but that distinguished gentleman was no longer there, and his quiet
cottage had passed into the ownership of another. The delights of the woods and
waters, the delicious breezes wafted from groves filled with birds of bright
plumage and sweet voices, the commingled perfumes of the yellow jasmine, the
lonicera, the audromeda and the azalea, and the solemn sound of the incoming
surf were, in the recollection of this happy traveller, associated with generous
hospitality, a plentiful repast of venison, and an agreeable "drink of honey and
water strengthened by the addition of brandy."

  Although nature was as balmy, as attractive, and as beautiful as ever, Bartram
was oppressed by the indications of desolation which confronted him all over the
island. He speaks of "vestiges of plantations, ruins of costly buildings, and
highways overgrown with forests." The fort he found entirely dilapidated, and
nothing of the town remaining except ruins. From the crumbling walls of the
deserted houses peach trees, figs, and pomegranates were growing. [114] And so
this brave town  dwindled away into nothingness.

  The last detachment of troops stationed there consisted of ten Royal
Americans; but even these were withdrawn during the early part of the
administration of Governor Wright.

  The rupture between Great Britain and her Colonies being imminent, the Council
of Safety ordered all guns at Frederica to be secured, and they were used in
fortifying other points on the coast deemed of greater importance. During the
progress of the expedition projected from Sunbury, by Governor Gwinnett, against
Florida, Colonel Elbert, who was in command, on Sunday, the 11th of May, 1777,
landed at Frederica "to air" his troops. The following entry occurs in his
Order-Book: "Frederica was once a pretty little Town, as appears by the Ruins,
having been burned down some years since; the Fort at this place, with a little
expence, might be made defensible, and might, if properly garrisoned, be a means
of protecting great part of our Southern Frontiers. There are about twelve men
that bear arms here; in my opinion all Tories. Their Captain, Ditter, says
otherwise of himself, and informed me that about 6 or 8 of the inhabitants had
lately gone to Florida for protection." [115]

  By the provisions of the act of the 15th of March, 1758, [116] dividing the
Province into eight Parishes, "the town and district of Frederica, including the
islands of Great and Little St. Simons and the adjacent islands," were declared
a parish and named "St. James." Under the writs of election issued by Sir James
Wright, Lachlan McIntosh was returned as member for Frederica.

  On the 10th of August, 1777, some boats from a British armed vessel lying in
St. Andrews Sound landed on St. Simons island, and their crews captured and
carried away Captain Arthur Carney, five citizens, several negroes, and as much
household furniture as could be conveyed in the barges. Carney had been
appointed to the captaincy of the fourth company in the first Continental
Battalion of Georgia troops. After his capture, he espoused the Royal cause and
proved himself not only an active Tory but a great cattle thief. [117]

  While General Robert Howe was concentrating his forces on the Southern
frontier of Georgia with a view to the invasion of Florida, Colonel Elbert, who
was commanding at Fort Howe,-the place of rendezvous,- achieved an exploit which
imparts another distinct and gallant memory to the neglected settlements, "Where
wild Altama murmurs to their woe."

  The details of the affair are thus narrated in a letter to General Howe:

                        " FREDERICA, April  19th, 1778. 
" Dear General:
  "I have the happiness to inform you that about 10 o'clock this forenoon, the
brigantine Hinchinbrooke, the sloop Rebecca, and a prize brig, all struck the
British tyrant's colors and surrendered to the American arms.

  "Having received intelligence that the above vessels were at this place, I put
about three hundred men, by detachment from the troops under my command at Fort
Howe, on board the three galleys, the Washington- Captain Hardy,-the
Lee,-Captain Braddock,-and the Bulloch,-Captain Hutcher;-and a detachment of
artillery with two field pieces, under Captain Young, I put on board a boat.
With this little army we embarked at Darien, and last evening effected a landing
at a bluff about a mile below the town, leaving Colonel White on board the Lee,
Captain Melvin on board the Washington, and Lieutenant Petty on board the
Bulloch, each with a sufficient party of troops. Immediately on landing I
dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Bay and Major Roberts, with about one hundred men,
who marched directly up to the town and made prisoners three marines and two
sailors belonging to the Hinchinbrooke.

  "It being late, the galleys did not engage until this morning. You must
imagine what my feelings were to see our three little men-of-war going on to the
attack of these three vessels, who have spread terror on our coast, and who were
drawn up in order of battle; but the weight of our metal soon damped the courage
of these heroes, who soon took to their boats; and as many as could, abandoned
the vessel with everything on board, of which we immediately took possession.
What is extraordinary, we have not one man hurt. Captain Ellis, of the
Hinchinbrooke, is drowned, and Captain Mowbray, of the Rebecca, made his escape.
As soon as I see Colonel White, who has not yet come to us with his prizes, I
shall consult with him, the three other officers, and the comanding officers of
the galleys, on the expediency of attacking the Galatea now lying at Jekyll."

  While Colonel Elbert was preparing to attack her, the Galatea made her escape
to sea. [118] This successful enterprize encouraged the troops at Fort Howe, who
were in a very dispirited mood.

  Upon his retreat, by water, from Sunbury in December, 1778, Fuser left the
regular troops of his expedition at Frederica, with instructions to repair the
old military works at that point. These orders were only partially observed, and
the force was soon withdrawn.

  During the continuance of the Revolutionary war St. Simons island, in common
with other isolated localities along the Georgia coast, suffered from privateers
and armed parties who pillaged the houses of the inhabitants and led captive
negroes and domestic animals. Similar annoyances and losses were encountered
during the war of 1812 -1815. So ruthless had been the spoliations and
devastations by the British troops during the progress of the Revolution, that
upon its termination but little remained of Frederica save the sites of burnt
houses and heaps of ruin. The town had almost entirely disappeared. Subsequent
attempts to revive it were feeble and unsuccessful. Of the State legislation
with regard to Frederica, the following synopsis may not be deemed inappropriate:

  On the 17th of December, 1792, James Spalding, John Braddock, Raymond Demere,
John Palmer, John Burnett, John Piles, Moses Burnett, Samuel Wright, and William
Williams were appointed Commissioners of the towns and commons of Frederica and
Brunswick. They were directed, after three months' published notice, to cause
surveys to be made of those towns, according to their original plans, and to
have the same recorded in the Surveyor General's office, and in the' office of
the Surveyor of Glynn county. Any vacant lots, except such as were originally
reserved for public uses, were then to be sold upon four weeks' public notice;
and the proceeds arising from such sales, after deducting the necessary expense
of survey, devoted to the building and support of an Academy  in Glynn  County.
[119]

  In February, 1796, special Commissioners were named for the town of Frederica.
They were John Cooper, William Mcintosh, James Harrison, James Moore, and
William Clubbs. It was made their duty to lay off the town, as nearly as
practicable, according to its original plan, cause the streets to be opened, the
lots to be plainly marked or staked off, the commons to be re-surveyed, and an
accurate map prepared and recorded in the Surveyor General's office within two
months after the passage of the act. The survey of the town having been
completed, the Commissioners were required, by notice in one of the public
gazettes of the State, to call upon the owners and holders of lots to make due
return thereof to the Commissioners within nine months, and pay the sum of one
dollar per lot in defrayal of the cost of  the survey.

  All lots not returned within the prescribed period were, after six weeks
public advertisement, to be sold to the highest bidder,-one half of the purchase
money to be paid in cash and the remainder in twelve months thereafter;- the
deferred payment being secured by bond with mortgage on  the premises purchased.
The proceeds of such sales, after defraying the expences incurred in laying off
the town and commons, were to be applied to the support of an academy or
seminary of learning in Glynn County.

  Any person attempting to run up or appropriate any part of the town common was
declared liable to a fine of five hundred dollars, to be recovered in the
Superior Court of Glynn County by the Commissioners or any inhabitant or lot
owner in the town;-one half the fine to enure to the benefit of the academy, and
the other half to go to the party suing for the same.

  All surveys previously made, and grants surreptitiously obtained, were
declared null and void, and any person in possession by virtue of such survey or
grant was liable to the fine above mentioned, to be recovered in the manner
indicated. [120]

  In 1801 Frederics is mentioned by Sibbald as "a pleasantly situated town on
the island of St. Simons, latitude 31° 15' North," but he gives no statistics
either of its population or commerce. [121]

  By an act assented to November 26th, 1802, [122] -the front range of lots in
the town of Frederica being "too distant from the water for the convenient
storage or shipping of produce, or the landing of goods imported to that
place,"- the Commissioners were empowered "to cause a range of lots to be laid
off in front of said town, commencing at low water mark, and running back so far
as to leave a street eighty feet between the present front range of lots and
those to be laid off."

  These  new lots were to be sold, at public outcry upon sixty days' notice, and
the moneys realized upon such sale, after defraying the expences of the survey,
were to be paid over to the Commissioners of the Academy of Glynn county to be
by them expended for the benefit of that institution.

  Two correct plans of these water lots were to be prepared and certified by the
surveyor, one to be transmitted by the Commissioners to the Surveyor General for
record in his office, and the other to be delivered to the County Surveyor of
Glynn county to be by him recorded in his office.

  On the 18th of November, 1814,[123] the Commissioners of the towns of
Brunswick and Frederica were authorized to levy a tax upon the lots in those
towns, whether improved or unimproved, and pay over the moneys thus raised to
the Justices of the Inferior Court of Glynn county for the purpose of erecting a
Court House and Jail. To the same object was to be applied one-fourth of the
future rents of the town commons.

  All efforts to revivify the dead town, to perpetuate something like a
corporate existence, to realize a revenue by special taxation of abandoned
premises, to maintain a semblance of public streets, commons, and private lots,
to clothe water fronts with the dignity of commercial wharves, and transmit the
physical impressions of the older days, proved utterly futile. [124] Frederica
lost its importance when it ceased to be the strong-hold of the southern
frontier. Its mission was accomplished when the Spaniard no longer threatened.
Its doom was pronounced in the hour of its triumph. Upon the withdrawal of
Oglethorpe's regiment its decadence began, and ceased not until its fort became
a white ruin, its public parade a pasture ground, and its streets and gardens a
cotton field. [125]

  Omnia debentur morti.


Additional Comments:

For references in brackets [], see Endnotes

Extracted from:

THE DEAD TOWNS OF GEORGIA;
BY
CHARLES C. JONES, JR.

FOR HERE WE HAVE NO CONTINUING CITY.
Heb.: xiii. 14

SAVANNAH:
MORNING NEWS STEAM PRINTING HOUSE. 
1878.



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