Hawaii Statewide Files History - Books.....Story of the Philippines, Chapters XIII-XVI

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Book Title and Information: 
The Story of the Philippines and Our New Possessions, 
Including The Ladrones, Hawaii, Cuba and Porto Rico. 
By Murat Halstead. Published: H.L. Barber, Chicago, 
Ill., 1898. Subjects: Natural riches, industrial 
resources, statistics of productions, commerce and 
population; the laws, habits, customs, scenery and 
conditions of the Cuba of the East Indies and the 
Thousand Islands of The Archipelagoes of India and 
Hawaii, with episodes of their early history, personal 
character sketches of and interviews with Admiral 
Dewey, General Merritt, General Aguinaldo and the 
Archbishop of Manila.
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The Story of the Philippines - Chapters XIII-XVI

CHAPTER XIII

The White Uniforms of Our Heroes in the Tropics.

The Mother Hubbard Street Fashion in Honolulu, and That of Riding Astride--
Spoiling Summer Clothes in Manila Mud--The White Raiment of High Officers--
Drawing the Line on Nightshirts--Ashamed of Big Toes--Dewey and Merritt as 
Figures of Show--The Boys in White.

Recent experiences of the United States excite attention to the fashions of the 
tropics. In Florida our soldiers who invaded Cuba were in a degree and sense 
acclimated for the temperature of the island that has been for so long "so near, 
and yet so far," so wet and yet so hot. But the troops of the Philippine 
expedition were not prepared by the chilly blasts from the mountains of 
California for the exceedingly soft airs of Hawaii, though Honolulu was a 
pleasant introductory school to Manila. Our new possession two thousand miles 
from the continent, has been preparing for the destiny realized for two 
generations, and the American ladies who dwell in the islands of perpetual 
summer in the Pacific, have not submitted wholly to the dominion of the climate 
and composed themselves to languish in loose and gauzy garments when on the 
streets. But the Honolulu women, in general, who largely are in the possession 
of luxuriant proportions, are enveloped in the blandishments of Mother Hubbards, 
and do not even tie strings about themselves to show where they would have 
spectators to infer their waists ought to be. They go about flowing and 
fluttering in freedom, and have all the advantages due the total abandonment of 
corsets, and suffer none of the horrors of tight lacing recorded in medical 
publications. The Mother Hubbard gown is not without its attractions, but we can 
hardly say they are too obvious, and slender figures are lost in voluminous 
folds that are billowy in the various ways and means of embracing the evolutions 
of beauty. And the native singers seem fully justified in throwing the full 
force of their lungs and the rapture of their souls into the favorite chorus, 
"The Honolulu Girls Are Good Enough for Me." The refrains of the Hawaiian songs 
are full of a flavor of pathos, and there is the cry of sorrows, that seem to be 
in the very air, but belong to other ages. The Honolulu females of all races 
have flung away side saddles with their corsets, and bestride horses and mules 
with the confidence in the rectitude of their intentions that so besets and 
befits the riders of bicycles. People would stare with disapproval in Honolulu 
to see a woman riding with both legs on the same side of a horse, and those 
wandering abroad in the voluminous folds of two spacious garments disapprove the 
unusual and unseemly spectacle.

It is as hot in some parts of Texas, Arizona and California as in any of the 
islands of the seas of the South, but we had not been educated in the art of 
clothing armies for service in the torrid zone, until the Philippine expedition 
was undertaken, and we were making ready for challenging the Spaniards in their 
Cuban fastnesses, when it speedily was in evidence that we wanted something more 
than blue cloth and blankets. The Spanish white and blue stuff and straw hats 
were to our eyes unsightly and distasteful, and we began with a variety of 
goods. Our army hats were found good, but we tried nearly all things before 
holding onto anything as sufficient for trousers and coats. The officers on long 
journeys speedily resolved, if we may judge from the results, that the suit most 
natty and nice for wear within twenty degrees of the Equator was the perfect 
white, and so the snowy figures below shoulder straps became familiar. This did 
not, of course, indicate acute stages of active service. Never were campaigns 
more destructive of good looks in clothing, than those in assailing Santiago and 
Manila, in which the thin stuffs were tested in torrential rain and ditches full 
of mud. The compensation was that the volunteers fresh from the camps of 
instruction, put on in a few days the appearance of veteran campaigners. In 
Manila there was an edifying contrast between the Spaniards who had surrendered 
and the Americans who did not pause when the Mausers were fired into their 
ranks, not with the faintest hope of successful resistance, but for the "honor 
of Spain." The Spanish soldiers had been well sheltered and came out in fairly 
clean clothes, while the soldiers of our nation closed up dingy ranks, suited 
for hunting in swamps and thickets, their coats, hats and trousers the color of 
blasted grass and decayed leaves. The passage of the line from the new to the 
old clothes was sudden, and the gallant boys in blue were not in the least 
disconsolate over the discoloration of their uniforms, having reached the stage 
where it was a luxury to sleep on a floor or pavement, without wasting time to 
find a soft or quiet spot.

The sombre taste of the Spanish ladies in dress, so famous and effective that 
the black mantillas and skirts, and the fans that do such execution in the hands 
of the dark-eyed coquettes, as to have sway where empires have been lost and 
won--control Cuba, but does not dominate the Philippines. The Pope of the 
period, it will be remembered, divided the new worlds discovered by the 
navigators of Spain and Portugal, awarding to the best of his knowledge, by a 
line drawn south from the southern shore of the Caribbean Sea. Portugal holding 
that to the eastward and Spain that to the westward. Hence the separation of 
South America between Brazil and the rest of the central and south American 
states, to await the inevitable end of the evolutions that were the revolutions 
of independence. Magellines, a Portuguese, who, being slighted in his own 
country, went over to the Spaniards, and pointed out that by sailing west the 
east would be attained, and so found the straits that bear his name, and the 
Ladrones and Philippines, annihilating the Papal boundary line by taking and 
breaking it from the rear.

The conquest of the Philippines by the Spaniards has not been complete as a 
military achievement or the enforcement of the adoption of customs and costumes 
according to the habits and taste of the conquerors, who have nibbled at the 
edges of the vast archipelago, greater in its length and breadth and its natural 
riches than the West Indies. The Spanish ladies in the Philippines are dressed 
as in the ancient cities of their own renowned peninsula. The Filipinos are of 
the varied styles that adorn Africans and the Asiatics. They are gay in colors 
and curious in the adjustment of stuffs, from the flimsy jackets to the 
fantastic skirts. The first essential in the dress of a Filipino is a jacket cut 
low, the decolette feature being obscured to some extent by pulling out one 
shoulder and covering the other, taking the chances of the lines that mark the 
concealment and disclosure of breast and back. There is no expression of 
immodesty. The woman of the Philippines is sad as she is swarthy, and her 
melancholy eyes are almost always introspective, or glancing far away, and 
revising the disappointed dreams of long ago. Profounder grief than is read in 
the faces of bronze and copper no mourning artist has wrought nor gloomy poet 
written. Below the jacket, the everlasting blazer, is a liberal width of cloth 
tightly drawn about the loins, stomach and hips, making no mistake in 
revelations of the original outline drawings, or the flexibilities which the 
activities display. There are two skirts, an outer one that opens in front, 
showing the tunic, which is of a color likely to be gaudy and showing strangely 
with the outer one. The feet are exposed, and if not bare, clothed only in 
clumsy slippers with toe pieces, and neither heels nor uppers. Women carry 
burdens on their heads, and walk erect and posed as if for snap photographs. The 
young girls are fond of long hair, black as cannel coal, and streaming in a 
startling cataract to the hips. It seems that the crop of hair is unusually 
large, and it shines with vitality, as the breeze lifts it in the sunshine. The 
Philippine boys are still more lightly clad than the girls, who have an eye to 
queer combinations of colors, and the revelation of the lines that distinguish 
the female form without flagrant disclosure. There is much Philippine dressing 
that may under all the surroundings be called modest, and the prevalent 
expression of the Filipino is that of fixed but bewildered grief. The males are 
rather careless, and display unstinted the drawings of legs, that are copper-
colored and more uniform in tint than symmetry. Two or three rags do a 
surprisingly extensive service, and all the breezes cause the fluttering of 
fantastic but scanty raiment. It is a comfort to return to a country where 
people wear clothing not as a flimsy and inadequate disguise. What will be the 
influence of our armies bent to the tropics, upon the dress of Americans? It is 
a question that may be important. The "wheel" has introduced knickerbockers and 
promises to result in knee breeches. On the transports that have traversed the 
Pacific the soldiers were fond of taking exercise in undershirts and drawers 
only and they swarmed from their bunks at night, to sleep on deck, sometimes 
condescending to spread blankets to take the edge off the cruelty of the hard 
wood, but reluctant to be encumbered with undershirts. Their favorite night 
dress was drawers only, and they acted upon the false theory that one cannot 
take cold at sea. The authority of officers was often necessary to impress the 
average soldier that he ought to have an undershirt between his skin and the 
sky. The boys were during their long voyage very sparing in the use of shoes and 
stockings, and it has perhaps never before occurred in American experiences that 
there was such an opportunity to study the infinite variety of the big toe, and, 
indeed, of all the toes. In active army service the care of the feet is 
essential. The revelations on shipboard disclose the evils of ill-fitting shoes 
to be most distrusting. One of the claims of West Point for high consideration 
is in teaching the beauty of white trousers, and our tropical army experiences 
will extend the fashion. When General Merritt and Admiral Dewey parted on the 
deck of the China in Manila harbor, both were clad in spotless white, their 
caps, coats and trousers making a showy combination. There was also a group of 
sea captains who had gathered to give the Captain of the China a good send-off, 
and they with the staff officers, were all in radiant white. There was not a boy 
in blue among them. The illustrious General and Admiral reminded me of Gabriel 
Ravel, when in his glory as The White Knight. It would be hard to say which wore 
the nattier cap, but that of the Admiral was of the more jaunty cut, while the 
General--gold cord for a band and gold buttons, especially became his blue eyes. 
If the officers of the army, navy and transports could be photographed as they 
stood in dazzling array, as if hewn from marble, the fashion plate resulting 
would be incomparably attractive, and in the summers to come we shall find among 
the influences of our tropical adventure and possessions a heightening of the 
colors worn by American ladies, and a whitening of the suits of gentlemen, 
involving the necessity of "calling in" white coats, as well as straw hats on 
stated days in early September.


CHAPTER XIV

A Martyr to the Liberty of Speech.

Dr. Jose Rizal, the Most Distinguished Literary Man of the Philippines, Writer 
of History, Poetry, Political Pamphlets, and Novels, Shot on the Luneta of 
Manila--A Likeness of the Martyr--The Scene of His Execution, from a Photograph-
-His Wife Married the Day Before His Death--Poem Giving His Farewell Thoughts, 
Written in His Last Hours--The Works That Cost Him His Life--The Vision of Friar 
Rodriguez.

There is history, romance and tragedy in the martyrdom of Dr. Rizal, whose 
execution by shooting on the Luneta two years ago is a notable incident of the 
cruelties of Spanish rule. This was on account of the scholarship, the 
influence, the literary accomplishments, and the personal distinction of the 
man. Dr. Rizal was easily the foremost writer his race and country has produced. 
He was a poet, novelist, political essayist, and historian, and his execution 
was for the crime of loving his country, opposing the Spaniards, criticising and 
lampooning the priests. He is called the Tagalo Martyr, for he was of the tribe 
of Malay origin, the most numerous and rebellious in the Philippine Islands. His 
fate was shocking. He was an intelligent, learned man, an enthusiastic patriot, 
who had been educated in Spain and France. For writing a book against Spanish 
oppression he was exiled to the Island of Dapitan. There he met a young woman of 
Irish parentage, with whom he fell in love. They were engaged to be married, 
when, on some pretext, the Doctor was brought back to Manila, sent to Madrid to 
be tried, and then sent back to Manila. The unhappy girl to whom he was 
betrothed tells the rest of the story:

    "Everyone knew that Dr. Rizal was innocent. All that could be brought 
against him was the publication of his book, and the Spanish officials who tried 
him had never even read it. Nevertheless, he was condemned to death. I then 
asked permission to be married to him, and they granted my request, thinking to 
add to the horror of his martyrdom. The marriage was celebrated by a friar the 
same day on which he was sentenced. I passed the whole night on my knees in 
prayer before the prison door, which shut my husband from me. When morning 
dawned, the Doctor came out, surrounded by soldiers, his hands bound behind his 
back. They took him to the Luneta, the fashionable promenade of the city, where 
all military executions take place. The lieutenant in command of the firing 
party asked my husband where he would prefer to be shot. He replied 'Through the 
heart.' 'Impossible,' said the lieutenant. 'Such a favor is granted only to men 
of rank. You will be shot in the back.' A moment after my husband was dead. The 
soldiers shouted, 'Hurrah for Spain,' and I, 'Hurrah for the Philippines and 
death to Spain.' I asked for the body. It was refused me. Then I swore to avenge 
his death. I secured a revolver and dagger and joined the rebels. They gave me a 
Mauser rifle, and the Philippines will be free."

In his poem, filled with his last thoughts--his exalted dreams that had faded, 
his patriotic sentiments that were bloody dust and ashes, his love for the woman 
he was allowed to marry a few hours before he was shot, his woeful love for his 
troop of devoted friends, who would have died for him and with him if the 
sacrifice then and there had not been hopeless--it will be discovered that he 
was a true poet, and we give one of his stories that was hostile to the orders 
of the Church, and a satire on Spanish rule, showing why he was a martyr.

The following is a prose translation from the Spanish of the poem Dr. Rizal 
wrote the night before he was executed:

    My Last Thoughts.

    Farewell! my adored country; region beloved of the sun; pearl of the Orient 
sea; our lost Eden! I cheerfully give for thee my saddened life, and had it been 
brighter, happier and more rosy, I would as willingly give it for thy sake.

    Unhesitatingly and without regret others give thee their lives in frenzied 
fight on the battlefield. But what matter the surroundings! Be they cypress, 
laurel or lilies, scaffold or open country, combat or cruel martyrdom, it is all 
the same, when for country and home's redress.

    I die while watching the flushing skies announce through dark mantle the 
advent of a day. Should it need purple to tint its dawn, here is my blood; I 
gladly will shed it if only it be gilded by a ray of new-born light.

    My dreams while only a boy, and when of vigor full, a youth, were always to 
see thee, jewel of the Orient sea! thy black eyes dry, thy frownless face 
uplifted, and spotless thine honor.

    Dream of my life! My fervent anxiety! Shouts the soul that soon is to 
depart, Hail! It is glorious to fall to give thee flight; to die to give thee 
life; to die under thy Skies, and in thy maternal bosom eternally to sleep.

    Shouldst thou find some day over my grave, a lonesome, humble flower, 
blossoming through the dense foliage, take it to your lips and kiss my soul. Let 
me feel upon my forehead under the cold tomb your warm and tender breath.

    Let the moon with her soft and silent light watch over me; let dawn spread 
its fulgent splendor; let the wind moan with solemn murmur. And should a bird 
descend and repose upon my cross, let it there proclaim a canticle of peace.

    Let the burning sun evaporate the dew, spreading through space the notes of 
my songs. Let a friendly being mourn my early end, praying on calm evenings, 
when thou also, oh, dear country! should pray to God for me.

    Pray for all those who died unhonored; for those who suffered unequaled 
torments; for our poor mothers who silently grieve; for orphans and for widows; 
for prisoners in torture; and pray for thyself that thou mayest attain thy final 
redemption.

    And when the dark shades of night enwrap the cemetery, and the dead are left 
alone to watch, do not disturb their rest, do not disturb their mystery. 
Shouldst thou hear chords of a zither, it is I, beloved country! who sings to 
thee.

    And when my grave, by all forgotten, is marked by neither cross nor stone, 
let the ploughman scatter its mould; and my ashes before returning to nothing 
will become the dust of your soil.

    Then, I will not mind if thou castest me into oblivion. Thy atmosphere, thy 
space, thy valleys I will cross. A vibrating, limpid note I will be in your ear; 
aroma, color, rumor, song, a sigh, constantly repeating the essence of my faith.

    My idolized country! grief of my griefs! My adored Philippines! Hear my last 
farewell. I leave them all with thee; my fathers and my loves. I go where there 
are no slaves, no oppressors, no executioners; where faith is not death; where 
He who reigns is God.

    Farewell! fathers and brothers, parts of my soul! Friends of my infancy in 
the lost home. Give thanks that I should rest from the fatiguing day. Farewell, 
sweet stranger, my friend, my joy. Farewell, beloved beings. To die is to rest.

    Jose Rizal. 


The Vision of Friar Rodriguez.

Comfortably seated in an arm chair one night, satisfied with himself as well as 
with his supper, Friar Jose Rodriguez dreamed of the many pennies that the sale 
of his little books was drawing from the pockets of the Filipinos, when 
suddenly, and as if by enchantment, the yellow light of the lamp gave a 
brilliant, white flash, the air was filled with soft perfume, and without his 
being able to explain how or wherefrom, a man appeared.

This was an old man of medium height, dark complected and thin, whose white 
beard was a contrast to his glittering vivacious eyes, which gave his face 
extreme animation. Over his shoulder he wore a long cape; a mitre on his head 
and a crosier in his hand gave him the aspect of a Bishop.

At sight of him, Friar Rodriguez yawning, murmured:

"Dreams of my fertile imagin--!"

The vision did not permit him to finish the exclamation, but gave him a whack 
between the shoulders.

"Eh! This is no joke!" exclaimed Friar Rodriguez, stroking with one hand the 
afflicted part while with the other he rubbed his eyes.

"I see! It is no dream! But partner!"

Incensed at such familiarity, the strange personage began poking Friar Rodriguez 
severely with his crosier on the stomach. The latter, satisfied by this time 
that the thrashing was in earnest, exclaimed:

"Here! Here! Friar Pedro (Peter)--Is that the way you cancel indulgencies? That 
was not the agreement."

The strange Bishop, aroused to a high pitch of anger, stopped his poking and 
started to knock Friar Rodriguez on the head, believing it to be a more 
sensitive part. Unfortunately, Friar Rodriguez's head was too hard for anything, 
and the crosier fell, broken in two pieces. At last! said the poor friar, who, 
pale and deadly frightened, had fallen on his knees and was trying to creep away 
on all fours.

At sight of his pitiful condition, the stranger seeded satisfied, and, placing 
on a table the broken crosier, said with contempt:

"Homo sine homine, membra sine spiritu! Et iste appellatur filius meus!"

At the sound of that potent voice and language, unknown to him, Friar Rodriguez 
appeared confounded. The stranger could not be Friar Pedro (Peter) nor any 
brother in disguise! Impossible!

"Et tamen (the stranger continued), tanta est vanita vestra, ut ante me Patrem 
vestrum--sed video, loguor et non audis!"

And shaking in disgust his head, the vision continued speaking in Castillian, 
but with a foreign accent.

"And are you they who call themselves my sons? Has your haughtiness reached such 
a degree that you not only pretend to be feared and worshiped by governors and 
governed, but neither recognize nor respect me, whose name you dishonor, and 
whose condignity you abuse? How do I find you? Insolent with the unfortunate and 
cowardly towards those who do not fear you! Surge et audi!"

His voice was so imperative and his command so expressive, that Friar Rodriguez, 
although shaking with tremor, made every effort to stand against a corner of the 
room.

Moved by this proof of obedience, so rarely found amongst those who make a vow 
of humility, the stranger, full of contempt, repressed a sigh and proceeded in a 
more familiar manner, but without losing dignity.

"For you and for your nonsense I have been obliged to leave that region, and 
come here! And what trouble I had to distinguish and find you amongst the 
others! With but little difference, you are all alike. 'Empty heads and replete 
stomachs!' Up There, they did not cease to tease me about you all and most 
especially on your account. It was useless to appear unconcerned. It was not 
only Lopez de Recalde (Ignatius of Loyole) who with his eternal smile and humble 
looks made fun of me; nor Domingo (Dominic) with his aristocratic pretensions 
and little stars of false jewelry on his forehead, who laughed at me; but even 
the great simpleton of Francisco (Francis), do you understand? tried to poke fun 
at me; at me, who has thought, argued and written more than all of them 
together!

"Your order is great and powerful," said Ignatius, bending his head. "It 
resembles one of the Egyptian pyramids; great at the base (you are the base), 
but the higher it goes the smaller it becomes--what a difference between the 
base and the apex!" he murmured, while walking away. "Doctor," said Dominic, 
"why did you not do with your science as I did with the nobility I left as 
inheritance to my sons? We would all be better off!"

"Mon ami, came and said Francis. If God should order me again to earth, to 
preach as before amongst brutes and animals, I would preach in your convents." 
And after saying this he roared in such a manner that although small and thin, 
it seemed as though he would burst.

"In vain I answered them that their sons were no better than you are, and that 
were we to look for skeletons in the closets, we had better wall every crevice. 
But of no use. How could I argue against three, moreover, having you to defend! 
Three, did I say? Why! Even Peter, the old fisherman, attracted by the laughter, 
left his porter's lodge and came to upbraid me for the trick you have played on 
his priests, taking away from them all their parishes, regardless of the fact 
that they had been in these islands long before you, and that they were the 
first to baptise in Cebu and in Luzon.

"Of course," he said, "as my sons are lazy and in dissension among themselves, 
and yours lie and shout louder, they make themselves believed by the ignorant. 
But I shall be glad when my descendants are extinct."

"And so shall I! And I! I wish it was all over with mine!" shouted at once 
several voices.

"But old Peter's revenge did not stop at that. Yesterday he played a hard joke 
on me. He not only confiscated a package that a Tagalo [Tagalo.--Name of one of 
the tribes of Indians inhabiting the Philippine Islands.--Trans. Note.] brought 
with him, but instead of directing him to the imbecile's department, he took him 
where we all were. The poor Tagalo carried with him a large collection of little 
books written by you, which were given him by his Priest, who told him they 
represented so much indulgency for his next life. As soon as the Indian had 
arrived everyone Up There knew he had brought books written by an Augustinian 
monk, and they were snatched away. I tried to hide myself, but I could not. What 
laughter and what jokes! The little angels came in a body; the Celestial 
Father's Orchestra lost its time; the Virgins, instead of watching their music 
sheets read the books and sang most discordantly, and even old Anthony's little 
pig began grunting and twisting his tail.

"I felt ashamed; I could see every one point their finger at me and laugh. But, 
in spite of all this Zarathustra, the grave and serious Zarathustra, did not 
laugh. With a humiliating pride he asked me:

"'Is that your son, he who pretends that my religion is paganish, and that I am 
a pagan? Have your sons degenerated to such a degree as to confound my pure 
religion, root of the most perfect creeds, with Polytheism and Idolatry? Do they 
know that paganism is derived from pagani, which means inhabitant of the fields, 
who always were faithful to the Greek and Roman Polytheism? You may answer that 
they do not know Latin! If so, make then speak more modestly. Tell them that 
paganus comes from pagus, from which the words pages, payes, paien, paese, pais 
(country), are derived. Tell those unfortunate that the Zend-Avesta religion was 
never professed by the rural inhabitants of the Roman country. Tell them that my 
religion is monotheist, even more so than the Roman Catholic religion, which not 
only accepted the dualism of my creed, but has deified several creatures. Tell 
them that Paganism in its widest and most corrupted sense, duly meant 
Polytheism; that neither my religion nor that of Moses nor Mohammed were ever 
Pagan religions. Tell them to read your own works, where in every page you refer 
to the Pagans. Repeat to them that which you said in speaking of the religion of 
the Manechees (a corruption of my doctrine by you professed) which influenced 
your works and prevails yet in your religion, and which at one time caused the 
Roman Catholic Church to vacillate. Yes: I linked the principle of Good and Evil 
together--Ahura-Mazda; God! But this is not to admit of two Gods, as you, 
yourself said. To speak of health and sickness is not to admit two healths. And 
what? Have they not copied my principle of evil in Satan, prince of darkness? 
Tell them that if they do not know Latin to at least study the religions, since 
they fail to recognize the true one!'

"Thus spoke Zarathustra, or Zoroaster. Then, Voltaire--Voltaire, who had heard 
what you were saying about his death, accosted me, and grasping me by the hand, 
effusively thanked me.

"'Why so?' I asked him.

"'Your sons, mon cher Docteur de l'Eglise,' he answered, 'have proved and 
continue proving by facts, that which I maintained. And what was it that you 
maintained? That besides being ignorant, they were liars.'

"To this I could not reply, for he was right. You should know that he died when 
84 years of age, possessed of all his faculties, and with so lucid a mind that 
when nearing his end and being importuned to make confession, he said: 'Let me 
die in peace'--and died. But the worst of it all is, that Voltaire has been 
pleading with God to take you to Heaven alive and clothed, and when asked why 
so, he answered 'So that we may have some fun.'

"On learning of all the indulgences that the Archbishop had allowed on your 
books, to allure buyers, old Peter, thumping his bald head, exclaimed:

"'Why did I not think of granting indulgencies with the fish I sold, when a 
fisherman? We would have been rich, and Judas, instead of selling the Master, 
would have sold sardines and tinapa! [Tinapa.--Small white-bait fish, which, 
mixed with rice, constitutes the daily diet of the lower class of natives in the 
Philippine Islands.--Trans. Note.] I would not have been obliged to cowardly 
apostatize, and would not have suffered martyrdom. Verily, I say, that my friend 
down Below leaves me behind in the matter of knowing how to make money; and yet 
I am a Jew.'

"'Of course, don't you know that your friend Below is a Gallego?' [Gallego.--
Native of Galicia, northwestern Province in Spain. On account of their healthy 
and robust constitution, the lower class of Gallego are found employed in the 
hardest work throughout the country, where physical strength is necessary, 
although they are considered slow and lazy. Their predominant characteristic 
seems to be an insatiable greed of hoarding money.--Trans. Note.] Said a little 
old man who had been Up There but a few years. His name was Tasio, and, 
addressing himself to me, he continued:

"'You are a great Doctor, and although you have contradicted yourself many 
times, I hold you as a privileged character of vast erudition, for, having 
written your books, Retractationum, and Confesiones; and since you are so 
different from your sons who try, when defending themselves, to make black 
appear white, and white green, I will state my complaints, so that you, as their 
Father, may put a stop to it all.

"'There exists on earth an unfortunate, who, amongst many foolish acts, has 
committed the following:

"'1st. He holds solidary of all that I have said during my earthly life, an 
Indian called Rizal, only because said Indian has quoted my words in a book that 
he wrote. As you can see, should we follow such a system of reasoning, Rizal 
would also agree with the views expressed by friars, policemen, etc., and you, 
yourself, Holy Doctor, would also be solidary of all that you ascribe to 
heretics, Pagans, and above all, to Manichees.

"'2nd. He wants me to think as he himself does, since he quotes me as saying 
'The Bible and the Holy Gospel.' It may be well that he, as all fanatics, should 
believe that these are one and the same thing. But I, having studied the 
original Hebraic Bible, know, that it does not contain the Gospel. That the 
Jewish Bible, being a history of creation, treasure and patrimony of Jewish 
people, the Jews, who do not accept the Gospel, should be authority. That as the 
Latin translation is incorrect, the Catholics could not lay down the Law, 
notwithstanding their habit of appropriating everything to themselves, and of 
misconstruing to their advantage the translation of the original text. Besides, 
the Gospels, with the exception of that written by Saint Mathew, were written in 
Greek later than the Bible, and conflict in every respect with the Law of Moses, 
as proved by the enemity between Jews and Christians. How, then, could I, 
knowing all this, express myself as a fanatic, or as an ignorant monk? I do not 
exact from any monk the speech of a free-thinker and therefore, they should not 
exact that I express myself as a monk would. Why do they want me to consolidate 
under one name two distinct things, which, to a certain extent contradict each 
other? Let the Christians do so, but I must not, and cannot. If I call them 
separately, it is in accordance with the thought inspiring two works, two 
legislations, two religions, on which they want to found the Catholic Religion. 
Your son, moreover, reasons finely, when he says: 'I did not know that the 
Gospels were different from the Bible, and not a principal part of it.' Tell 
him, Holy Father, that in every country a part, no matter how principal may it 
be, is always different from the whole, for instance: The principal thing in 
Friar Rodriguez is his habit: but his habit is different from Friar Rodriguez, 
as otherwise there would be one dirty Friar Rodriguez, another shining, another 
creased, another wide, short, long, greasy, etc. On the other hand, the habit is 
different from the monk, because a piece of cloth, no matter how dirty, could 
never be presumptuous, despotic, ignorant or obscurantistic.

"'3d. To prove the existence of a Purgatory, he quotes: 'Saint Mathew says in 
Chapter twelfth, thirty-sixth verse----.' But he quotes wrongly, as from that 
verse cannot be derived the existence of a Purgatory, nor anything of its kind. 
The Hebrew text says: 'Wa 'ebif 'omar lakam kij 'al kal abar reg ashar idabbru 
'abaschim yittbu heschboun biom hammischphat'; the Greek text, 'Lego de hynun 
hote pan rema argon, ho ean lalesosin hoi anthropoi, apodosousi peri auton logon 
en hemera kriseos.' All these translated into Latin say: 'Dicto autem vobis, 
quoniam omne verbum otiosum quod locuti fucrint homines, reddent rationem de co 
in die judicii,' which, translated into English means, 'And I say to you, that 
on the Day of Judgment, men shall have to account for every idle word.' From all 
these texts, you can see, Holy Doctor, that the only thing to be derived is that 
on the Day of Judgment, Friar Rodriguez will have to give such an account of 
himself, that very likely it will take him two days to account for all the 
nonsense he has said.

"'I imagine that your son, instead of the thirty-sixth verse, meant to quote the 
thirty-second, which says: "And all who shall say word against the son of man 
will be forgiven; but he who says word against the Holy Ghost, shall not be 
pardoned; neither in this life nor in the next." From this they have tried to 
derive the existence of a Purgatory. What a fertile imagination!

"'4th. Because Saint Ireneus, St. Clement of Alexandria, and Origenes, three in 
all, although not being the first Christian, had some remote idea of Purgatory, 
it does not follow that the Christians of the first century did believe in it, 
unless it could be previously established that three persons represent a 
totality, even if amongst such a totality existed, contradictory ideas. But, as 
a proof that was it not so, you, yourself, Holy Doctor, being their father, 
having flourished in the fourth and fifth century, and supposed to be the 
greatest amongst the Fathers of the Church, denied most emphatically, in various 
instances, the existence of a Purgatory. In your CCXCV cermon, beginning by: 
'Frecuenter charitatem vestra,' etc., you said very decidedly: 'Nemo se 
slecipiat fratres; Duo cuim loca sunt et terius non est ullus. Qui cum Christo 
reguare non meruerit, cum diabolo absque dubitatione ulla perebit.' This 
translated means, 'Do not deceive yourselves, brethren; there are but two places 
for the soul and there is no third place. He who should not deserve to live with 
Christ, undoubtedly will perish.'

"'Further on, in de Consolatione mortuorum, you say: 'Sed recedus anima quoe 
carnalibus oculis non videtur, ab angelis susciptur et collocatur, aut in sinu, 
Abrahae, si fidelis est, aut in carcerio inferni custodia si peccatrix est.' 
This means, 'But at the departure of that soul which the eyes of the flesh 
cannot see, the angels will receive and carry it to the Bosom of Abraham, if it 
has been faithful; or to Hell, if sinful.' On the other hand, I could quote a 
large number of your own texts showing that for you, Purgatory was not an 
impossibility. Add to all this what Saint Fulgentius, who flourished after you 
during the fifth and sixth century, says in Chapter XIV., of his 'de 
incarnatione et gratia,' etc.: 'Quicumque regnum Dei non ingreditur, poenis 
oeternis cruciatur.' That is to say, 'He who could not enter the Kingdom of God, 
will suffer eternal punishment.'

"'5th. Your son either cannot read, or else acts in bad faith; otherwise, how 
could he, from my estatement, 'The Protestants do not believe in it; neither do 
the Greek Fathers, because they miss,' etc., try to make 'The Greek Fathers DID 
NOT believe in a Purgatory?'

"'How could he deduct from a present, a past tense and twist the sentences to 
make from it 'The Holy Greek Fathers?'

"'I used 'believe,' the present tense, although in my time the Holy Greek 
Fathers did not exist, but simply the fathers belonging to the Greek Church. 
Moreover, as I was following an historical order, how could I refer to the 
Protestants, first, and to the Holy Greek Fathers afterwards, who believed what 
they wished, and who at the time of my earthly life were a past to me?

"'And enwrapped in such bad faith, he dares to qualify as a slanderer, imposter 
and ignoramus, the man who only quoted me!

"'But such proceeding is worthy of Friar Rodriguez, who, following his system of 
confusing a part with the whole, tries to condemn another's book, and mistakes 
the rays of the sun for the sun itself, all with the purpose of slandering the 
author and calling him Freemason.

"'Tell me, Holy Doctor, after what I have told you, who is the real ignoramus, 
impostor and slanderer?

"'6th. Instead of accusing others of ignorance, and presuming to know 
everything, he should be careful, because he has not even read your books, 
notwithstanding you are his father, and that it is his duty to know what you 
have said. Should he have done so, he would neither have written so much 
nonsense nor would he have shown the shallowness of his knowledge, which, by the 
way, he derives from some little books, which, to propagate and maintain 
obscurantism, were published in Cataluna, [Cataluna.--Province of Spain, which 
capital is Barcelona.--Trans. Note.] by Sarda y Salvany.'

"Thus was old Tasio expressing himself, when the voice of the Almighty was heard 
summoning me to His presence.

"Trembling, I approached, and prostrated myself at His feet.'

"'Go to Earth,' said the voice, 'and tell those who call themselves your sons 
that I, having created millions of suns, around which, thousands of worlds, 
inhabited by millions of millions of beings, created by my infinite Mercy, 
gyrate, cannot be an instrument to the fulfilment of a few ungrateful creatures' 
passions, simply handfuls of dust carried away by a gust of wind; insignificant 
particles of the inhabitants of one of my smallest worlds!'

"'Tell them that my Name must not be used to extend the misery or ignorance of 
their brothers, nor shall they restrain in my Name, intelligence and thought, 
which I created free. That they must not commit abuses in my Name, cause a tear, 
nor a single drop of blood to be shed. That they must not represent me as being 
cruel, revengeful, subject to their whims and executor of their will. Not to 
represent me, The Fountain of Goodness, as a tyrant, or an unkind Father, 
pretending that they are the only possessors of Light and Eternal Life. How? I, 
who have given to each being air, light, life and love, that he may be happy, 
could I deny to one of the most transcendental, true happiness, for the sake of 
others? Impious! Absurd! Tell them that I, who am All, and apart from whom 
nothing exists, nor could exist, I have not and cannot have enemies. Nothing 
equals me, and no one can oppose my will!

"'Tell them that their enemies are not my enemies; that I have never identified 
myself with them, and that their maxims are vain, insensible, blasphemous! Tell 
them that I pardon error, but punish iniquity; that I will forgive a sin against 
me, but will prosecute those who should torture an unfortunate. That being 
infinitely Powerful, all the sins of all the inhabitants of all the worlds, 
thousands of times centuplicated, can never dim an atom of my glory. But the 
least injury to the poor and oppressed I will punish, for I have not created man 
to make him unhappy nor the victim of his brothers. I am the Father of all 
existent; I know the destiny of every atom; let me love all men, whose miseries 
and needs I know. Let each one perform his duty, that I, The God of Mercy, know 
my own will.'

"Thus spoke the Almighty; and I came here to fulfill his command. Now, I say to 
you:

"That the miseries of the unhappy Indian whom you have impoverished and 
stupefied, have reached the Throne of the Highest. There have arrived so many 
intelligences obscured and impaired by you! The cry of so many exiles, tortured, 
and killed at your instigation! The tears of so many mothers and the miseries of 
so many orphans, combined with the noise of your orgies! Know that there is a 
God, (perhaps you doubt His existence, and only use His name to advance your 
ends) who will some day call you to account for all your iniquities. Know that 
He needs not the money of the poor, nor is it necessary to worship Him by 
burning candles and incense, saying masses or believing blindly what others say, 
contrary to common sense.

"No! His luminary is greater than your own sun; His flowers more fragrant than 
those on earth. He suffices to Himself. He created intelligence for no 
subservient purpose; but that with its use, man could be happy in raising 
himself to Him. He needs no one. He created man, not for His sake, but for man's 
own. He is happy for all eternity!

"You obstinately uphold the existence of a Purgatory, using even the most 
ignoble weapons and means to defend your belief. Why, instead of wasting your 
time in affirming the existence of that which you never saw, do you not preach 
and practice love and charity amongst yourselves? Why not preach words of 
comfort and hope, to somewhat soothe the miseries of life, instead of 
frightening your brothers by tales of future punishment? Why? Because Christ's 
True Doctrine would bring you no earthly wealth, and all that you look for is 
gold, and gold! And to satisfy your end and bleed the timid souls, of money, you 
have invented a Purgatory! Why afflict orphans and widows with dreadful tales of 
the next life, only to extort from them a few cents? Have you forgotten what the 
Apostle said? 'Nolo vos ignorare, fratres, de dormientibus, ut non 
contristenuni, sicut qui spem non habent,' which means, 'I do not wish you to 
ignore, brethren, that which concerns those who sleep, that you may not be 
saddened, like those who have lost all hope.' Also, that I, myself, have said? 
'Hoec enim est Christianoe fidei summa: vitam veram expectare post mortem,' that 
is 'Here is then the summary of the Christian faith: to hope for a true life 
after death.' But you, lacking in charity, and for a vile, greedy interest, live 
in opposition to Christ, and pretend to be able to mould Divine Judgment. All 
the strength of your philosophy seems to be derived from your own theory, which 
denies the existence of souls sufficiently sinners to be condemned, or pure 
enough to enter the Kingdom of God! By whose authority do you pretend to oppose 
the judgment of Him who weighs and considers the smallest thought? Who knows it 
is impossible to expect perfection from beings made of clay, subject to the 
miseries and oppressions of earthly life? Who told you that He will judge as 
you, with your narrow, limited intelligence, do? That the miseries of this life 
are not expiations of sins?

"Cease in your avaricious hoarding of wealth! You have now enough. Do not wrench 
from the poor his last mouthful of bread.

"Remember what Saint Fulgentius said: 'Et si mithetur in stagnum ignis et 
sulphuris qui nudum vestimento non tegit, quid passures est qui vestimento 
crudelis expoliat? Et si rerum suarem avarus possessor requiem non habebit, 
quomodo aliaenarum rerum insatiabilis raptor?' Meaning, 'And if he who never 
clothed the naked is sent to the pond of fire and sulphur, where will he, who 
cruelly stripped them, go? And if the greedy possessor of his own wealth may 
never rest, how shall it be with the thief, insatiable in his greed for the 
wealth of others?'

"Preach then, the religion of Hope and Promises, as you, above all, are in need 
of pardon and forgiveness. Do not speak of rigor, nor condemn others, lest God 
should hear and judge you according to the laws by you formulated. Bear always 
in mind Christ's words, 'Vae vobis scribae et Pharisae hypocrite qui clauditis 
regnum coelorum ante homines; vos non intratis, nec introeunts sinitis intrare!' 
This means, 'Woe to you, Scribes and Pharisees, who close to men the Kingdom of 
God, and neither enter nor allow others to enter!'

"Now, to you personally, I will say: You are an unfortunate fool, who speak 
numberless absurdities, although I could not expect aught else from you, and 
would not punish you for them. But you have had the audacity of not only 
insulting others, by which you forgot truth and charity, but praised yourself 
and called attention to your own praise.

"Referring to yourself, you said. This Father, whom I well know (liar, you do 
not even know yourself), although he may appear a little hard headed (a little 
hard-headed? Ask my crosier if your head is not harder than stone), never speaks 
in vain (this is true; every word you say causes as much laughter on earth as in 
Heaven), nor uses words without first thinking (if such is true, your 
intelligence is very limited).

"For such foolish vanity I ought to punish you severely, so that you would stop 
forever your senseless writings, saving me the trouble of coming to reprimand 
you at every instance.

"Were I to judge you according to your own theory, you should at least go to 
your Purgatory. But, after all, you are not so bad, as many learned persons are 
made to laugh at your writings.

"It would be well for your pride if you allowed the Indians to pass by you 
without taking off their hats or kissing your hand. But then, they would be 
imprisoned or exiled, and it would not do to increase the wrong you do them.

"Shall I make you lame and dumb? No! Your brothers would claim it was a trial of 
your forbearance, to which God had submitted you. No; you won't catch me on 
that!

"What shall I do with you?"

The old Bishop meditated for a few moments, and then, he exclaimed:

"Ah! Now I know! Your own sin shall be your punishment!

"I condemn you to continue saying and writing nonsense for the rest of your 
life, so that the world may laugh at you, and also, that on the Day of Judgment 
you may be judged according to your deserts!"

"Amen!" replied Friar Rodriguez.

The vision then disappeared; the light of the lamp regained its yellowish flame, 
and the soft perfume dispersed.

On the following day Friar Rodriguez started writing greater nonsense, with 
renewed energy.

Amen!

Jose Rizal.

Note.--The foregoing admirable translations from the writings of Dr. Rizal were 
made by Mr. F.M. de Rivas, of Chicago.


CHAPTER XV

Events of the Spanish-American War.

No Mystery About the Cause of the War--The Expected and the Inevitable Has 
Happened--The Tragedy of the Maine--Vigilant Wisdom of President McKinley--
Dewey's Prompt Triumph--The Battles at Manila and Santiago Compared--General 
Shafter Tells of the Battle of Santiago--Report of Wainwright Board on Movements 
of Sampson's Fleet in the Destruction of Cervera's Squadron--Stars and Stripes 
Raised Over Porto Rico--American and Spanish Fleets at Manila Compared.--Text of 
Peace Protocol.

The war between Spain and the United States was a long time coming, and there is 
no more mystery about its cause than doubt as to its decisions. It was foretold 
in every chapter of the terrible stories of the conflicts between the Spaniards 
and their colonists, largely of their blood, in Central and South America. The 
causes of war in Cuba, and the conduct of warfare by Spain in that island were 
the same that resulted in revolutionary strife in Mexico and Peru, and, indeed, 
all the nations in the Americas that once were swayed by the sovereignty of 
Spain. The last of the islands of the Spanish possessions in the hemisphere 
introduced to the civilized world by Columbus were lost by the western peninsula 
of Europe, symbolized and personified in the Crown, as the first crumbling 
fragments of the colonial empires of Spain fell away from her. Only in the case 
of Cuba there was the direct intervention of the United States to establish "a 
stable government" in the distracted island, desolated by war, pestilence and 
famine, that had evolved conditions, of terrible misery incurable from within, 
and of inhumane oppression that should be resented by all enlightened people. It 
had long been realized by the thoughtful men of Spain capable of estimating the 
currents of events, that the time must come, and was close at hand, when the 
arms of the United States would be directed to the conquest of Cuba. It was not 
only in the air that this was to be, it was written in the history of Spanish 
America, and more than that, there was not an Atlas that did not proclaim in the 
maps of the continents of the Western world, that Cuba would and in the largest 
sense of right should, become a part of the United States, and must do so in 
order to be redeemed from the disabilities deeply implanted, and released from 
having the intolerable burdens imposed by the rule of Spain. The consciousness 
of the Spaniards, that the shadow of the United States lowered over the 
misgovernment of Cuba, and that there was a thunder-cloud in the north that must 
burst--with more than the force of the hurricanes that spin on their dizzy way 
of destruction from the Caribbean Sea--aroused the fury of passion, of jealous 
hatred and thirst for revenge, in anticipation of the inevitable, that caused 
the catastrophe of the blowing up of the Maine, and kindled with the flame of 
the explosion, the conflagration of warfare in the Indies West and East, that 
has reddened the seas and the skies with the blood of Spain and the glow of 
America's victory both in the Antilles and the Philippines, wiping from the face 
of the earth the last vestiges of the colonial imperialism of Spain that gave 
her mediaeval riches and celebrity, for which--as the system always evil became 
hideous with malignant growth, so that each colony was a cancer on the mother 
country--there has been exacted punishment of modern poverty, and finally the 
humiliation of the haughty, with no consolation for defeat, but the fact that in 
desperate and forlorn circumstances there were seen glimpses of the ancient 
valor in Spanish soldiers, that was once their high distinction among the 
legions of embattled Europe.

The United States was not ready for war. Our regular army was a 16 to 120 
Spanish troops in Cuba, our field guns 1 to 6 of Blanco's batteries, our siege 
train nowhere, and fortified cities to assail; and the ability and industry of 
the Spaniards as well as their skill and strength in surveying and fortifying 
military lines, and their food resources were dangerously undervalued. The war 
was rushed upon the country, contrary to the calm executive judgement of the 
President. The army and navy were admirable but faulty in hasty equipment, the 
navy a perfect machine in itself, but without docks and arsenals in the right 
place for the supply of a fleet in the old battle field of European navies, the 
West Indies. The energies of the Government were put forth as soon as the war 
was seriously threatened, and the mighty people arose and swiftly as the 
aptitudes of Americans in emergencies could be applied, deficiencies were 
supplied. The first stroke of arms came as a dazzling flash from the far 
southwest, in the story of the smashing victory of Dewey at Manila. That 
splendid officer, gentleman and hero did not signal his fleet as Nelson at 
Trafalgar, that every man was expected to do his duty, but he reported that 
every man did his duty; and the East Indian fleet of Spain vanished, smashed, 
burned and sunken by a thunderbolt! The theory of war countenanced by the 
impetuous and demanded by the presumptuous, was that our aggressive forces must 
attack Havana. In and around that city were an enormous garrison, abundant 
military stores, forty miles of trenches defended by sixty thousand men; and far 
more to be dreaded the deadly climate, the overwhelming rains, the deep rank 
soil soaked under the tropical sun and the dense vegetation, and still more the 
pestilence--the ghastly Yellow Fever, and scarcely less poisonous and fatal 
pernicious malarial fevers, and dysenteries that exhausted as fast as fever 
consumed. Fortunately, it was decided that the place to attack Havana was 
Santiago, and there the regular army, with the exception of the regiments sent 
to the Philippines, was ordered and in due time reinforced by volunteers, safely 
embarked and disembarked, to become the winners on bloody fields and receive the 
surrender of the Spanish garrisons of the city and province of Santiago. The 
vaunted fleet of Cervera, having attempted flight, perished--the wrecks of his 
fine ships strewing the southern coast of Cuba, where they remain as memorials, 
like and unlike the distorted iron that was the Maine, in the harbor of Havana, 
and as the shattered and charred remnants of the fleet of Montejo, at Manila, 
still cumber the waters of the bay off Cavite, telling the story of the glory of 
our victorious heroes there.

The responsibility of the Chief Magistrate of the United States in the late war 
was remarkable. Everything of moment was referred to him from the Cabinet 
officers of the Government, and he gave all the closest attention, making, after 
conscientious consideration, the decisions that determined the course of action 
taken. This was true in unusual measure of the Treasury, State, War and Navy 
Departments.

It is well the President resisted while he could the "rush line" in Congress, 
that strove headlong for war, and strenuously urged in the time gained essential 
preparations, and that he pressed the war the day it was declared with a hurry 
message to Admiral Dewey, who won his immortal victory on the other side of the 
world within a week of his orders by cable to "destroy" the squadron of the 
enemy that might be found somewhere on the west coast of Luzon.

Nearer home there was a harder task. The Spanish army in Cuba was much more 
formidable on the defensive than in the offensive. There were greater numbers of 
soldiers of a better class in the service of Spain on the island, than had been 
supposed, and they did not lack, in the degree believed, discipline, ammunition 
or provisions. The Spaniards had an effective field artillery, more than one 
hundred guns, and their Mauser rifles were excellent, far-reaching; and, in 
field ammunition, they were ahead of us in smokeless powder. Our regiments would 
have given way before the Spanish rifles, that told no tales except with bolts, 
that flew invisible, fatal arrows, from the jungles, if the American soldier had 
not been of stuff that was like pure steel, and marched unflinchingly through 
the deadly hail, regarding the bitter pelting as a summons to "come on" and 
carry the trenches and ambuscades by storm. The incapacity of the Spaniards to 
put down the Cuban Rebellion caused grave misapprehensions, both as to the 
Spanish and Cuban soldiery, for few Americans understand the conditions of the 
interminable guerilla warfare, the particular military accomplishment of the 
Spanish race, impotent in all save the destructive effect upon those not engaged 
in it. In Congress no impression could be made of the real feebleness of the 
Cubans, except in bushwhacking, and it is still a puzzle that the immense masses 
of Spanish troops should be so helpless against the insurgents, and yet so 
troublesome in harassing invaders. The Cuban army was not a myth, certainly, but 
it has been a disappointment to those who were swift in shouting its praises, 
upon information given by the Cuban Key West Bureau of News novelettes. It was 
well that the attack on Spain in the West Indies was directed upon Santiago and 
Porto Rico. The former manifestly was a point that commanded the central waters 
of the West Indies; recently there have been expressions of surprise that the 
expedition to Porto Rico, finally and handsomely led by Major General Miles, 
commanding the army of the United States, was so delayed. Investigation from the 
inside will duly determine that no harm was done in that case by loss of time. 
Santiago was pointed out by many circumstances as the vital spot of Spanish 
power in America, where a mortal blow might be delivered. It was in the province 
where the insurgents had greater strength than in any other part of the island. 
It was so situated that our fleet in that locality was close to the Windward 
Passage, east of Cuba, where Columbus was at once perplexed and triumphant, and 
to Hayti, Jamaica and Porto Rico; and there were several landings where it would 
be possible to disembark troops, protected by the fire of our ships. More than 
that, Santiago is the old capital of Cuba, the place where the head of the Cuban 
church abides, and the scene of the Virginius Massacre--altogether having a 
place in history almost equal to that of Havana. It was not doubted the sanitary 
situation of the east end of Cuba was better than that of the west end. 
Experience shows that this easy assumption was questionable. If we omit the 
great plague spot, the city of Havana, it will appear that Santiago is in a 
region as pestilential as can be found in the provinces of Havana and Pinar del 
Rio. More than all other associations and conspicuities, the attention of the 
world was directed to Santiago because Cervera's elusive fleet, short of coal 
and provisions, and overmatched by the United States navy, took refuge in the 
deep harbor, hoping to clean his ships, get supplies and escape with coal enough 
to open a new career. The Spaniards were too slow, and the only ships of Spain 
that showed a sign of the spirit of enterprise and the capacity of adventure, 
were bottled up by a relentless blockade. Lieutenant Hobson became famous in a 
night in his most hazardous effort to use the Merrimac as a cork for the bottle, 
but fortunately left a gap through which the Spaniards made haste to their doom. 
When the second fleet of Spain was destroyed, all chance of disputing our 
supremacy at sea, or of doing anything to guard Spanish interests either in the 
East or West Indies, was extinguished.

There has been no marked features of contention as to the battles of Manila, 
except in the case of the gratuitous observations of critical persons, whose 
feelings have been disturbed, that the storming of the town was not bloody 
enough. The victory, however, was all the greater, for the casualty lists were 
not long, owing to the management of the Commanding General and the heroic 
Admiral, who won a battle famous as that at New Orleans, with less bloodshed, 
but as Jackson's victory was not belittled because he lost but half a dozen men 
killed, the victories at Manila should not be slighted. The Santiago battles, 
however, have stirred controversies, and there is a great mass of literature, 
official and other, subject to endless examination, and perhaps so voluminous as 
to confuse readers for some generations. The leading and indisputable facts are, 
that the Spaniards fought well on land, but were ineffectual afloat, in their 
attempts to inflict injuries, though they put to sea in dashing style, and did 
not flinch in efforts to evade a superior force, until the fire of the Americans 
crushed them. In the incidents of warfare on the hills around and the waves 
before Santiago, it is fair to say that the Spaniards redeemed themselves from 
imputation of timidity, and fought in a manner not unworthy of the countrymen of 
the Garrison of Morro Castle, Havana, whose gallantry in resisting the army and 
fleet of England, in 1762, commanded the respectful regard of their conquerors, 
and is a glorious chapter in the story of Spain. The Santiago events were most 
honorable to American arms, and it would lessen the splendor of the reputation 
of the American soldiers if one failed to do justice to the sturdy fighters they 
overcame. It is too early or too late for participation in the debates whether 
civil or acrimonious, as to the merits or faults of those engaged at Santiago, 
further than to quote that golden sentence from the report of Commodore Schley, 
that there was "glory enough to go around." We, whatever is said, remember what 
was done on those hills that have an everlasting place in history. There forever 
is to be application of marvelous propriety, of the mournful and noble lines of 
Kentucky's poet, Theodore O'Hara:

"On Fame's eternal camping ground Their silent tents are spread, And Glory 
guards with solemn round The bivouac of the dead."

There was a speedy realization by the country, and all the intelligent peoples 
of the earth, when our troops were embarked for the Santiago campaign, that the 
crisis of the war was at hand. No American thought of failure. The only 
questions were as to the power of the defense of Cuba by Spain, and the cost to 
us in men and money to overcome the defenders. Those who knew the most about the 
conditions in Cuba had the least confidence in the efficiency of the Cuban Army. 
The only body of organized Cubans of importance was that under command of 
Garcia, and it was the province of which he was in partial occupation that we 
invaded in force. The public had been considerably interested and entertained by 
the rousing accounts of the various naval bombardments of Spanish shore 
fortresses. But the firing from our ships had not materially shaken the Spanish 
defenses. The sea power had not shattered the shore lines, but found abundant 
occupation in guarding transports and protecting the troops when landing. It 
would have been an act of the most gross imprudence and incompetency to have put 
an army ashore unless the supremacy of the navy on the sea was absolute. More 
than that, our own cities had to be assured that they were secure from attack. 
On the 31st of May orders were issued for the embarkation of the army of 
invasion as follows:

1. The Fifth Army Corps.

2. The Battalion of Engineers.

3. The detachment of the Signal Corps.

4. Five squadrons of cavalry, to be selected by the commanding general of the 
cavalry division, in accordance with instruction previously given.

5. Four batteries of light artillery, to be commanded by a major, to be selected 
by the commanding officer of the light artillery brigade.

6. Two batteries of heavy artillery, to be selected by the commanding officer of 
the siege artillery battalion, with eight (8) siege guns and eight (8) field 
mortars.

7. The Battalion of Engineers, the infantry, and cavalry, will be supplied, with 
500 rounds of ammunition per man.

8. All troops will carry, in addition to the fourteen (14) days' field rations 
now on hand, ten (10) days' travel rations.

9. The minimum allowance of tentage and baggage as prescribed in General Orders 
54, A.G.O., current series, will be taken.

10. In addition to the rations specified in paragraph 8 of this order, the chief 
commissary will provide sixty (60) days' field rations for the entire command.

11. All recruits and extra baggage, the latter to be stored, carefully piled and 
covered, will be left in camp, in charge of a commissioned officer, to be 
selected by the regimental commander. Where there are no recruits available the 
necessary guard only will be left.

12. Travel rations will be drawn, at once, by the several commands, as indicated 
in paragraph 8.

This was by command of Major-General Shafter. There were delays on account of 
inadequate facilities for embarkation at Tampa and Port Tampa. Orders for 
General Shafter to move with not less than 10,000 men were issued on the 7th, 
and there was delay on account of reports of Spanish ships of war ready to 
strike a blow at the transports. Twelve squadrons of cavalry not mounted were 
added to the troops designated in the general order, and June 14th the 
expedition sailed with 815 officers and 16,072 enlisted men, and had a smooth 
and uneventful passage. There were several demonstrations for the deception of 
the enemy, in one of which 500 Cubans were employed. General Shafter was 
committed by the movements and the ground, as he says in his official report:

    "To approach Santiago from the east over a narrow road, at first in some 
places not better than a trail, running from Daiquiri through Siboney and 
Sevilla, and making attack from that quarter, was, in my judgment, the only 
feasible plan, and subsequent information and results confirmed my judgment."

    The disembarkation commenced June 22nd, and all men were ordered to carry 
"on the person the blanket roll (with shelter tent and poncho), three days' 
field rations (with coffee, ground), canteens filled, and 100 rounds of 
ammunition per man. Additional ammunition, already issued to the troops, 
tentage, baggage, and company cooking utensils left under charge of the 
regimental quartermaster, with one non-commissioned officer and two privates 
from each company,"

Two days were occupied in getting the troops ashore, and the first engagement 
was on the morning of the 24th, General Young's brigade taking the advance, and 
finding a Spanish force strongly intrenched on the Santiago road three miles 
from Siboney. Young's force was 964 officers and men. The enemy were driven from 
the field. Our loss, 1 officer and 15 men killed, and 6 officers and 46 men 
wounded. Spanish loss reported 9 killed and 27 wounded. General Shafter says the 
engagement had "an inspiring effect" upon the men, and "gave us a well-watered 
country further to the front, on which to encamp our troops," and the rest of 
the month was occupied in attempting to land rations enough to have a reserve, 
and "it was not until nearly two weeks after the army landed that it was 
possible to place on shore three days' supplies in excess of those required for 
the daily consumption."

General Shafter reconnoitered, and formed his plan of battle June 30th, and 
reports that in the opening of the engagement on July 1st "the artillery fire 
from El Pozo was soon returned by the enemy's artillery. They evidently had the 
range of this hill, and their first shells killed and wounded several men. As 
the Spaniards used smokeless powder it was very difficult to locate the position 
of their pieces, while, on the contrary, the smoke caused by our black powder 
plainly indicated the position of our battery."

The advantages the Spaniards had in the use of smokeless powder were conspicuous 
throughout the scenes of fighting both at Santiago and Manila. We had, however, 
at Santiago a war balloon of the actual service, of which General Shafter says: 
"General Kent forced the head of his column alongside of the cavalry column as 
far as the narrow trail permitted, and thus hurried his arrival at the San Juan 
and the formation beyond that stream. A few hundred yards before reaching the 
San Juan the road forks, a fact that was discovered by Lieutenant-Colonel Derby 
of my staff, who had approached well to the front in a war balloon. This 
information he furnished to the troops, resulting in Sumner moving on the right-
hand road, while Kent was enabled to utilize the road to the left."

General Shafter officially makes the following reference to his illness at the 
time:

    "My own health was impaired by overexertion in the sun and intense heat of 
the day before, which prevented me from participating as actively in the battle 
as I desired; but from a high hill near my headquarters I had a general view of 
the battlefield, extending from El Caney on the right to the left of our lines 
on San Juan Hill. My staff officers were stationed at various points on the 
field, rendering frequent reports, and through them by the means of orderlies 
and the telephone, I was enabled to transmit my orders.

    "After the brilliant and important victory gained at El Caney, Lawton 
started his tried troops, who had been fighting all day and marching much of the 
night before, to connect with the right of the cavalry division. Night came on 
before this movement could be accomplished. In the darkness the enemy's pickets 
were encountered, and the Division Commander being uncertain of the ground and 
as to what might be in his front halted his command and reported the situation 
to me. This information was received about 12:30 a. m., and I directed General 
Lawton to return by my headquarters and the El Pozo House as the only certain 
way of gaining his new position.

    "This was done, and the division took position on the right of the cavalry 
early next morning, Chaffee's brigade arriving first, about half-past 7, and the 
other brigades before noon."

Of the hottest of the fight on the 1st of July, General Shafter reports:

    "Great credit is due to Brigadier-General H. S. Hawkins, who, placing 
himself between his regiments, urged them on by voice and bugle calls to the 
attack so brilliantly executed.

    "In this fierce encounter words fail to do justice to the gallant regimental 
commanders and their heroic men, for, while the generals indicated the 
formations and the points of attack, it was, after all, the intrepid bravery of 
the subordinate officers and men that planted our colors on the crest of San 
Juan Hill and drove the enemy from his trenches and blockhouses, thus gaining a 
position which sealed the fate of Santiago.

    "In this action on this part of the field most efficient service was 
rendered by Lieutenant John H. Parker, Thirteenth Infantry, and the Gatling gun 
detachment under his command. The fighting continued at intervals until 
nightfall, but our men held resolutely to the positions gained at the cost of so 
much blood and toil.

    "I am greatly indebted to General Wheeler, who, as previously stated, 
returned from the sick list to duty during the afternoon. His cheerfulness and 
aggressiveness made itself felt on this part of the battlefield, and the 
information he furnished to me at various stages of the battle proved to be most 
useful."

The report of the General Commanding of the further fighting is a model of 
forcible brevity, in these paragraphs:

    "Soon after daylight on July 2 the enemy opened battle, but because of the 
intrenchments made during the night, the approach of Lawton's division, and the 
presence of Bates' brigade, which had taken position during the night on Kent's 
left, little apprehension was felt as to our ability to repel the Spaniards.

    "It is proper here to state that General Bates and his brigade had performed 
most arduous and efficient service, having marched much of the night of June 30-
July 1, and a good part of the latter day, during which he also participated in 
the battle of El Caney, after which he proceeded, by way of El Pozo, to the left 
of the line at San Juan, reaching his new position about midnight.

    "All day on the 2d the battle raged with more or less fury, but such of our 
troops as were in position at daylight held their ground, and Lawton gained a 
strong and commanding position on the right.

    "About 10 p..m., the enemy made a vigorous assault to break through my 
lines, but he was repulsed at all points.

    "On the morning of the 3d the battle was renewed, but the enemy seemed to 
have expended his energy in the assault of the previous night, and the firing 
along the lines was desultory;" and this was stopped by a letter sent by General 
Shafter, saying he would be obliged to "shell Santiago," if not surrendered, and 
non-combatants would be given until 10 o'clock July 4th to leave the city. The 
reply of the Spanish General was that he would not surrender. Then foreign 
consuls came within our lines asking more time to remove the women and children. 
The language of General Shafter reporting the situation at the time and the 
events following, is here reproduced as of permanent interest:

    "My first message went in under a flag of truce at 12:30 p.m. I was of the 
opinion that the Spaniards would surrender if given a little time, and I thought 
this result would be hastened if the men of their army could be made to 
understand they would be well treated as prisoners of war. Acting upon this 
presumption, I determined to offer to return all the wounded Spanish officers at 
El Caney who were able to bear transportation, and who were willing to give 
their paroles not to serve against the forces of the United States until 
regularly exchanged. This offer was made and accepted. These officers, as well 
as several of the wounded Spanish privates, 27 in all, were sent to their lines 
under the escort of some of our mounted cavalry. Our troops were received with 
honors, and I have every reason to believe the return of the Spanish prisoners 
produced a good impression on their comrades.

    "The cessation of firing about noon on the 3d practically terminated the 
battle of Santiago.

    "A few Cubans assisted in the attack at El Caney, and fought valiantly, but 
their numbers were too small to materially change the strength, as indicated 
above. The enemy confronted us with numbers about equal to our own; they fought 
obstinately in strong and intrenched positions, and the results obtained clearly 
indicate the intrepid gallantry of the company, officers and men, and the 
benefits derived from the careful training and instruction given in the company 
in recent years in rifle practice and other battle exercises. Our losses in 
these battles were 22 officers and 208 men killed, and 81 officers and 1,203 men 
wounded; missing, 79. The missing, with few exceptions, reported later.

    "The arrival of General Escario on the night of July 2, and his entrance 
into the city was not anticipated, for although it was known, as previously 
stated, that General Pando had left Manzanillo with reinforcements for the 
garrison of Santiago, it was not believed his troops could arrive so soon. 
General Garcia, with between four and five thousand Cubans, was intrusted with 
the duty of watching for and intercepting the reinforcements expected. This, 
however, he failed to do, and Escario passed into the city along on my extreme 
right and near the bay."

On the 11th, when the firing ceased and was not resumed "the sickness in the 
army was increasing very rapidly, as a result of exposure in the trenches to the 
intense heat of the sun and the heavy rains. Moreover, the dews in Cuba are 
almost equal to rains. The weakness of the troops was becoming so apparent I was 
anxious to bring the siege to an end, but in common with most of the officers of 
the army I did not think an assault would be justifiable, especially as the 
enemy seemed to be acting in good faith in their preliminary propositions to 
surrender.

"July 12 I informed the Spanish Commander that Major-General Miles, Commander-
in-Chief of the American army, had just arrived in my camp, and requested him to 
grant us a personal interview on the following day. He replied he would be 
pleased to meet us. The interview took place on the 13th."

The Spanish raised many points, as is their habit, and were tenacious about 
retaining their arms, but yielded, and "the terms of surrender finally agreed 
upon included about 12,000 Spanish troops in the city and as many more in the 
surrendered district."

July 17th "we met midway between the representatives of our two armies, and the 
Spanish Commander formally consummated the surrender of the city and the 24,000 
troops in Santiago and the surrendered district.

"After this ceremony I entered the city with my staff and escort, and at 12 
o'clock noon the American flag was raised over the Governor's palace."

The men and material surrendered by the Spaniards at Santiago largely exceeded 
the two English armies and their equipments at Saratoga and Yorktown.

The yellow fever appeared in the American camp at Siboney July 4th, and the fact 
was soon known to the army. General Shafter says of the wounded and sick: "They 
received every attention that it was possible to give them. The medical officers 
without exception worked night and day to alleviate the suffering, which was no 
greater than invariably accompanies a campaign. It would have been better if we 
had more ambulances, but as many were taken as was thought necessary, judging 
from previous campaigns."

General Joe Wheeler's report of the action of July 1st is a paper full of 
striking points. The movement into battle began in wading the San Juan river 
under heavy fire, and the General says:

    "We were as much under fire in forming the line as we would be by an 
advance, and I therefore pressed the command forward from the covering which it 
was formed. It merged into open space, in full view of the enemy, who occupied 
breastworks and batteries on the crest of the hill which overlooked Santiago, 
officers and men falling at every step. The troops advanced gallanty, soon 
reached the foot of the hill and ascended, driving the enemy from their works 
and occupying them on the crest of the hill.

    "Colonel Carroll and Major Wessels were both wounded during the charge, but 
Major Wessels was enabled to return and resume command. General Wyckoff, 
commanding Kent's Third Brigade, was killed at 12:10. Lieutenant-Colonel Worth 
took command and was wounded at 12:15. Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum then took 
command and was wounded at 12:20, and the command then devolved upon Lieutenant-
Colonel Ewers, Ninth Infantry.

    "Upon reaching the crest I ordered breastworks to be constructed, and sent 
to the rear for shovels, picks, spades, and axes. The enemy's retreat from the 
ridge was precipitate, but our men were so thoroughly exhausted that it was 
impossible for them to follow. Their shoes were soaked with water by wading the 
San Juan River; they had become drenched with rain, and when they reached the 
crest they were absolutely unable to proceed further. Notwithstanding this 
condition these exhausted men labored during the night to erect breastworks, 
furnished details to bury the dead and carry the wounded back in improvised 
litters."

Wheeler's loss was 6 officers and 40 men killed, 29 officers and 288 men 
wounded, and 10 men missing--total 372, out of a force of 127 officers and 2,536 
men.

General Bates says that after his brigade remained for some time in the first 
cross road after wading the San Juan river: "We moved to the right to assault a 
small hill, occupied upon the top by a stone fort and well protected by rifle 
pits. General Chaffee's brigade charged them from the right, and the two 
brigades, joining upon the crest, opened fire from this point of vantage, lately 
occupied by the Spanish, upon the village of El Caney.

"From this advantageous position the Spanish were easily driven from place to 
place in the village proper, and as fast as they sought shelter in one building 
were driven out to seek shelter elsewhere. The sharpshooters of my command were 
enabled to do effective work at this point. The town proper was soon pretty 
thoroughly cleaned out of Spanish, though a couple of blockhouses upon the hill 
to the right of the town offered shelter to a few, and some could be seen 
retreating along a mountain road leading to the northwest. A part of these made 
a stand in a field among some bowlders.

General Lawton observes: "The light battery first opened on a column of Spanish 
troops, which appeared to be cavalry moving westward from El Caney, and about 2 
miles range, resulting, as was afterwards learned, in killing 16 in the column."

The General has much to say of a pleasing personal nature.

The report of General Kent is of extraordinary merit for the exact detail and 
local color. Colonel McClernand, he says, "pointed out to me a green hill in the 
distance which was to be my objective on my left," and as he moved into action, 
"I proceeded to join the head of my division, just coming under heavy fire. 
Approaching the First Brigade I directed them to move alongside the cavalry 
(which was halted). We were already suffering losses caused by the balloon near 
by attracting fire and disclosing our position.

    "The enemy's infantry fire, steadily increasing in intensity, now came from 
all directions, not only from the front and the dense tropical thickets on our 
flanks, but from sharpshooters thickly posted in trees in our rear, and from 
shrapnel apparently aimed at the balloon. Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, of General 
Shafter's staff, met me about this time and informed me that a trail or narrow 
way had been discovered from the balloon a short distance back leading to the 
left to a ford lower down the stream. I hastened to the forks made by this road, 
and soon after the Seventy-first New York Regiment of Hawkins' brigade came up. 
I turned them into the by path indicated by Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, leading to 
the lower ford, sending word to General Hawkins of this movement. This would 
have speedily delivered them in their proper place on the left of their brigade, 
but under the galling fire of the enemy the leading battalion of this regiment 
was thrown into confusion and recoiled in disorder on the troops in the rear."

The Second and Third Battalions "came up in better order," but there was some 
delay, and General Kent says:

    "I had received orders some time before to keep in rear of the cavalry 
division. Their advance was much delayed, resulting in frequent halts, 
presumably to drop their blanket rolls and due to the natural delay in fording a 
stream. These delays under such a hot fire grew exceedingly irksome, and I 
therefore pushed the head of my division as quickly as I could toward the river 
in column files of twos parallel in the narrow way by the cavalry. This 
quickened the forward movement and enabled me to get into position as speedily 
as possible for the attack. Owing to the congested condition of the road, the 
progress of the narrow columns was, however, painfully slow. I again sent a 
staff officer at a gallop to urge forward the troops in rear."

The Second Brigade and Third "moved toward Fort San Juan, sweeping through a 
zone of most destructive fire, scaling a steep and difficult hill, and assisting 
in capturing the enemy's strong position (Fort San Juan) at 1:30 p.m. This crest 
was about 125 feet above the general level, and was defended by deep trenches 
and a loop-holed brick fort surrounded by barbed-wire entanglements."

General Hawkins, after General Kent reached the crest, "reported that the Sixth 
and Sixteenth Infantry had captured the hill, which I now consider incorrect. 
Credit is almost equally due the Sixth, Ninth, Thirteenth, Sixteenth, and 
Twenty-fourth regiments of infantry. Owing to General Hawkins' representations, 
I forwarded the report sent to corps headquarters about 3 p.m. that the Sixth 
and Sixteenth infantry regiments captured the hill. The Thirteenth Infantry 
captured the enemy's colors waving over the fort, but, unfortunately, destroyed 
them, distributing the fragments among the men, because, as was asserted, 'It 
was a bad omen,' two or three men having been shot while assisting private 
Arthur Agnew, Company H, Thirteenth Infantry, the captor. All fragments which 
could be recovered are submitted with this report.

    "I have already mentioned the circumstances of my Third Brigade's advance 
across the ford, where in the brief space of ten minutes it lost its brave 
commander (killed) and the next two ranking officers by disabling wounds. Yet, 
in spite of these confusing conditions the formations were effected without 
hesitation, although under a stinging fire, companies acting singly in some 
instances, and by battalion and regiments in others, rushing through the jungle, 
across the stream waist deep, and over the wide bottom thickly set with barbed 
wire."

General Kent says:

    "The bloody fighting of my brave command can not be adequately described in 
words. The following list of killed, wounded, and missing tells the story of 
their valor:

    "July 1st the loss was 12 officers and 77 men killed, 32 officers and 463 
men wounded, 58 men missing. Total loss, 642."

The following day the Spaniards resumed the battle, and the losses of Kent's 
command on the 2nd and 3d of July made up a total loss in three days of 99 
killed and 597 wounded, and 62 missing. General Shafter said that before closing 
his report he desired to dwell upon "the natural obstacles I had to encounter, 
and which no foresight could have overcome or obviated. The rocky and 
precipitous coast afforded no sheltered landing places, the roads were mere 
bridle paths, the effect of the tropical sun and rains upon unacclimated troops 
was deadly, and a dread of strange and unknown diseases had its effect on the 
army.

    "The San Juan and Aguadores rivers would often suddenly rise so as to 
prevent the passage of wagons, and then the eight pack trains with the command 
had to be depended upon for the victualing of my army, as well as the 20,000 
refugees, who could not in the interests of humanity be left to starve while we 
had rations."

During the Chicago Peace Jubilee, General Shafter made an address at the Armory 
of the First Illinois Volunteers, and, released from the continual forms of 
official reports, added much of interest to the story of Santiago. He says of 
the send-off:

    "We were twice embarked and twice taken back to Tampa and disembarked. On 
the first occasion the cause was the appearance of Admiral Cervera's fleet; it 
requiring the entire navy that was disposable to go after that fleet, and the 
second time by a report that afterwards turned out to be incorrect, that in the 
St. Nicholas channel, through which we would have to go, some Spanish cruisers 
had been seen."

When ordered to Tampa to command the first Cuban expedition, he continued:

    "I took the troops that I thought best fitted and prepared for that service. 
There were some magnificent regiments of volunteers, but to part of them I had 
issued arms only two or three days before. They were not properly equipped, and 
lacked experience. As I had the choice, I took all of the regulars that were 
there, and with them three regiments of volunteers. They were magnificent men, 
as perfect as men could be, but, as you know who served in '61, poorly prepared 
to take care of themselves at first. You recollect it was months before we were 
prepared, and we made numerous mistakes that led to sickness and death. The same 
things have occurred again, and they always will continue with troops that are 
not used to the field, and in this campaign men were taken directly from their 
camps immediately after being mustered in, and put into the most difficult 
campaign of modern military history.

    "I practically had the entire regular army of the United States, twenty of 
the twenty-five regiments of infantry, five of the ten regiments of cavalry, and 
five batteries of artillery, with three regiments of volunteers, the Seventy-
first New York, the Second Massachusetts, and the regiment known as Roosevelt's 
rough riders. The last were practically seasoned soldiers. They were men from 
the frontier, men who had been accustomed for years to taking a little sack of 
corn meal on their saddles, and a blanket, and going out to sleep out of doors 
for a week or a month at a time. Of course, they knew how to care for themselves 
in camp.

    "Early in June I was called to the telephone in Tampa, and told from the 
President's mansion in Washington to proceed immediately with not less than 
10,000 men to Santiago; that news had been received that day that the fleet of 
Cervera was surely within that harbor, and that if 10,000 men could be placed 
there at once the fleet and the city could be captured in forty-eight hours. The 
horses and mules had been taken off from the ships as well as the men, and the 
time consumed in reloading the horses and mules allowed me to embark 17,000 men 
nearly. That was very fortunate for me and our cause."

On arrival off Santiago, he,

    "with Admiral Sampson, went down the coast about twenty miles, and saw 
General Garcia, and asked him his opinion of the country, what his force was, 
and whether he was disposed to assist. I found him very willing and very glad to 
offer his services at once, with 3,000 men that he had with him and another 
thousand that he had up the country a little further, which were to join us 
immediately. In sailing along the coast, looking for a landing place, I selected 
two places--Siboney, a little indentation in the coast about twelve or thirteen 
miles east of Santiago, and another little bay about eight miles further east, 
where small streams entered into the sea, making a valley and a sandbar about 
150 to 200 yards in extent. All the rest of the coast is abrupt, perpendicular 
walls of rock from ten to thirty feet high, against which the waves were dashing 
all the time, and where it is utterly impossible to land.

    "We had the earnest and able support of the navy and their assistance in 
disembarking, and the next morning were bombarding the two little places and 
driving the few hundred Spanish soldiers, that were there away. We began 
disembarking, and before the end of the day the men were on shore, with 2,000 
horses and mules that we had to throw overboard to get ashore, and the 
artillery."

The General noted the loss of 17,000 troops out of 24,000 in the English army 
that besieged Havana in 1762, at the same time of year that he landed at 
Santiago, and remarked:

    "I knew that my entire army would be sick if it stayed long enough; that it 
was simply a question of getting that town just as soon as possible. I knew the 
strength, the courage, and the will of my men, or I thought I did, and the 
result shows that I was not mistaken. It was a question of starting the moment 
we landed and not stopping until we reached the Spanish outposts, and, 
therefore, as soon as a division was put on shore it was started on the march.

    "On the 24th the first engagement took place, in which we had between 800 
and 900 men on the American side and probably 1,000 or 1,200 on the Spanish. The 
enemy was strongly intrenched, showing only their heads, while the American 
forces had to march exposing their whole bodies to the fire of the enemy.

    "It is announced by military experts as an axiom that trained troops armed 
with the present breech-loading and rapid-firing arm cannot be successfully 
assailed by any troops who simply assault. Of course you can make the regular 
approaches and dig up to them. The fallacy of that proposition was made very 
manifest that day when the men composing the advance marched as deliberately 
over those breastworks as they ever did when they fought with arms that you 
could only load about twice in a minute and of the range of only 200 or 300 
yards.

    "This army was an army of marksmen. For fifteen years the greatest attention 
has been paid to marksmanship, and I suppose four-fifths of all the men in that 
army wore on their breasts the marksman's badge. I had given orders, knowing 
that the noise of firing is harmless and that shots put in the air are harmless-
-I had given the strictest orders to all officers that their men should be told 
not to fire a shot unless they could see something moving, and the firing was to 
be by individuals, what is called file firing, individual firing. The Spanish 
troops, not so well drilled in firing as ours, used volley firing, which is very 
effective against large bodies of troops massed and moving over a plain, but 
utterly inefficient when used against skirmishers moving over a rough country. 
In that battle, which lasted two hours, less than ten rounds of ammunition per 
man was fired by my men, and the losses, notwithstanding my men were exposed, 
their whole bodies, while the enemy were in trenches, where only their heads 
could be seen, were about equal.

    "I saw the commander of that force a few days later in Santiago, and in 
talking about it he said to me: 'Your men behaved very strange. We were much 
surprised. They were whipped, but they didn't seem to know it; they continued to 
advance (laughter and applause), and we had to go away.' He was quite right 
about it. They did have to go away.

    "On the 29th we had reached the immediate vicinity of the peaks in front of 
Santiago, about a mile and a half from the city. On the 30th I carefully 
reconnoitered the ground as much as one could in the dense undergrowth, and 
determined where I would make my attack, which was simply directed in front, and 
to make a direct assault. There was no attempt at strategy, and no attempt at 
turning their flanks. It was simply going straight for them. In that I did not 
misjudge my men, and that is where I succeeded so well. (Applause.) If we had 
attempted to flank them out or dig them out by regular parallels and get close 
to them my men would have been sick before it could have been accomplished, and 
the losses would have been many times greater than they were.

    "The only misfortune, as I judged it, of the first day's fight,but which I 
have since learned was for the best, was that immediately on our right, and what 
would be in our rear when we attacked the town, was a little village called El 
Caney, four miles and a half from Santiago, and whence the best road in the 
country connected with Santiago. I did not know the exact force there, but it 
was estimated to be 1,000, and perhaps a little more, and it would, of course, 
have been very hazardous to have left that force so near in our rear.

    "Instead of finishing the affair by 9 o'clock, as we expected, it took until 
4:30 o'clock in the afternoon before the last shot was fired, and then after a 
loss of nearly a hundred killed and 250 wounded on our side and the almost total 
annihilation of the force opposed to us. They had an idea that they would be 
killed, and when men believe that it is hard to capture them. Just at the close 
of the battle three or four hundred did attempt to escape, but ran out in front 
of a brigade that they did not see, and in the course of about three or four 
hundred yards most of them were dead or mortally wounded, so that probably not 
more than twenty men on the other side escaped from that battle. It was a most 
desperate struggle.

    "Men were killed in the trenches by being knocked on the head with muskets, 
and one man I was shown two days later with what would be called a tremendous 
head on him, and the interpreter asked him how that had occurred, and he doubled 
up his fist and spoke of the soldier that had hit him as a black man, that he 
had dropped his gun and hit him in the head with his fist. That was pretty close 
work.

    "Meanwhile the battle in front of Santiago progressed, with three divisions 
on our side, one of dismounted cavalry and two of infantry. It was beautifully 
fought. Every man knew what he had to do, and so did every officer. The orders 
were that Immediately upon being deployed they were to attack. They did it. 
Every man kept going, and when one's comrade dropped the rest kept going. The 
result was that in about two hours the line was taken, and practically that 
afternoon the battle of Santiago was ended, for those men never advanced beyond 
that point.

    "During the night I brought up the division of General Lawton that had been 
on the right at Caney and put them on the extreme right, where I had intended to 
have them the day before, and where, had they been, we should probably have 
taken the town and have gotten only the men that were there, and not the 12,000 
that were far beyond our reach who were surrendered a few days later.

    "On the morning of the 2d a weak attempt was made upon our lines. In that 
the Spaniards had to expose themselves, while my men were covered. The fight 
lasted but a little while, and they retreated.

    "On the morning of July 3 I thought we had so much of an advantage that I 
could notify the enemy, first, that I wanted a surrender, and, second, if they 
declined to surrender that they could have twenty-four hours to get the women 
and children out of town. Of course, civilized people do not fire on towns 
filled with women and children if they will come out if it can be avoided. The 
Spanish commander declined very promptly to surrender, but said he would notify 
the women and children and those that desired to go, but he wanted twenty-four 
hours more, and said there were a great many people to go out. They began to 
stream out at once, and for forty-eight hours old men, women, and children 
poured out until it was estimated that at least 20,000 people passed through our 
lines and out into the woods in the rear. Of course, there was an immense amount 
of suffering, and numbers died, especially of the old. Fortunately we were 
enabled to give them some food, enough so that they existed, but at that time, 
with the Cuban forces that I had, I was issuing daily 45,000 rations. Forty-five 
thousand people are a good many to feed when you have such fearful roads and 
food could only be carried on the backs of mules.

    "On that morning of the 3d, about an hour after the time for surrendering, 
Cervera's fleet left the harbor, and went out, as you know, to total 
annihilation. It was not more than twenty or thirty minutes after they left the 
mouth of the harbor before, so far as we could hear, the firing had ceased, and 
1,700 men were prisoners, 600 were killed, and three or four battleships and 
some torpedo boats were either on the rocks or in the bottom of the sea--a most 
wonderful victory, never equaled before in naval history, and due mainly to the 
magnificent marksmanship of our men, which covered the Spanish decks with such a 
hail of iron that no sailors on earth could stand against it.

    "Two days after this I saw General Toral, and I was convinced from 
conversation with him that he was going to surrender. I had no one but myself to 
take the responsibility, in fact, I did not want anyone else to do it, but while 
I was convinced myself it was hard to convince others. I knew that we could 
capture the town at any time, that we had it surrounded so that they could not 
possibly get away, although on the night of July 2 2,800 men marched in. I had 
understood there were 8,000, but when we counted them a few days afterward there 
were only 2,800. I knew that if we carried that town by force a thousand men at 
least would be lost to the American army, and a thousand good American men are a 
good many to expend in capturing a Spanish town (applause), and I did not 
propose to do it if I could possibly talk them out of it.

    "General Toral knew just as well as I did that I knew just what he had--that 
he was on his last rations, and that nothing but plain rice, that we had his 
retreat cut off, that we had the town surrounded, that he could not hurt us, 
while we could bombard him and do some little damage, perhaps, and that it was 
only a question of a few days.

    "I found out a few days later what the hitch was which caused the delay, for 
General Toral had told me that he had been authorized by Blanco, the Governor-
General, to enter into negotiations and make terms for surrender, and in Cuba 
you know General Blanco was in supreme command. His authority was such that he 
could even set aside a law of Spain. Knowing that, I felt sure that after very 
little delay they would surrender. They desired to get permission from the 
Madrid government to return to Spain. It was that that delayed them. Immediately 
upon receiving the permission to return to Spain they surrendered.

    "I had in line when the fighting was going on, about 13,000 men--not more 
than that at any time. Inside the Spanish trenches there were about 10,000. 
There were 11,500 surrendered, and I think about 1,500 of them were sick. The 
disproportion, considering the difference of situation, is not very great. In 
fact, I think that 10,000 American soldiers could have kept 100,000 Spaniards 
out had they been in the same position (applause), although I do not wish to 
disparage the bravery of the Spanish troops. They are gallant fellows, but they 
have not the intelligence and do not take the initiative as do the American 
soldiers; and they have not the bull-dog pluck that hangs on day after day.

    "Toral made the first proposition to surrender. He said if I would let him 
take his men and such things as they could carry on their persons and on a few 
pack mules that they had and guarantee him safe conduct to Holguin, which was 
fifty-two miles away to the north and in the interior, they would march out. I 
told him, of course, that was out of the question; that I could not accept any 
such terms as that, but I would submit it to the President. I did so, and was 
very promptly informed that only unconditional surrender would be received, but 
I was at liberty to say to General Toral that if they would surrender they would 
be carried, at the expense of the United States government, back to Spain. When 
that proposition was made to him I could see his face lighten up and the faces 
of his staff, who were there. They were simply delighted. Those men love their 
country intensely, they had been brought to Cuba against their will, and had 
stayed there three years, poorly clad, not paid at all, and not well fed, and 
the prospect of going back to their homes had as much to do with conforming 
their views to our wishes as anything that was done during the campaign.

    "Meanwhile ten or twelve days had elapsed and I had received quite a number 
of volunteer regiments--two from Michigan, the First District of Columbia, a 
Massachusetts regiment, and an Ohio regiment, the Eighth Ohio--all splendid 
troops and well equipped, and while they were not there at the hardest of the 
fighting they were there during the suffering, and everything that soldiers were 
called upon to do they did like men.

    "It is a great deal harder to stand up day after day and see companions go 
from sickness and disease than it is to face the perils of battle.

    "When I told General Toral that we would carry his men back he said: 'Does 
that include my entire command?' I said: 'What is your command and where are 
they?' He replied the Fourth Army Corps; 11,500 men in the city, 3,000 twenty 
miles in the rear of us; 7,500 he said were up the coast less than sixty miles, 
and about 1,500 125 to 150 miles off on the northeastern coast.

    "There were 3,440 odd, and at a place less than sixty miles east there were 
7,500 and a few over, because we counted them and took their arms. The result of 
that surrender was as unexpected to us as probably it was to every person in the 
United States. There was simply a little army there, which had gone down to 
assist the navy in getting the Spanish fleet out and capturing that town, and we 
expected no other result from it than victory at the spot at the utmost, but in 
attacking the limb we got the whole body. It was expected that, beginning about 
the first of October, the objective point of the campaign was to be Havana, 
where we knew there were from 125,000 to 150,000 men, and it was expected that 
about the first of October a large army would be sent over there, and the battle 
that would decide the war would be fought in the vicinity of Havana. I think 
that was the universal feeling. The loss of that city and of those 24,000 men--
23,376, to be accurate--so dispirited them that within a week the proposition of 
Spain to close the war was made, and, happily, the war was ended.

    "The difficulties of that campaign were not in the fighting. That was the 
easiest part of it. The difficulties were in getting food and medicine to the 
front. There was but a single road, a muddy and terrible road, and with five or 
six wagons going over it the sixth wagon would be on the axle tree, and in 
taking up some artillery I had fourteen horses on one battery that was usually 
drawn by four, and even with that number it went out of sight, and we had to 
leave it and dig it out after the water had subsided."

Admiral Sampson's report, dated August 3d, was published October 23d, and covers 
the conduct of the fleet under his command, in its operations in the West 
Indies, for about two months prior to the destruction of Admiral Cervera's ships 
on July 3. It was made up largely of official dispatches and the movements of 
the fleet, with explanations and comment by the Admiral, and begins with a 
statement of the determination reached by the Navy department to send a squadron 
to the Windward Passage for the purpose of observation, because of the 
information received of the sailing, on April 29, of Admiral Cervera's squadron 
from the Cape Verde Islands.

On the voyage eastward from the naval base at Key West, which began on May 4, 
Admiral Sampson reports there was experienced endless trouble and delay because 
of the inefficiency of the two monitors accompanying the other ships, and which 
had to be taken in tow. Their coal supply was so small that it was at once 
evident that they must either frequently coal or be towed. The Admiral says:

    "Had the sea been rough, or had the enemy appeared at this juncture, the 
squadron would have been in a much better position for an engagement had the 
monitors been elsewhere. Subsequently, when engaging the batteries of San Juan, 
it was evident that their shooting was bad.

    "Owing to the quick rolling of these vessels, even in a moderate sea, they 
were unable to fire with any degree of accuracy."

Among the telegrams received by the Admiral from the department at Washington 
when off Cape Haytien was the following:

    Washington, D.C., May 6.--Do not risk or cripple your vessels against 
fortifications as to prevent from soon afterwards successfully fighting Spanish 
fleet, composed of Pelayo, Carlos V., Oquendo, Vizcaya, Maria Teresa, Cristobal 
Colon, four deep sea torpedo boats, if they should appear on this side. Long.

It was determined to go to Porto Rico, and the squadron arrived off San Juan on 
the morning of the 12th and the bombardment of that place ensued. Regarding his 
action at this place the Admiral says:

    "It was clear to my own mind that the squadron would not have any great 
difficulty in forcing the surrender of the place, but the fact that we should be 
held several days in completing arrangements for holding it; that part of our 
force would have to be left to await the arrival of troops to garrison it; that 
the movements of the Spanish squadron, our main objective, were still unknown; 
that the flying squadron was still north and not in a position to render any 
aid; that Havana, Cervera's natural objective, was thus open to entry by such 
force as his, while we were a thousand miles distant, made our immediate 
movement toward Havana imperative.

    "I thus reluctantly gave up the project against San Juan and stood westward 
for Havana."

Several telegrams are here presented, based on reports that Cervera's squadron 
had returned to Cadiz and they had in view "to return and capture San Juan, the 
desire to do so and occupy the place being assured in the event of Admiral 
Cervera's failure to cross the Atlantic."

Shortly after news was received that the Spanish fleet had appeared off Curacao, 
West Indies, and the squadron under orders from the department proceeded to Key 
West, to which place the flying squadron under Commodore (now Admiral) Schley 
had already been ordered.

Arrangements were then hurriedly made and the flying squadron, augmented by the 
other vessels under Commodore Schley, was sent off Cienfuegos, where it was 
believed the enemy would go, in which case an effort was to be made to engage 
and capture him. Sampson was given the choice either of the command of the 
blockading squadron off Havana or at Cienfuegos, Schley in either case to remain 
with his own squadron.

From messages received by the Admiral from the department about May 20 it 
appears that reports had reached the United States that the Spanish fleet was at 
Santiago, so the department advised Sampson to send immediately word to Schley 
to proceed to that place, leaving one small vessel off Cienfuegos.

On May 21 instructions were written by Samnson for Commodore Schley and sent to 
him via the Marblehead regarding the possibility of the Spanish fleet being at 
Santiago. They are in part as follows:

    United States Flagship New York, First Rate, Key West, Fla., May 21.--Sir: 
Spanish squadron is probably at Santiago de Cuba--four ships and three torpedo 
boat destroyers. If you are satisfied they are not at Cienfuegos proceed with 
all dispatch, but cautiously, to Santiago de Cuba, and if the enemy is there 
blockade him in port. You will probably find it necessary to establish 
communication with some of the inhabitants--fishermen or others--to learn 
definitely that the ships are in port, it being impossible to see into it from 
the outside.

The Admiral said he felt much concerned as to the delivery of these orders and 
sent a duplicate by the Hawk with an additional memorandum. The Admiral 
suggested that if the information did not reach Commodore Schley before daylight 
of May 23 to mask the real direction he should take as much as possible. He 
adds: "Follow the Spanish squadron whichever direction they take."

The Admiral off Havana gives copies of orders of battle which were to be 
followed in the event that Cervera left Santiago on the approach of Schley's 
fleet from Cienfuegos and attempted to cruise around the coast to Havana, in 
which case the Havana squadron would attempt to intercept him by going east 
about 200 miles beyond the junction of Santiren and Nicholas Channels. Strict 
orders were given for screening lights and to see that none were accidentally 
shown.

The squadron was to cruise generally to the eastward in the day and westward 
during the night.

On May 23, as shown by the report, Commodore Schley expressed the belief that 
the Spaniards were at Cienfuegos. On the 27th the Admiral sent word to Schley, 
directing him to proceed with all possible speed to Santiago because of 
information received that the Spaniards were there. The same time orders were 
sent to have the collier Sterling dispatched to Santiago with an expression of 
opinion that the Commodore should use it to obstruct the channel at its 
narrowest part leading into the harbor.

The details of the plan were left to the Commodore's judgment, as he (Sampson) 
had "the utmost confidence in his ability to carry this plan to a successful 
conclusion, and earnestly wished him good luck."

Sampson apparently felt certain of the presence of the Spaniards at Santiago and 
urged that the harbor must be blockaded at all hazards. Schley in the meantime 
had proceeded to Santiago, although it appears not the same day Admiral Sampson 
expected.

At one time Commodore Schley contemplated going to Key West with the squadron 
for coal, but this was abandoned, his collier having been temporarily repaired, 
and the necessity for a trip to Key West being avoided Santiago was then 
blockaded.

Admiral Sampson arrived at Santiago June 1st. June 8 the Admiral urged upon the 
department, as he had previously done, to expedite the arrival of the troops for 
Santiago, the difficulty of blockading the Spanish ships daily increasing.

In a memorandum dated June 15, the Admiral says:

    "The Commander-in-Chief desires again to call the attention of the 
commanding officers to the positions occupied by the blockading fleet, 
especially during the daytime, and it is now directed that all ships keep within 
a distance of the entrance to Santiago of four miles, and this distance must not 
be exceeded.

    "If the vessel is coaling or is otherwise restricted in its movements it 
must nevertheless keep within this distance. If at any time the flagship makes 
signal which is not visible to any vessel, such vessel must at once approach the 
flagship or retreating vessel to a point where it can read the signal.

    "Disregard of the directions which have already been given on this head has 
led to endless confusion. Many times during the day the fleet is so scattered 
that it would be perfectly possible for the enemy to come out of the harbor and 
meet with little opposition.

    "The Commander-in-Chief hopes that strict attention will be given this 
order."

In the order of battle incidental to the landing of Shafter's army corps June 
22, when ships were sent to shell the beach and cover the landing of the men" 
the following occurs:

    "The attention of commanding officers of all vessels engaged in blockading 
Santiago de Cuba is earnestly called to the necessity of the utmost vigilance 
from this time forward, both as to maintaining stations and readiness for action 
and as to keeping a close watch upon the harbor mouth. If the Spanish Admiral 
ever intends to attempt to escape that attempt will be made soon."

The Admiral says trouble was experienced in the landing of Shafter's army on 
account of the wandering proclivities of some of the transports. The progress of 
the disembarkation was rendered somewhat difficult by a heavy sea, the heaviest 
during the three weeks the fleet had been stationed there, owing to a stiff blow 
off the coast of Jamaica.

According to a dispatch to Secretary Long, dated June 26, the channel at 
Santiago not having been obstructed by the sinking of the Merrimac, Admiral 
Sampson was preparing a torpedo attack to hasten the destruction of the Spanish 
vessels, although he regretted resorting to this method because of its 
difficulties and small chance of success. He would not do this, he says, were 
the present force to be kept there; as it then insured a capture, which he 
believed would terminate the war.

There was contemplated at this time sending a fleet to the Spanish coast; and 
this expedition was to consist of the Iowa, Oregon, Newark, Yosemite, Yankee, 
and Dixie, and they were to go to the Azores for orders, en route to Tangier, 
Morocco. The colliers were to join the fleet at the Azores.

On June 30 the Admiral received a communication from Major-General Shafter 
announcing that he expected to attack Santiago the following morning, and asking 
that he (Sampson) bombard the forts at Aguadores in support of a regiment of 
infantry, and make such demonstrations as he thought proper at the harbor's 
mouth, so as to keep as many of the enemy there as possible.

This request was complied with, and on July 1 General Shafter asked that the 
Admiral keep up his fight on the Santiago water front. On July 2 the following 
was received from General Shafter.

    "Terrible fight yesterday, but my line is now strongly intrenched about 
three-fourths of a mile from town. I urge that you make effort immediately to 
force the entrance to avoid future losses among my men, which are already heavy. 
You can now operate with less loss of life than I can. Please telephone answer."

A reply was telephoned General Shafter from Admiral Sampson, through Lieutenant 
Stanton, which said the Admiral had bombarded the forts at the entrance of 
Santiago and also Punta Gorda battery inside, silencing their fire, and asked 
whether he (Shafter) wanted further firing on the Admiral's part. The 
explanation was made that it was impossible to force an entrance until the 
channel was cleared of mines--a work of some time after the forts were taken 
possession of by the troops. To this General Shafter replied:

    "It is impossible for me to say when I can take batteries at entrance of 
harbor. If they are as difficult to take as those which we have been pitted 
against it will be some time and at great loss of life. I am at a loss to see 
why the navy cannot work under a destructive fire as well as the army. My loss 
yesterday was over 500 men. By all means keep up fire on everything in sight of 
you until demolished. I expect, however, in time and with sufficient men to 
capture the forts along the bay."

On the 2nd of July, Sampson wrote to Shafter.

    "An officer of my staff has already reported to you the firing which we did 
this morning, but I must say in addition to what he told you that the forts 
which we silenced were not the forts which would give you any inconvenience in 
capturing the city, as they cannot fire except to seaward. They cannot even 
prevent our entrance into the harbor of Santiago. Our trouble from the first has 
been the channel to the harbor is well strewn with observation mines, which 
would certainly result in the sinking of one or more of our ships if we 
attempted to enter the harbor, and by the sinking of a ship the object of 
attempting to enter the harbor would be defeated by the preventing of further 
progress on our part.

    "It was my hope that an attack on your part of these shore batteries from 
the rear would leave us at liberty to drag the channel for torpedoes.

    "If it is your earnest desire that we should force our entrance I will at 
once prepare to undertake it. I think, however, that our position and yours 
would be made more difficult if, as is possible, we fail in our attempt.

    "We have in our outfit at Guantanamo forty countermining mines, which I will 
bring here with as little delay as possible, and if we can succeed in freeing 
the entrance of mines by their use I will enter the harbor.

    "This work, which is unfamiliar to us, will require considerable time.

    "It is not so much the loss of men as it is the loss of ships which has 
until now deterred me from making a direct attack upon the ships within the 
port."

The Admiral says he began making preparations to countermine, and, with the 
object of arranging an attack upon the batteries at the entrance a visit was 
arranged to General Shafter, so that the matter might be thoroughly discussed, 
and combined action take place.

He adds: "I had in view the employment of the marines for an assault an either 
the Morro or Socapa battery, while at the same time assaulting the defenses at 
the entrance with the fleet."

The Admiral says of the sortie and destruction of Cervera's fleet:

    "This event closes the purely naval campaign, crowning with complete success 
the anxious work of almost exactly two months."

The error of Commodore Schley as to the location of Cervera's fleet, his 
hesitation in accepting the report of the Spaniards' presence at Santiago, 
appears to have caused the advancement of Admiral Sampson and subordinated 
Schley. Out of this came differences of opinion about facts among the close 
friends of the two distinguished officers. Schley was close at hand when 
Cervera's run from Santiago took place, while Sampson was out of the way on 
other duty, and Schley has been charged with an evasive movement of the New York 
just then that lost valuable time. It is related by the Washington staff 
correspondent of the Chicago Times-Herald that just after the battle of 
Santiago, Commodore Schley went aboard the Iowa and hailed Captain Evans with 
the remark that it had been a great day for the American navy.

"But why didn't you obey orders and close in on the mouth of the harbor instead 
of heading out to sea?" inquired Evans.

Commodore Schley's reply was that he was afraid the Vizcaya would ram the 
Brooklyn. This colloquy referred to a striking maneuver of the flagship Brooklyn 
early in the engagement at Santiago, which has been commented on before. In 
justice to Commodore Schley the navy department officers admit the Spanish 
officers after the battle said that it had been their purpose, on emerging from 
the harbor, to have the Vizcaya ram the Brooklyn, believing that the Spanish 
cruisers could outrun the remaining vessels in the American fleet, most of which 
were battleships, supposed to be of a lower rate of speed than the Spanish 
cruisers.

The action of the Vizcaya as she headed toward the Brooklyn indicated her 
determination to carry out this programme. But the remark of Captain Evans to 
the nominal commander of the squadron would under ordinary circumstances have 
been an act of insubordination and only illustrates the feeling of some of the 
captains of the fleet toward the Commodore.

It has been said that Schley, being ordered to Key West when Cervera appeared in 
Cuban waters, "proceeded to Cienfuegos, which was thought to be the destination 
of the Spanish warships. That port commanded the only direct railroad connection 
with Havana, and had the Spanish fleet gone there Admiral Cervera could have 
relieved General Blanco with money and munitions of war and received in return 
supplies necessary for his squadron. It is believed even now that had the 
Spanish ships been properly supplied and equipped they would have gone to 
Cienfuegos instead of to Santiago. But subsequent developments have shown that 
Admiral Cervera was permitted to take only enough coal to carry him to the 
nearest port, Santiago."

Schley credited Cervera with knowing enough to know that Cienfuegos was the 
better port for his purposes, and therefore adhered to his opinion, and Sampson 
was made his superior officer. So important have the differences seemed that the 
Wainwright Board was convened to investigate the parts taken in the Santiago 
naval battle respectively by Admiral Sampson and Admiral Schley. But in official 
phrase this board was convened for the purpose of determining the position and 
courses of the ships engaged in the action at Santiago July 3, and reporting to 
the Secretary of the Navy.

The report is:

    "U.S.F.S. New York, First Rate, Navy Yard, New York, Oct. 8, 1898.--Sir: In 
obedience to your order of Sept. 2, 1898, appointing us a board to plot the 
positions of the ships of Admiral Cervera's squadron and those of the United 
States fleet in the battle of July 3, off Santiago de Cuba, we have the honor to 
submit the following report, accompanied by a chart, showing the positions of 
the ships at seven different times.

    "These times, as taken by the United States ships engaged, with the 
incidents noted, are as follows:

    "No. 1, 9:35 a.m.--Maria Teresa came out of the harbor.

    "No. 2, 9:50 a.m.--Pluton came out.

    "No. 3, 10:15 a.m.--Maria Teresa turned to run ashore.

    "No. 4, 10:20 a.m.--Oquendo turned to run ashore.

    "No. 5, 10:30 a.m.--Furor blew up and Pluton turned to run ashore.

    "No. 6, 11:05 a.m.--Vizcaya turned to run ashore.

    "No. 7, 1:15 p.m.--Colon surrendered.

    "The chart selected by the board for plotting is H.O. chart No. 716, 1885, 
West Indies, eastern part of Bahama Islands, with part of Cuba and north coast 
of San Domingo. This selection was made after a careful comparison with all 
other charts at hand, as the positions of the principal headlands and inlets and 
the distances between them on it agree more nearly with the observation of 
members of the board than those given by any other.

    "The positions of the United States ships were established by known bearings 
and distances from the Morro at No. 1, with the exception of the New York, whose 
position is plotted by the revolutions of its engines during a run of forty-five 
minutes cast from its position, southeast half south of the Morro, 6,000 yards. 
Position at No. 2 is plotted by all ships according to their relative bearings 
from each other, the operations of their engines from 9:35 to 9:50, the evidence 
of the officers on board them, and the ranges used in firing at the Spanish 
ships. Position No. 3 is plotted from observations of the officers of the United 
States ships, with regard to their nearness to each other, and relative bearings 
of themselves from Teresa, with ranges in use at the time, the performance of 
the engines, and general heading of the ships. Position No. 4 same as No. 3, 
substituting Oquendo for Teresa. Position Nos. 5, 6, and 7 are plotted on the 
same general plan.

    "Before plotting these positions the board took each ship separately and 
discussed the data for the position under consideration--this data being 
obtained from the report of the commanding officers, notes taken during the 
action, and the evidence of the members of the board. In reconciling differences 
of opinion in regard to distances, bearings, ranges, etc., full liberty was 
given to the representative of the ships under discussion to bring in any 
argument or data he considered necessary, and the board submits this report with 
a feeling that, under the circumstances, it is as nearly correct as is possible 
so long after the engagement. Very respectfully,

    "Richard Wainwright,
    "Lieutenant Commander, U.S.N., Senior Member.
    "S.P. Comly,
    "Lieutenant, U.S.N.
    "L.C. Heilner,
    "Lieutenant, U.S.N.
    "W.H. Schuetze,
    "Lieutenant, U.S.N.
    "A.C. Hodgson,
    "Lieutenant, U.S.N.
    "W.H. Allen,
    "Lieutenant, U.S.N.
    "Edward E. Capehart,
    "Lieutenant, U.S.N.

    "To the Commander-in-Chief."


Measurements upon the chart showing the positions of the vessels at the 
specified times named in the report will give as fair an idea of the work of the 
board as can be made without the chart itself.

    "Position No. 1, 9:35 a.m. When the Maria Teresa came out of the harbor the 
New York was nine miles east of Morro, accompanied by the Hist and Ericsson. The 
Brooklyn was three miles southwest of Morro, being two and two-tenths miles from 
the shore west of the mouth of the harbor. The Texas was eight-tenths of a mile 
east of the Brooklyn; the Iowa one and eight-tenths miles east and south of the 
Brooklyn, and the Oregon a half mile east of the Iowa, the Iowa being three 
miles directly south of Morro. The Indiana was two and two-tenths miles 
southwest of Morro and the Gloucester one mile almost directly north of the 
Indiana, a mile and four-tenths from Morro.

    "Position No. 2, 9:50 a.m. When the Pluton came out all the Spanish vessels 
had come out of the harbor and their positions were: Maria Teresa two and a half 
miles southwest of Morro, the Vizcaya, Colon and Oquendo, in the order named, 
behind the Teresa and from four-tenths to half a mile apart. The position of the 
American vessels were: The New York had moved up two and one-tenth miles 
westward. The Brooklyn had started north, swerved to the northeast and toward 
the mouth of the harbor, and was turning east on the swing it made to the right 
and around to the westward course; it was eight-tenths of a mile from the 
Vizcaya. At position No. 2 the Texas first went east a half mile, swinging 
toward the harbor, then turning to the left it is at No. 2 a half mile directly 
north of the first position. The Iowa moved by a varying course northwest and 
was a mile and four-tenths from the Vizcaya, the Oregon being two-tenths of a 
mile behind the Iowa, the Indiana three-tenths behind the Iowa. The Gloucester's 
first start was half a mile directly away from the harbor, but swinging to the 
right, had advanced toward the Spanish ships, being one and seven-tenths miles 
from the nearest, the Oquendo.

    "Position No. 3, 10:15 a.m. Maria Teresa turned to run ashore. It was five 
and one-half miles from Morro. The Vizcaya was two and three-tenths miles 
westward from the Teresa, the Oquendo one and two-tenths miles, and the Colon 
one and four-tenths miles in advance of the Teresa. The American vessels were as 
follows: The New York had come within three miles of Morro, being southeast of 
that point. The Brooklyn had made its swing to the westward, crossing its track, 
and was two and one-half miles south and west of the Teresa, and one and three-
tenths miles directly south of the Colon, and one and one-tenth miles and a 
little behind the Vizcaya, one and three-tenths miles and a little in advance of 
the Oquendo. The Texas was one and two-tenths miles from the Teresa, a little 
behind it, and one and four-tenths miles from and behind the next Spanish ship, 
the Oquendo. The Iowa was one and one-tenth miles from the Teresa and a little 
closer in, but not quite as far west as the Texas. The Oregon had pulled up and 
passed the Texas and Iowa, being a little further in shore than the Texas and a 
little further out than the Iowa. It was in advance of the Teresa, being one and 
seven-tenths miles from that vessel, six-tenths of a mile from and directly in 
the line of the Oquendo, seven-tenths of a mile from the Colon, and one and two-
tenths miles behind the Vizcaya. The Indiana was two miles from the Texas and 
two and six-tenths miles from the Oquendo, the nearest Spanish vessel. The 
Gloucester had moved up six-tenths of a mile and was just a mile directly south 
of Morro.

    "Position No. 4, 10:20 a. m. Oquendo turned to run ashore. Only five minutes 
elapsed from position No. 3. All vessels had been running westward without 
material changes in their positions. The Colon had run one and three-tenths 
miles, the Vizcaya about one-tenth of a mile less, and swerved to the left, 
bringing it to within one and one-tenth miles of the Brooklyn. The Iowa was the 
same distance, but almost directly astern, and the Oregon was one and three-
tenths miles from the Vizcaya, but farther out to sea. The Iowa was eight-tenths 
of a mile from the Oquendo, the Oregon nine-tenths of a mile from the same 
vessel, and both somewhat in advance of the doomed Spanish ship. The Indiana had 
advanced eight-tenths of a mile and was two and six-tenths miles away from the 
Oquendo, the nearest Spanish ship. The New York had advanced nearly a mile, but 
was not yet abreast of Morro. The Gloucester had run over two miles and was now 
well west of Morro, but five miles east of the Oquendo.

    "Position No. 5, 10:30 a. m. Furor blew up and Pluton turned to run ashore. 
This is ten minutes later than position No. 4. The Gloucester had run a little 
more than two miles, and was four-tenths of a mile from the Furor and but little 
further from the Pluton. The New York had run two and two-tenths miles, and was 
three and three-tenths miles from the Furor, the nearest Spanish ship, and two 
and two-tenths miles south and a little west of Morro. The Colon had run two and 
nine-tenths miles, and the Vizcaya two and seven-tenths miles. The Brooklyn had 
run two and three-tenths miles, and was one and two-tenths miles from the 
Vizcaya and one and six-tenths miles from the Colon, which was running nearer 
the shore. The Oregon had sailed two and a half miles, and was one and one-half 
miles from the Vizcaya, and about the same distance from the Colon. The Texas 
was one and two-tenths miles astern of the Oregon, two and four-tenths miles 
from the Oregon. The Indiana was one and one-half miles astern of the Texas.

    "Position No. 6, 11:05 a.m. Vizcaya turned to run ashore. In thirty-five 
minutes the Vizcaya had sailed about seven miles, and was off the mouth of the 
Aserradero River. The Colon had run five and one-half miles further, and was 
more than that distance in advance of any of the American vessels. The Brooklyn 
was one and three-tenths miles distant from the Vizcaya and slightly behind it. 
The Oregon was one and a half miles from the Vizcaya, but nearer the shore and 
somewhat more astern of the enemy. The Texas was two and seven-tenths miles from 
the Vizcaya and directly astern of the Oregon. The Iowa was three and two-tenths 
miles directly astern of the Vizcaya. The New York was five miles behind the 
Iowa. The Ericsson had kept along with the New York all the time, and was, at 
this position, one-half a mile in advance of it. The Indiana was nearly four 
miles behind the Iowa.

    "Position No. 7, 1:15 p.m. The Colon surrendered. In the two hours and ten 
minutes from the last position given the vessels had coursed westward a great 
distance. The Colon had run twenty-six and one-half miles and was off the 
Tarquino River. The Brooklyn was the nearest American vessel. It had sailed 
twenty-eight and one-half miles and was three and four-tenths miles from the 
Colon. The Oregon was four and one-half miles from the Colon and more in shore 
than the Brooklyn. The Texas was three and four-tenths miles behind the Oregon. 
The New York was nine and one-half miles from the Colon. No one of the other 
vessels had come up save the Vixen, which was abreast of the New York. This 
little vessel in the beginning of the fight steamed out to sea and sailed 
westward on a course about two and one-quarter miles from that of the nearest 
Spanish ships.

    "The tracings of the chart show that the Spanish vessels sailed on courses 
not more than three-tenths of a mile apart until the Oquendo ran ashore. Then 
the Vizcaya veered out to sea and the Colon kept nearer the shore, their courses 
being about seven-tenths of a mile apart. Up to the time the Oquendo went ashore 
the Iowa, Indiana, Oregon, and Texas sailed on courses within three-tenths of a 
mile of each other, the Iowa being the nearest and the Texas the farthest from 
the course of the Spanish ships. The Brooklyn's course was from three-tenths to 
one-half of a mile outside that of the Texas. The swing to the right which the 
Brooklyn made at the beginning of the engagement shows an oval four-tenths of a 
mile across. It crossed the courses of the Texas, Oregon, and Indiana twice 
while making the turn, but before these vessels had gone over them. The course 
of the New York after passing Morro was nearer the shore than any other United 
States vessel except the Gloucester, and a mile behind where the Oquendo turned 
to run ashore it passed inside the courses of the Spanish vessels. Ten miles 
west of the Vizcaya disaster it crossed the Colon's track, but followed close 
the course of that vessel until the latter surrendered.

    "The Iowa, Indiana, and Ericsson did not go further west than where the 
Vizcaya ran ashore. The Gloucester stopped by the Maria Teresa and Oquendo, as 
also did the Hist. The latter vessel was not able to keep pace with the New York 
and Ericsson, the vessels it was with at the beginning of the battle."

Major General Nelson A. Miles was carrying on, as master of the art and science 
of war, a prospering campaign in Porto Rico, when the protocol of peace between 
the United States and Spain was signed, and "the war drum throbbed" no longer. 
It is the testimony of those who have studied the management of the invasion of 
Porto Rico by the military head of the army, that it was going on guided with 
consummate skill when the war closed. The American forces had the pleasure in 
Porto Rico of moving in a country that had not been desolated as Cuba was. The 
island was a tropical picture of peace, only the glitter of armies breaking the 
spell. The defenders had the help of good roads, by which they could, on the 
inner lines, shift their columns with rapidity and ease. But the Porto Rico 
people were largely favorable to United States sovereignty--just as the Cubans 
would be if it were not for the selfishness and jealousies, hatreds and 
scheming, regardless of the favor or prosperity of the people, that the most 
deplorable warfare known in the later years of the earth has engendered. It was 
on October 18, 1898, that the American flag was raised over San Juan de Porto 
Rico. The telegram of the Associated Press contained this announcement of the 
ceremony and symbol by which was announced the glorious initial chapter of a new 
dispensation that adds to America's territory one of the loveliest islands of 
the sea:

San Juan de Porto Rico, Oct. 18.--Promptly at noon to-day the American flag was 
raised over San Juan. The ceremony was quiet and dignified, unmarred by disorder 
of any kind.

The Eleventh Regular Infantry, with two batteries of the Fifth Artillery, landed 
this morning. The latter proceeded to the forts, while the infantry lined up on 
the docks. It was a holiday for San Juan, and there were many people in the 
streets.

Rear Admiral Schley and General Gordon, accompanied by their staffs, proceeded 
to the palace in carriages. The Eleventh infantry Regiment and band, with Troop 
H of the Sixth United States Cavalry, then marched through the streets and 
formed in the square opposite the palace.

At 11:40 a. m. General Brooke, Admiral Schley, and General Gordon, the United 
States Evacuation Commissioners, came out of the palace, with many naval 
officers, and formed on the right side of the square. The streets behind the 
soldiers were thronged with townspeople, who stood waiting in dead silence.

At last the city clock struck the hour of 12 and the crowds, almost breathless 
and with eyes fixed upon the flagpole, watched for developments. At the sound of 
the first gun from Fort Morro, Major Dean and Lieutenant Castle, of General 
Brooke's staff, hoisted the Stars and Stripes, while the band played the "Star 
Spangled Banner."

All heads were bared and the crowds cheered. Fort Morro, Fort San Cristobal, and 
the United States revenue cutter Manning, lying in the harbor, fired twenty-one 
guns each.

Senor Munoz Rivera, who was President of the recent autonomist council of 
secretaries, and other officials of the late insular government, were present at 
the proceedings.

Congratulations and handshaking among the American officers followed, Ensign 
King hoisted the Stars and Stripes over the intendencia, but all other flags on 
the various public buildings were hoisted by military officers. Simultaneously 
with the raising of the flag over the Captain General's palace many others were 
hoisted in different parts of the city.

Washington, D. C., Oct. 18.--The War Department has received the following to-
day:

    "San Juan, Porto Rico, Oct. 18.--Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.: Flags 
have been raised on public buildings and forts in this city and saluted with 
national salutes. The occupation of the island is now complete.

    "Brooke, Chairman."


The two Spanish fleets--of the East and West Indies, were annihilated, the 
former May 1st, and the latter July 2nd, two months and two days between the 
events. The respective fleets in Manila bay were as follows:

American Fleet.

  Name            Class                   Armanent        Men and Officers

Olympia     Protected Cruiser   Four 8-in., ten 5-in., 24 R.F.   466
Baltimore   Protected Cruiser   Four 8-in., six 6-in., 10 R.F.   395
Boston      Par. Ptd. Cruiser   Two 8-in., six 6-in., 10 R.F.    272
Raleigh     Protected Cruiser   One 6-in., ten 5-in., 14 R.F.    295
Concord          Gunboat        Six 6-in., 9 R.F.                150
Petrel           Gunboat        Four 6-in., 7 R.F.               100
McCulloch    Revenue Cutter     Four 4-in                        180

Spanish Fleet.

     Name                  Class                  Armament      Men and Officers

*Rema Cristina         Steel Cruiser   Six 6.2-in., two 2.7, 13 R.F.   370
Castilla               Wood Cruiser    Four 5.9, two 4.7, two 3.4,
                                       two 2.9, 12 R.F.                300
Don Antonio de Ulloa   Iron Cruiser    Four 4.7, 5 R.F.                173
Don Juan de Austria    Iron Cruiser    Four 4.7, two 2.7, 21 R.F.      173
Isla de Luzon Steel    Ptd. Cruiser    Six 4.7, 8 R.F                  164
Isla de Cuba Steel     Ptd. Cruiser    Six 4.7, 8 R.F                  164
Velasco                Iron Cruiser    Three 6-in., two 2.7, two R.F.  173
Marques del Duero         Gunboat      One 6.2, two 4.7, 1 R.F.         98
General Lezo              Gunboat      One 3.5, 1 R.F.                  97
El Correo                 Gunboat      Three 4.7, 4 R.F.               116
Quiros                    Gunboat      4 R.F.                           60
Villalobos                Gunboat      4 R.F.                           60
Two torpedo boats and two transports. 

The American squadron was thus officered:

Acting Rear Admiral George Dewey, Commander-in-Chief.

Commander B.P. Lamberter, Chief-of-Staff.

Lieutenant L.M. Brumby, Flag Lieutenant.

Ensign H.H. Caldwell, Secretary.

Olympia (Flagship).

Captain, Charles V. Gridley.

Lieutenant-Commander, S. C. Paine.

Lieutenants: C.G. Calkins, V.S. Nelson, G.S. Morgan, S.M. Strite.

Ensigns: M.M. Taylor, F.B. Upham, W.P. Scott, A.G. Kavanagh, H.V. Butler.

Medical Inspector, A.F. Price; Passed Assistant Surgeon, J.E. Page; Assistant 
Surgeon, C.H. Kindleberger; Pay Inspector, D.A. Smith; Chief Engineer, J. 
Entwistle; Assistant Engineer, S.H. DeLany; Assistant Engineer, J.F. Marshall, 
Jr.; Chaplain, J.B. Frazier; Captain of Marines, W.P. Biddle; Gunner, L.J.G. 
Kuhlwein; Carpenter, W. Macdonald; Acting Boatswain, E.J. Norcott.

The Boston.

Captain, F. Wildes.

Lieutenant-Commander, J.A. Norris.

Lieutenants: J. Gibson, W.L. Howard.

Ensigns: S.S. Robinson, L.H. Everhart, J.S. Doddridge.

Surgeon, M.H. Crawford; Assistant Surgeon, R.S. Balkeman; Paymaster, J.R. 
Martin; Chief Engineer, G.B. Ransom; Assistant Engineer, L.J. James; First 
Lieutenant of Marines, R. McM. Dutton; Gunner, J.C. Evans; Carpenter, L.H. 
Hilton

U. S. Steamship Baltimore.

Captain, N. M. Dyer.

Lieutenant-Commander, G. Blocklinger.

Lieutenants: W. Braunersreuther, F. W. Kellogg, J. M. Ellicott, C. S. Stanworth.

Ensigns: G. H. Hayward, M. J. McCormack, U. E. Irwin.

Naval Cadets, D. W. Wurtsbaugh, I. Z. Wettersoll, C. M. Tozer T. A. Karney; 
Passed Assistant Surgeon, F. A. Heiseler; Assistant Surgeon, E. K. Smith; Pay 
Inspector, E. Bellows; Chief Engineer, A. C. Engard; Assistant Engineers, H. B. 
Price, H. I. Cone; Naval Cadet (engineer), C. P. Burt; Chaplain. T. S. K. 
Freeman; First Lieutenant of Marines, D. Williams; Acting Boatswain, H. R. 
Brayton; Gunner, L. J. Connelly; Acting Gunner, L. J. Waller; Carpenter, O. 
Bath.

U. S. Steamship Raleigh.

Captain, J. B. Coghlan.

Lieutenant-Commander, F. Singer.

Lieutenants: W. Winder, B. Tappan, H. Rodman, C. B. Morgan,

Ensigns: F. L. Chidwick, P. Babin.

Surgeon, E. H. Marsteller; Assistant Surgeon, D. N. Carpenter; Passed Assistant 
Paymaster, S. E. Heap; Chief Engineer, F. H. Bailey; Passed Assistant Engineer, 
A. S. Halstead; Assistant Engineer, J. E. Brady; First Lieutenant of Marines, T. 
C. Treadwell; Acting Gunner, G. D. Johnstone; Acting Carpenter, T. E. Kiley.

The Concord.

Commander, A. S. Walker.

Lieutenant-Commander, G. P. Colvocoreses.

Lieutenants: T. B. Howard, P. W. Hourigan.

Ensigns: L. A. Kiser, W. C. Davidson, O. S. Knepper.

Passed Assistant Surgeon, R. G. Broderick; Passed Assistant Paymaster, E. D. 
Ryan; Chief Engineer, Richard Inch; Passed Assistant Engineer, H. W. Jones; 
Assistant Engineer, E. H. Dunn.

The Petrel.

Commander, E. P. Wood.

Lieutenants: E. M. Hughes, B. A. Fiske, A. N. Wood, C. P. Plunkett.

Ensigns: G. L. Fermier, W. S. Montgomery.

Passed Assistant Surgeon, C. D. Brownell; Assistant Paymaster, G. G. Siebells; 
Passed Assistant Engineer, R. T. Hall.

The marvel of the naval engagements that disarmed Spain in both the Indies, is 
that only one American was killed in the Santiago action, and the only man who 
lost his life on Dewey's fleet was overcome by heat. The Spaniards were deceived 
as well as surprised at Manila, the deception being their dependence upon the 
belief that the Americans would take it for granted that the falsified official 
charts were correct, and stand off. The course of the American fleet, finding 
with the lead on the first round 32 feet of water where the chart said 15, 
dismayed the enemy. The Spanish had but one chance to cripple Dewey, and that 
was by closing with him, but they never seem, except in the case of the 
flagship, to have contemplated taking the offensive.

In the course of the war crowded with victory, two Spanish fleets were 
destroyed, two Spanish armies surrendered, thirty-six thousand soldiers and 
sailors of Spain made prisoners of war, the only heavy losses of Americans were 
at Santiago, and they happened because in the terrible climate of Cuba in 
summer, for those unaccustomed to it and forced to be in the rain and sleep on 
the ground, it was necessary to carry the enemy's lines of defense by assault, 
because it was certain that delay would be destruction of the troops. The 
campaign was hurried and short, but such was the effect of the few weeks spent 
in Cuba that, bloody as were the first days of July, the weeks succeeding 
witnessed the death from sickness of more soldiers than fell in battle.

Not until November 5, 1898, did the State Department make public the complete 
text of the Protocol between the United States and Spain for the preliminary 
settlement of the war. A copy was cabled to this country from the French 
translation, but the department here never gave out the text of the document in 
official form. The Protocol textually is as follows:

    "Protocol of agreement between the United States and Spain, embodying the 
terms of a basis for the establishment of peace between the two countries, 
signed at Washington Aug. 12, 1898. Protocol: William R. Day, Secretary of State 
of the United States, and his Excellency, Jules Cambon, Ambassador Extraordinary 
and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of France at Washington, respectively 
possessing for this purpose full authority from the government of the United 
States and the government of Spain, have concluded and signed the following 
articles, embodying the terms on which the two governments have agreed in 
respect to the matters hereinafter set forth, having in view the establishment 
of peace between the two countries--that is to say:

    Article I.

    "Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba.

    Article II.

    "Spain will cede to the United States the Island of Porto Rico and other 
islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and also an island in 
the Ladrones, to be selected by the United States.

    Article III.

    "The United States will occupy and hold the City, Bay, and Harbor of Manila, 
pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine the control, 
disposition, and government of the Philippines.

    Article IV.

    "Spain will immediately evacuate Cuba, Porto Rico, and other islands now 
under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and to this end each government 
will, within ten days after the signing of this protocol, appoint commissioners, 
and the commissioners so appointed shall, within thirty days after the signing 
of this protocol, meet at Havana for the purpose of arranging and carrying out 
the details of the aforesaid evacuation of Cuba and the adjacent Spanish 
islands; and each government will, within ten days after the signing of this 
protocol, also appoint other commissioners, who shall, within thirty days after 
the signing of this protocol, meet at San Juan, Porto Rico, for the purpose of 
arranging and carrying out the details of the aforesaid evacuation of Porto Rico 
and other islands now under, Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies.

    Article V.

    "The United States and Spain will each appoint not more than five 
commissioners to treat of peace, and the commissioners so appointed shall meet 
at Paris not later than Oct. 1, 1898, and proceed to the negotiation and 
conclusion of a treaty of peace, which treaty shall be subject to ratification 
according to the respective constitutional forms of the two countries.

    Article VI.

    "Upon the conclusion and signing of this protocol hostilities between the 
two countries shall be suspended, and notice to that effect shall be given as 
soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its military and naval 
forces.

    "Done at Washington in duplicate, in English and in French, by the 
undersigned, who have hereunto set their hands and seals, the 12th day of 
August, 1898.

    "William R. Day. Jules Cambon."



CHAPTER XVI

The Peace Jubilee.

The Lessons of War in the Joy Over Peace in the Celebrations at Chicago and 
Philadelphia--Orations by Archbishop Ireland and Judge Emory Speer--The 
President's Few Words of Thrilling Significance--The Parade of the Loyal League, 
and Clover Club Banquet at Philadelphia--Address by the President--The Hero 
Hobson Makes a Speech--Fighting Bob Evans' Startling Battle Picture--The 
Destruction of Cervera's Fleet--The Proclamation of Thanksgiving.

The lessons of war--that which has been through it accomplished for the country-
-the new lands over which our sovereignty is established--the gain in the 
national character--the increased immensity of the outlook of destiny, found 
impressive expression in the peace jubilee, the President of the United States 
participating, and interpreting history with dignity, in great Chicago, the 
giant of the West and North, and Philadelphia, the holy city of Independence 
Hall and the liberty bell.

Of the celebrations of Peace with honor and victory, the first was that at 
Chicago, and it will be memorable for remarkable speeches in which many orators 
rose to the height of the occasion, their speeches worthy of celebrity and 
certain to give imperishable passages to the school books of the future. We have 
to pass over much of meritorious distinction, and confine ourselves in the 
selections for these pages, to the utterances of the President--Archbishop 
Ireland, whose golden periods of Americanism ring through the land, and the 
Southern orator, Judge Emory Speer, of Georgia, whose patriotism springs forth 
and elevates the nobility of his thought, and touches with sacred fire the ruddy 
glow of his eloquence.

"Lead, my country, in peace!" was Archbishop Ireland's passionate exclamation, 
the key-note of his oration. He said:

"War has passed; peace reigns. Stilled over land and sea is the clang of arms; 
from San Juan to Manila, fearless and triumphant, floats the star spangled 
banner. America, 'Be glad and rejoice, for the Lord hath done great things.' 
America, with whole heart and soul, celebrate thy jubilee of peace.

"Welcome to America, sweet, beloved peace; welcome to America, honored, glorious 
victory. Oh, peace, thou art heaven's gift to men. When the Savior of humanity 
was born in Bethlehem the sky sang forth, 'Glory to God in the highest, and on 
earth peace and good will to men.' Peace was offered to the world through 
Christ, and when the spirit of Christ is supreme, there is universal peace--
peace among men, peace among nations.

"Oh, peace, so precious art thou to humanity that our highest ideal of social 
felicity must ever be thy sovereignty upon earth. Pagan statesmanship, speaking 
through pagan poetry, exclaims: 'The best of things which it is given to know is 
peace; better than a thousand triumphs is the simple gift of peace.' The 
regenerated world shall not lift up sword against sword; neither shall they he 
exercised any more in war.

"Peace is the normal flow of humanity's life, the healthy pulsation of 
humanity's social organism, the vital condition of humanity's growth and 
happiness.

"'O first of human blessings and supreme, Fair Peace! how lovely, how delightful 
thou.

Oh peace! thou soul and source of social life, Beneath whose calm inspiring 
influence Science his views enlarges, art refines, And swelling commerce opens 
all her ports. Blessed be the man divine who gave us thee.'

"The praise of peace is proclaimed beyond need of other words, when men confess 
that the only possible justification of war is the establishment of peace. 
Peace, we prize thee.

"'But the better thou, The richer of delight, sometime the more Inevitable war.'

"'Pasis imponero morem'--to enforce the law of peace: this, the sole moral 
argument which God and humanity allow for war. O peace, welcome again to 
America.

"War--how dreadful thou art! I shall not, indeed, declare thee to be immoral, 
ever unnecessary, ever accursed. No; I shall not so arraign thee as to mete 
plenary condemnation to the whole past history of nations, to the whole past 
history of my own America. But that thou art ever dreadful, ever barbarous, I 
shall not deny. War! Is it by cunning design--in order to hide from men thy true 
nature--that pomp and circumstance attend thy march; that poetry and music set 
in brightest colors, the rays of light struggling through thy heavy darkness, 
that history weaves into threads of richest glory the woes and virtues of thy 
victims? Stripped of thy show and tinsel, what art thou but the slaying of men?-
-the slaying of men by the thousands, aye, often by the tens, by the hundreds of 
thousands.

"With the steady aim and relentless energy tasking science to its utmost 
ingenuity, the multitudes of men to their utmost endurance, whole nations work 
day and night, fitting ourselves for the quick and extensive killing of men. 
This preparation for war. Armies meet on the field of battle; shot and shell 
rend the air; men fall to the ground like leaves in autumnal storms, bleeding, 
agonizing, dying; the earth is reddened by human blood; the more gory the earth 
beneath the tread of one army the louder the revel of victory in the ranks of 
the other. This, the actual conflict of war. From north to south, from east to 
west, through both countries whose flags were raised over the field of battle, 
homes not to be numbered mourned in soul-wrecking grief, for husband, father, 
son or brother who sank beneath the foeman's steel or yielded life within the 
fever tent, or who, surviving shot and malady, carries back to his loved ones a 
maimed or weakened body. This, the result of war.

"Reduced to the smallest sacrifice of human life the carnage of the 
battlefields, some one has died and some one is bereft. 'Only one killed,' the 
headline reads. The glad news speeds. The newsboys cry: 'Killed only one.' 'He 
was my son. What were a thousand to this one--my only son.'

"It was Wellington who said: 'Take my word for it, if you had seen but one day 
of war you would pray to Almighty God that you might never see such a thing 
again.' It was Napoleon who said: 'The sight of a battlefield after the fight is 
enough to inspire princes with a love of peace and a horror of war.'

"War, be thou gone from my soul's sight! I thank the good God that thy ghastly 
specter stands no longer upon the thresholds of the homes of my fellow 
countrymen in America, or my fellow beings in distant Andalusia. When, I ask 
heaven, shall humanity rise to such heights of reason and of religion that war 
shall be impossible, and stories of battlefields but the saddening echoes of 
primitive ages of the race?

"And yet, while we await that blessed day, when embodied justice shall sit in 
judgment between peoples as between individuals, from time to time conditions 
more repellant than war may confront a nation, and to remove such conditions as 
the solemn dictates of reason and religion impose was as righteous and 
obligatory. Let the life of a nation or the integrity of its territory be 
menaced, let the honor of a nation be assailed, let the grievous crime against 
humanity be perpetrated within reach of a nation's flag or a nation's arm, 
reiterated appeals or argument and diplomacy failing, what else remains to a 
nation which is not so base as to court death or dishonor but to challenge the 
fortunes of war and give battle while strength remains in defense of 'its 
hearthstones and its altars'? War, indeed, is dreadful; but let it come; the sky 
may fall, but let justice be done. War is no longer a repudiation of peace, but 
the means to peace--to the soul peace a self-sacrificing people may enjoy--peace 
with honor.

"A just and necessary war is holy. The men who at country's call engage in such 
a war are the country's heroes, to whom must be given unstinted gratitude and 
unstinted praise. The sword in their hands is the emblem of self-sacrifice and 
of valor; the flag which bears them betokens their country and bids them pour 
out in oblation to purest patriotism the life blood of their hearts; the shroud 
which spreads over the dead of the battlefield is the mantle of fame and of 
glory.

"Happy the nation which has the courage of a just war, no less than that of a 
just peace, whose sons are able and willing to serve her with honor alike in war 
and in peace. Happy the nation whose jubilee of peace, when war has ceased, is 
also a jubilee of victory.

"'We love peace, not war, but when we go to war we send it the best and bravest 
of the country.' These words, spoken a few days ago by the chief magistrate of 
America, embody a great principle of American life.

Six months ago the congress of the United States declared that in the name of 
humanity war should be waged in order to give to the island of Cuba a stable and 
independent government. Magnificent patriotism of America. The people of the 
United States at once rose in their might. They argued not, they hesitated not. 
America had spoken; theirs was not to judge but to obey. In a moment the money 
of America, the lives of America, were at the disposal of the chief magistrate 
of the nation, whose embarrassment was the too generous response to his appeal 
for means to bring victory to the nation's flag. America had spoken. Partisan 
politics, sectional disputes instantly were stilled beneath the majesty of her 
voice. Oft it had been whispered that we had a North and a South. When America 
spoke we knew that we were but one people; that all were Americans. It had been 
whispered that social and economic lines were hopelessly dividing the American 
people, and that patriotism was retreating before the growth of class interests 
and class prejudices.

"But when America spoke there was no one in the land who was not an American; 
the laborer dropped his hammer; the farmer turned from his plow; the merchant 
forgot his counting-room; the millionaire closed the door of his mansion; and 
side by side, equal in love of country; their resolve to serve her, they marched 
to danger and to death. America can never doubt the united loyalty of her whole 
population, nor the power which such united loyalty puts into her hand.

"And what may I not say in eulogy of the sentiment of humanity, that in union 
with their patriotism swayed the hearts of the American people, and in their 
vision invested the war with the halo of highest and most sacred duty to fellow-
men? I speak of the great multitude, whom we name the American people. They had 
been told of dire suffering by neighboring people--struggling for peace and 
liberty; they believed that only through war could they acquit themselves of the 
sacred duty of rescuing that people from their sufferings. I state a broad, 
undeniable fact. The dominating, impelling motive of the war in the depths of 
the national heart of America was the sentiment of humanity. The people of 
America offered their lives through no sordid ambition of pecuniary gain, of 
conquest of territory, of national aggrandizement. Theirs was the high-born 
ambition to succor fellowmen.

"What strength and power America was found to possess. When war was declared, so 
small was her army, so small her navy that the thought of war coming upon the 
country affrighted for the moment her own citizens and excited the derisive 
smiles of foreigners. Of her latent resources no doubt was possible; but how 
much time was needed to utilize them, and, meanwhile, how much humiliation was 
possible. The President waved his wand; instantly armies and navies were created 
as by magic. Within a few weeks a quarter of a million of men were formed into 
regiments and army corps; vessels of war and transport ships were covering the 
seas; upon water and land battles were fought and great victories won, from one 
side of the globe to the other. I know not of similar feats in history. What if 
in this bewildering rush of a nation to arms one department or another of the 
national administration was unable to put in a moment its hand upon all the 
details which a thoroughly rounded equipment required? The wonder is that the 
things that were done could at all have been done, and that what was done so 
quickly could have been done so well. The wonder is that this sudden creation of 
such vast military forces was possible, even in America.

"What prowess in action, what intellect in planning, what skill in execution, 
were displayed by soldiers and seamen, by men and officers. Magnificent the 
sweep of Dewey's squadron in Manila harbor. Magnificent the broadsides from 
Sampson's fleet upon Cervera's fleeing ships. Magnificent the charge of 
regiments of regular infantry, and of Roosevelt's riders up the hills of El 
Caney. Never daunted, never calculating defeat, every man determined to die or 
conquer, every man knowing his duty, how to do it--the soldiers and seamen of 
America were invincible. Spanish fleets and Spanish armies vanished before them 
as mists before the morning sun; the nations of the earth stood amazed in the 
presence of such quick and decisive triumphs, at what America had done and at 
what, they now understood, America could do.

The war is ended. It would ill become me to say what details shall enter into 
the treaty of peace which America is concluding with her vanquished foe. I stand 
in the presence of the chief magistrate of the republic. To him it belongs by 
right of official position and of personal wisdom to prescribe those details. 
The country has learned from the acts of his administration that to his 
patriotism, his courage, his prudence, she may well confide her safety, her 
honor, her destiny, her peace. Whatever the treaty of Sapin, America will be 
pleased when appended to this treaty is the name of William McKinley.

"What I may speak of on this occasion is the results of the war, manifest even 
in this hour to America and to the world, transcending and independent of all 
treaties of peace, possessing for America and the world a meaning far mightier 
than mere accumulation of material wealth or commercial concessions or 
territorial extension.

"To do great things, to meet fitly great responsibilities, a nation, like a 
person, must be conscious of its dignity and its power. The consciousness of 
what she is and what she may be has come to America. She knows that she is a 
great nation. The elements of greatness were not imparted by the war; but they 
were revealed to her by the war, and their vitality and their significance were 
increased through the war.

"To take its proper place among the older nations of the earth a nation must be 
known as she is to those nations. The world to-day as ne'er before knows and 
confesses the greatness and the power of America. The world to-day admires and 
respects America. The young giant of the West, heretofore neglected and almost 
despised in his remoteness and isolation, has begun to move as becomes his 
stature; the world sees what he is and pictures what he may be.

"All this does not happen by chance or accident. An all-ruling Providence 
directs the movements of humanity. What we witness is a momentous dispensation 
from the master of men. 'Magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo--with the 
revolution of centuries there is born to the world a new order of things,' sang 
the Mantuan poet at the birth of the Augustan age. So to-day we proclaim a new 
order of things has appeared.

"America is too great to be isolated from the world around her and beyond her. 
She is a world power, to whom no world interest is alien, whose voice reaches 
afar, whose spirit travels across seas and mountain ranges to most distant 
continents and islands--and with America goes far and wide what America in the 
grandest ideal represents--democracy and liberty, a government of the people, by 
the people, for the people. This is Americanism more than American territory, or 
American shipping, or American soldiery. Where this grandest ideal of American 
life is not held supreme America has not reached, where this ideal is supreme 
America reigns. The vital significance of America's triumphs is not understood 
unless by those triumphs is understood the triumph of democracy and of liberty.

"If it was ever allowed to nations to rejoice over the result of their wars, 
America may rejoice to-day. Shall we then chant the praises of war and change 
this jubilee of peace into a jubilee of war? Heaven forbid!

"'We love peace, not war.' The greatness of America makes it imperative upon her 
to profess peace--peace to-day, peace to-morrow. Her mission as a world power 
demands that she be a messenger, an advocate of peace before the world. Fain 
would we make her jubilee of peace a jubilee of peace for all nations. At least 
the message from it to the world shall be a message of peace.

"That at times wonderful things come through war, we must admit; but that they 
come through war and not through the methods of peaceful justice, we must ever 
regret. When they do come through war, their beauty and grandeur are dimmed by 
the memory of the sufferings and carnage which were their price.

"We say in defense of war that its purpose is justice; but is it worthy of 
Christian civilization that there is no other way to justice than war, that 
nations are forced to stoop to the methods of the animal and savage? Time was 
when individuals gave battle to one another in the name of justice; it was the 
time of social barbarism. Tribunals have since taken to themselves the 
administration of justice, and how much better it is for the happiness and 
progress of mankind.

"It is force, or chance, that decides the issue of the battle. Justice herself 
is not heard; the decision of justice is what it was before the battle, the 
judgment of one party. Must we not hope that with the widening influence of 
reason and of religion among men, the day is approaching when justice shall be 
enthroned upon a great international tribunal, before which nations shall bow, 
demanding from it judgment and peace? Say what we will, our civilization is a 
vain boast.

"'Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle flags are furled In the 
parliament of man, the federation of the world. There the common sense of most 
shall hold a fretful realm in awe, And the kindly earth shall slumber, wrapt in 
universal law.'

"It is America's great soldier who said:

"'Though I have been trained as a soldier, and have participated in many 
battles, there never was a time when, in my opinion, some way could not have 
been found of preventing the drawing of the sword. I look forward to an epoch 
when a court, recognized by all nations, will settle international differences, 
instead of keeping large standing armies, as they do in Europe.' Shall we not 
allow the words of General Grant to go forth as the message of America?

"Some weeks ago the Czar of Russia said: 'The maintenance of general peace and 
possible reduction of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations 
present themselves in the existing condition of the whole world as an ideal 
towards which the endeavors of all governments should be directed,' and in 
accordance with those views he invited all nations to send representatives to an 
international peace congress, in which the question of reducing the armaments of 
the several countries of the world and otherwise preparing some plan for the 
prevention of wars might be discussed.

"Shall not America send to St. Petersburg a message of good will, a promise of 
earnest co-operation? America, great and powerful, can afford to speak of peace. 
Words of peace from her will be the more gracious and timely, as they who do not 
know her say that, maddened by her recent triumphs, she is now committed beyond 
return to a policy of militarism and of conquest.

"Lead, my country, in peace--in peace for thyself, in peace for the world. When 
war is necessary, lead, we pray thee, in war; but when peace is possible, lead, 
we pray thee yet more, lead in peace; lead in all that makes for peace, that 
prepares the world for peace.

"America, the eyes of the world are upon thee. Thou livest for the world. The 
new era is shedding its light upon thee, and through thee upon the whole world. 
Thy greatness and thy power daze me; even more, thy responsibilities to God and 
to humanity daze me--I would say affright me. America, thou failing, democracy 
and liberty fail throughout the world.

"And now know, in the day of thy triumphs and victories, what guards democracy 
and liberty, what is thy true grandeur. Not in commerce and industry, not in 
ships and in armies, are the safety and the grandeur of nations, and, more 
especially, of republics. Intelligence and virtue build up nations and save 
them; without intelligence and virtue, material wealth and victorious armies 
bring corruption to nations and precipitate the ruin of liberty.

"And now, America, the country of our pride, our love, our hope, we remit thee 
for to-day and for to-morrow into the hands of the Almighty God, under whose 
protecting hand thou canst not fail, whose commandments are the supreme rules of 
truth and righteousness."

The Archbishop was followed by Judge Speer, of Georgia:

"Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: Spain had long been our near and dangerous 
neighbor. Its people have a degree of reverence almost superstitious for 
monarchy, and regard republican institutions with great disfavor. It has been 
said of Spain that some incurable vice in her organization, or it may be in the 
temper of her people, neutralizes all of the advantages she ought to derive from 
her sturdy hardihood, her nearly perfect capacity for endurance and the somber 
genius alike for war, for art and for literature, which has so often marked her 
sons. While this seems to be true, the Spaniard is not only a formidable 
antagonist, but there is a wealth of interest and charm in his rich, romantic 
history which commands the admiration of a generous foeman. This must be 
accorded, whether we contemplate that ancient people as they alternately resist 
the aggressions of Carthage and of Rome, the fierce cavalry of Hamilcar, the 
legions of Scipio, of Pompey and of Caesar, or in more recent times the 
achievements of their renowned infantry which broke to fragments the best armies 
of Europe, or the infuriated people in arms against the hitherto unconquered 
veterans of Napoleon, or but now as with patient and dogged courage, with 
flaming volleys, they vainly strive to hold the works of Caney and San Juan 
against the irresistible and rushing valor of the American soldier. In art the 
Spaniard has been not less famous. In the royal collection of Madrid, in the 
venerable cathedrals of Seville, in the Louvre, in the London National Gallery, 
the lover of the beautiful may be charmed by the warmth of color, the accuracy 
of technique, the rounded outline and saintly salvation of Murillo.

"Many a quaint moralist, many a stately poet, many a priestly chronicler attests 
the genius of Spanish literature, but if these had not been, Don Quixote and 
Sancho Panza had been its title to immortality. The admirable attributes of 
Spanish character nowhere found warmer appreciation than with our own 
countrymen. What Prescott did for the statecraft, and stern martial renown of 
the Spaniards, Washington Irving, with melodious prose and gentle humor, 
surpassed in his kindly portrayal of Spanish character in his charming romance, 
The Conquest of Granada. It is perhaps due to the drollery and Addisonian humor 
of that gifted American that we have never been able to estimate the Spaniard 
quite so seriously as he estimates himself, or, indeed, as his stern and 
uncompromising nature deserves. The truth is, Spanish policy has ever been 
insidiously and persistently inimical to the American people, and has culminated 
in deeds more atrocious than those which have rendered infamous the baleful 
memory of Pedro the Cruel.

"We all know how in 1492 his holiness, Alexander VI., in order to prevent 
unseemly collisions between Christian princes, published a bull by which he 
assigned to Spain all discoveries lying west of an imaginary line drawn 300 
leagues to the westward of the Cape Verde islands. All discoveries to the east 
were confined to Portugal.

"All of South America save Brazil and the two Guineas, all Central America, 
Mexico, the entire territory west of the Mississippi, now embraced by the United 
States, beautiful Cuba, from whose eastern province of Santiago Ponce de Leon 
across the lucent waves of the tropical sea coveted the ambrosial forests and 
fertile meadows of Porto Rico, whence he was to sail to the floral empire of 
Florida. But this was not all of Spain's magnificent domain. Far across the 
waters of the South Pacific was the now famous cluster of islands bearing the 
name of the Spanish king. And from their great cities, via Guam, and Hawaii, and 
San Francisco, to Acapulco, sailed the famous Manila fleet, huge galleons, 
loaded to the gunwales with the silken and golden wealth of the orient. Where 
are her colonies now? The declaration of the senior senator from the noble state 
of Illinois has been fulfilled: No race outside of her own borders, even if 
Spanish by origin, has ever been able to endure her reign, and every race which 
has resisted her ultimately succeeded in withdrawing from her control.

"In the meantime the Americans, as declared by the German philosopher, Lessing, 
were building in the new world the lodge of humanity. The determined malignity 
of the Spaniard toward the adventurous men of our race who were fringing the 
Atlantic coast with sparsely peopled and widely separated settlements was 
promptly disclosed. They had threatened to send an armed ship to remove the 
Virginia planters. They laid claim to Carolina, and they directed powerful armed 
expeditions against the young colony of Georgia. They were now to meet, not the 
helpless savages who had been their victims, but men of that same fighting 
strain who in this good year breasted the hail of death, swarmed up the heights 
and planted the colors on the intrenchments of Santiago.

"That field where the Georgian and Spaniards on that momentous day in 1742 met 
is yet called the Blood Marsh. The commander of our colonial forces was James 
Edward Oglethorpe. To his military genius and the heroism of his slender force 
is due the fact that the southern territory of the United States was not added 
to the dependencies of Spain. That illustrious Englishman should ever live in 
the memory and veneration of the American people. He did more to exclude the 
Spaniards from American soil than any other man of the English speaking race, 
save that successor of Washington, the president, who evinces his fervid love of 
country and graces the occasion by his presence to-day.

"Defeated in their scheme of invasion, the Spaniards remained intensely inimical 
to our fathers. What more striking demonstration of that superintending 
providence, which administers justice, not only to individuals, but to nations, 
than the spectacle in this mighty city, builded on the heritage of which Spain 
would have deprived this people of this gathering of Americans to mark the epoch 
when the last Spanish soldier has been driven from the last foot of soil of that 
hemisphere discovered by Columbus. May we not justly exclaim with the psalmist 
of old: 'Oh, clap your hands, all ye people; shout unto God with the voice of 
triumph.'

"It is perhaps impossible for Americans of this day and time to conceive how 
vast was the control Spain might have exerted over the destinies of our 
republic. The independence of the United States had been recognized, the 
constitution had been adopted and the government organized, and yet for many 
years she claimed without dispute the peninsula of Florida, thence a strip along 
the gulf extending to and including the city of New Orleans, and she held all of 
that territory west of the Mississippi extending from the Father of Waters to 
the Pacific ocean, and from the Gulf of Mexico northward to the undefined 
boundaries of the British possessions.

"Even as it is to-day, that empire mentioned in Bishop Berkely's prophetic 
stanza, 'Westward the course of empire takes its way,' which sprang into being 
with the first shot of the simple, God-fearing husbandmen on the green at 
Lexington extends more than half way across the Pacific ocean, and the miner or 
the fisherman standing on the ultimate island of Alaska and gazing eastward 
across the icy waters may with the naked eye behold the dominions of the czar. 
Nor in this do we include those distant islands, where one May morning, ever to 
be famous in the annals of our race, the spicy breezes that blow o'er Manila bay 
were rent by the guns of the noble Dewey as they proclaimed that the genius of 
liberty had come to rid of cruelty and avarice and crime that charming land 
'where every prospect pleases and only man is vile.'

"In this connection may it not be well for us and for some of our distinguished 
representatives now in Paris to consider if it can be ever possible for men with 
the American and Spanish ideas of government to live in proximity and in peace? 
Contrast the character of the average American citizen with that of the 
Spaniard. The native and distinctive modesty of the national character forbids 
me to pronounce an extravagant eulogium upon the American citizen, but behold 
him and see what he has done and can do.

"While the human intellect has been making prodigious and unheard-of strides, 
while the world is ringing with the noise of intellectual achievements, Spain 
sleeps on untroubled, unheeding, impassive, receiving no impression upon it. 
There she lies at the farther extremity of the continent, a huge and torpid 
mass, the sole representative now remaining of the feelings and knowledge of the 
middle ages. And, what is the worst symptom of all, she is satisfied with her 
own condition. Though she is the most backward country in Europe she believes 
herself to be the foremost. She is proud of everything of which she ought to be 
ashamed.

"How incompatible is the temperament of the American and the Spaniard.

"May the worn and wasted followers of Gomez and Garcia come to appreciate the 
blessings of liberty under the law. No other wish is in consonance with the aims 
of the American people. We would not, if we could, be their masters. The 
gigantic power of the country has been put forth for their salvation and for 
their pacification. Connected with them by bonds of genuine sympathy and 
indissoluble interest, we will labor with them to secure for them established 
justice, domestic tranquility, general welfare and the blessings of liberty to 
themselves and to their posterity. For the common defense, in the blue ether 
above the beautiful island of Cuba is poised the eagle.'

'Whose golden plume Floats moveless on the storm and in the blaze Of sunrise 
gleams when earth is wrapt in gloom.'

"It was not enough, however, for the American people to recognize the 
independence of the Spanish-American republics. It soon became our duty to 
notify the world that in certain eventualities it was our purpose to defend 
their national existence. The holy alliance, as it was termed, had been formed. 
The great powers who signed the famous compact declared its purpose to maintain 
as Christian doctrine the proposition that useful or necessary changes in 
legislation, or in the administration of states, can only emanate from the free 
will and well-weighed convictions of those whom God has rendered responsible for 
power. Whom had God made responsible for power? What is a well-weighed 
conviction? These are questions about which the irreverent Americans might 
perchance differ with royalty. We had been lead to believe, and yet believe, 
that the voice of the people is the voice of God. When, therefore, the 
absolution of the holy alliance, not content with smothering a feeble spark of 
liberty in Spain, initiated a joint movement of their arms against the Spanish-
American republics, it gave the people of our country the gravest concern. In 
the meantime our relations with Great Britain had grown cordial. That they may 
grow ever stronger and more cordial should be the prayer of every man of the 
English speaking race. An unspeakable blessing to mankind of the struggle from 
which we are now emerging is the genuine brotherly sympathy for the people of 
the United States flowing from that land.

"And it is returned in no unstinted measure. But two months ago the flagship of 
Admiral Dewey steamed slowly into the battle line at Manila. As she passed the 
British flagship Immortalite its band rang out the inspiring air 'See the 
Conquering Hero Comes,' and as the gorgeous ensign of the republic was flung to 
the breeze at the peak of the Olympia there now came thrilling o'er the waters 
from our kinsmen's ship the martial strains of the 'Star Spangled Banner.'

"Finally, when our gallant seamen, reposing in fancied security in the scorching 
blast of the treacherous explosion were cruelly and remorselessly slain, and 
calm investigation had developed the truth, we had been despicable on the 
historic page had we not appealed to the god of battle for retribution. The 
pious rage of seventy millions of people cried aloud to heaven for the piteous 
agony, for the shameful slaughter of our brethren. Our noble navy was swiftly 
speeding to its duty. Poetic genius bodied forth the spirit of our gallant 
seamen as the mighty ships sped on their way.

"Let the waters of the orient as they moan through the shell-riven wrecks at 
Cavite, the booming waves of the Caribbean as fathoms deep it sweeps over Pluton 
and Furor and breaks into spray on the shapeless and fire-distorted steel of 
Vizcaya and Oquendo, tell how the navy has paid our debt to Spain. Nor is the 
renown which crowns the standards of our army one whit less glorious. Nothing in 
the lucid page of Thucydides nor in the terse commentaries of Caesar, nothing in 
the vivid narrative of Napier or the glowing battle scenes of Allison, can 
surpass the story how, spurning the chapparal and the barbed wire, pressing 
their rifles to their throbbing hearts, toiling up the heights, and all the 
while the machine guns and the Mausers mowing the jungle as if with a mighty 
reaper, on and yet right on, they won the fiery crests, and Santiago fell. Well 
may we exclaim with the royal poet of Israel:

"'Oh, sing unto the Lord a new song, for he hath done marvelous things; his 
right hand and his holy arm hath gotten him the victory.'

"America! Humane in the hour of triumph, gentle to the vanquished, grateful to 
the Lord of Hosts, a reunited people forever:

"'Great people. As the sands shalt thou become; Thy growth is swift as morn, 
when night must fade The multitudinous earth shall sleep beneath thy shade.'"

The band burst into the strains of "Dixie" in honor of the Southern birth of 
Judge Speer, as he concluded his oration. President McKinley, as on other 
occasions during the program, joined in the hearty applause. Cries of 
"McKinley," "McKinley," "The President," "The President," were heard all over 
the hall, and in a moment it was seen that the President was going to respond. 
Every one stood up. Ex-Governor Oglesby approached the front of the box, and 
said, "I have the honor to introduce the guest of the occasion, the President."

"Leaning forward," we quote the Tribune, "from his box in the earnestness of his 
utterance, speaking in the tones of emotion having birth in the fullness of 
heart, President William McKinley, at the Auditorium jubilee meeting yesterday 
morning gave to the people a message of simple thanks and significant augury. 
Save for a wave of applause at the mention of American charity, the terse, 
reverent address was heard in silence. An added hush fell upon the intent throng 
when the President began the portentous concluding paragraph, and when he ceased 
speaking and stood before them grave and masterful, the quiet was breathless, 
tense under the force of repression. Then the meaning of the words of the 
Executive coursed from heart to brain, and men's minds grasped the fact that 
they had heard the President's lips declare that he had seen the direction of 
the flow of the currents of destiny, that he recognized their majesty, and that 
his purpose was in harmony with the common will--the force working for the 
retention of the conquered islands in the distant Pacific and for the policy of 
national growth.

"The applause broke the louder for the preceding calm and the deeper for the 
inspiring motive. Hats were swung and handkerchiefs waved. Men climbed on chairs 
to lead the cheering and women forgot gloved hands and applauded with energy. At 
the last, ex-Governor Richard J. Oglesby, who had a seat in the President's box, 
led in three cheers."

The message of the President was:

    "My Fellow Citizens: I have been deeply moved by this great demonstration. I 
have been deeply touched by the words of patriotism that have been uttered by 
the distinguished men so eloquently in your presence. It is gratifying to all of 
us to know that this has never ceased to be a war of humanity. The last ship 
that went out of the harbor of Havana before war was declared was an American 
ship that had taken to the suffering people of Cuba the supplies furnished by 
American charity, and the first ship to sail into the harbor of Santiago was 
another American ship bearing food supplies to the suffering Cubans.

    "I am sure it is the universal prayer of American citizens that justice and 
humanity and civilization shall characterize the final settlement of peace as 
they have distinguished the progress of the war.

    "My countrymen, the currents of destiny flow through the hearts of the 
people. Who will check them? Who will divert them? Who will stop them? And the 
movements of men, planned by the master of men, will never be interrupted by the 
American people."

The Philadelphia celebration was a scene of a demonstration of popular interest 
and patriotic feeling amazing in its multitudinous enthusiasm. The Loyal League 
was out in full force, the parade was a prodigy of display, and the Clover Club 
gave a brilliant dinner, and the cleverness of the President's speech carried 
the club by storm. He said:

    "I cannot forego making acknowledgment to this far-famed club for the 
permission it has granted me to meet with you here to-night. You do not seem 
half so bad at this stage as you have been pictured. No one can unfold the 
future of the Clover Club. (Laughter.)

    "It has been so gratifying to me to participate with the people of the city 
of Philadelphia in this great patriotic celebration. It was a pageant the like 
of which I do not believe has been seen since the close of the great Civil War, 
when the army of Grant, Sherman and Sheridan, and the navy of Dupont, Dahlgren 
and Porter gave the great review in the capital city of the nation. And I know 
of no more fitting place to have a patriotic celebration than in this great 
city, which witnessed the first consecration of liberty and of the Republic. As 
I stood on the great reviewing stand, witnessing the soldiers and sailors 
passing by, my heart was filled only with gratitude to the God of battles, who 
has so favored us, and gratitude to the brave soldiers and sailors who had won 
such signal victories on land and on sea, and had given a new meaning to 
American valor.

    "It has been especially gratifying to me to participate not only with the 
people of Philadelphia, but with the people of the great West, where I have 
recently visited, in doing honor to the American army and the American navy. No 
nobler soldiers or sailors ever assembled under any flag. You had with you to-
day the leaders of Santiago, Porto Rico and Guantanamo. We unfortunately had 
none of the heroes of Manila with us. But I am sure that our hearts go out to 
them to-night and to the brave Dewey and Otis and Merritt, and all the other 
gallant men that are now sustaining the flag in the harbor city of Manila."

(A voice, "How about Hobson?")

    "The American people are always ready for any emergency, and if the Merrimac 
is to be sunk there is an American officer to do it. He succeeded in doing what 
our foe has been unable to do, sink an American ship. (Applause.)

    "I ask you, gentlemen of the Clover Club, to unite with me in toasting the 
Army and Navy of the United States, without whose valor and sacrifice we could 
not celebrate the victory we have been celebrating to-day. Not only the men at 
the front, not only the men on the battleships and in the battle line, but the 
men at home with ambition to go to fight the battles of American civilization, 
should be the recipients of the gratitude of the American people."

Hobson and his men were a great feature of the parade in the four-in-hand. 
Hobson, during this visit to Philadelphia was caught, surrounded and captured at 
his hotel and was forced to make a speech, of which there is this report:

    "The young officer was plainly embarrassed. His red face suggested it, his 
trembling voice told it. In a low tone and frequently pausing, as if from a loss 
of a word, he said:

    "'Your reception has been so very kind that it seems almost as if I had lost 
the power to say anything.'

    "Someone called out: 'Never mind, you had nerve enough to go into Santiago 
Harbor,' and then the crowd gave three cheers for Hobson.

    "He began again. 'The incident you have referred to is one you unduly 
magnify. Believe me, it was really nothing more than a little bit of work, which 
came to my men and to me to do in the ordinary course of strategy in warfare. 
That was all it was, a little bit of work, and it is sheer exaggeration to say 
anything else.'

    "'Can't agree with you! Can't agree with you!' was the shouted answer from 
the crowd."

At the Clover Club jubilee dinner, Captain "Fighting Bob" Evans gave a 
wonderfully interesting account of the destruction of Cervera's fleet, closing 
with a grim picture of war the celebration of peace. He had been speaking of the 
blockade of Cuba, and insistently called upon to tell about Santiago, said:

    "Of our little scrap, it was the prettiest mix-up that was ever seen. I want 
to say that no fleet ever met a braver enemy than we did at Santiago. Those 
Spaniards stood up and got killed in the best possible shape. Six hundred of 
them died in less than thirty minutes, so you can see that there was very little 
flinching on Cervera's ships.

    "During the fight there were two very interesting moments, the first when 
the four big cruisers of the enemy came outside of the harbor, firing away with 
mechanical regularity and presenting a most magnificent spectacle. They were not 
hitting anything, but that made little difference at that time, they tried hard 
enough. As we closed in, there came a moment when the fleeing Spanish ships had 
an almost perfect chance to use their rams on our vessels. I submit now that not 
a single one changed his course a single inch. They came out of that harbor and 
ran away, and that was all they attempted to do, fighting as they went.

    "The second point was when 'Dick' Wainwright misread a signal. I know he 
won't admit that he did misread it; however, I'll tell you the incident. In the 
Gloucester Wainwright was just off the harbor mouth when the two Spanish torpedo 
boat destroyers were noticed making straight at him. The Indiana signaled 'The 
enemy's torpedo boats are coming out.' Wainwright read it 'Close in and attack 
enemy's torpedo boats,' and you know the rest of the story.

    "There was a dramatic picture which I want to call your attention to. It was 
after the Vizcaya had run ashore, and I had to stop the Iowa, some 400 yards 
away. I saw the survivors on a sand bar, which was merely a narrow strip of 
about 200 yards from shore, on either side of a small inlet. On one side a 
school of hungry sharks were making fierce rushes toward the men, and on the 
other, the Cubans were shooting away, utterly regardless of the fact that they 
were fighting a helpless foe. Out in front we were not supposed to be very 
friendly.

    "Finally, I saw Captain Eulate, of the destroyed ship, coming toward my 
vessel in a small boat. Now Eulate is what you call a black Spaniard, one of 
those fellows that would cry as though his heart would break every few minutes 
when in trouble. He sat in the stern of a small boat that had belonged to his 
vessel. She was partly stove in and had about a foot of water, or I should say 
blood and water, in her bottom.

    "As I looked down in the gangway I think it was the most horrible sight that 
I ever witnessed. In the bottom of the boat lay two dead Spaniards, one with his 
head completely shot away. The Spanish Captain was wounded in three places, and 
each of the four men who rowed his boat was more or less cut up. We slung a 
chair over the side and carefully hauled him on board.

    "As he came up to the starboard gangway the marine guard saluted and he was 
received with all the honors of his rank. As he stepped toward me he burst into 
tears, threw his hands up in the air, and then, with a gesture of utter despair, 
but with all the grace of the pretty gentleman, loosed his sword belt and 
pressing a fervent kiss on the hilt of the weapon he extended it toward me. 
Every man on that ship knew that that Spaniard was giving up something of value 
equal to his life. I am not very good-natured, but I could not take that sword."

This met with loud cries of "You did right, Bob," and one lusty-lunged 
individual announced that there was not a man in the country that would take it. 
Captain Evans, who recognized the speaker, a friend from the rural districts, 
answered: "Oh, you don't know what some of those up-country Pennsylvanians would 
do. It was a pretty good sword."

Continuing, Captain Evans said:

    "I didn't know exactly what to do with the Spanish Captain to get him into 
our sick bay. As I was about to ask him of his wound he stepped toward the 
gangway and looked shoreward. About a quarter of a mile off lay the once 
magnificent vessel in which he had boasted he would tow the Brooklyn back to 
Spain.

    "She was burning fore and aft, terrific columns of flame shooting up around 
her, and suddenly, with a burst of tears, Captain Eulate kissed his hand and 
bade fond farewell to the burning hulk and said with impassioned voice, 'Adios 
Viscaya.' As he did this the very same instant there came a tremendous roar and 
the Vizcaya's magazine blew her superstructure hundreds of feet into the air. 
Had the incident occurred that way on the stage anybody would have said it was 
too well timed.

    "He turned back and we got him into the ship's hospital, where the surgeons 
placed him on his stomach to shave the hair around a small cut on the back of 
his head. I stood alongside of him, and rolling his eyes into the starboard 
corner he said to me, with a rather comical expression, 'I think I have heard of 
you before.' I told him I did not know how that could have been, and he asked: 
'Did you not command the Indiana?' 'Yes,' I said; then he said, shaking his head 
as well as circumstances would permit, 'Yes, I have heard of you. You are "Bob" 
Evans.'

    "I have often wondered just what he referred to. I have a notion that it 
would fit certain remarks regarding certain language that I was credited with 
having used in reference to an attack on Havana; language, by the way, which I 
never used. As I said before, the battle before Santiago was the prettiest 
imaginable kind of effect. Why, two torpedo boat destroyers came out, and inside 
of ten minutes we had them sounding. One sounded in 200 fathoms of water and 
sunk to rest there. The other preferred a berth with her nose on the beach.

    "The Maria Teresa and Admiral Oquendo were on fire inside of five minutes 
after the fight had started. They made beautiful sweeps toward the shore, and 
were regular Fourth of July processions as they swept in on the beach. We helped 
them along a bit by landing a few shells in the stern. It was a pretty fight, 
but it should never be forgotten that the Spaniards fought their ships as hard 
and with as much valor as any men in any ships ever fought."

After the first cabinet meeting succeeding the peace jubilee, the President 
issued his annual Thanksgiving proclamation:

    "By the President of the United States.

    A Proclamation.

    "The approaching November brings to mind the custom of our ancestors, 
hallowed by time and rooted in our most sacred traditions, of giving thanks to 
Almighty God for all the blessings he has vouchsafed to us during the past year.

    "Few years in our history have afforded such cause for thanksgiving as this. 
We have been blessed by abundant harvests, our trade and commerce have been 
wonderfully increased, our public credit has been improved and strengthened, all 
sections of our common country have been brought together and knitted into 
closer bonds of national purpose and unity.

    "The skies have been for a time darkened by the cloud of war; but as we were 
compelled to take up the sword in the cause of humanity, we are permitted to 
rejoice that the conflict has been of brief duration and the losses we have had 
to mourn, though grievous and important, have been so few, considering the great 
results accomplished, as to inspire us with gratitude and praise to the Lord of 
Hosts. We may laud and magnify His holy name that the cessation of hostilities 
came so soon as to spare both sides the countless sorrows and disasters that 
attend protracted war.

    "I do, therefore, invite all my fellow citizens, as well those at home as 
those who may be at sea or sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe 
Thursday, the twenty-fourth day of November, as a day of national thanksgiving, 
to come together in their several places of worship, for a service of praise and 
thanks to Almighty God for all the blessings of the year, for the mildness of 
seasons and the fruitfulness of the soil, for the continued prosperity of the 
people, for the devotion and valor of our countrymen, for the glory of our 
victory and the hope of a righteous peace, and to pray that the Divine guidance, 
which has brought us heretofore to safety and honor, may be graciously continued 
in the years to come.

    "In witness whereof, etc.

    (Signed)

    "William M'Kinley.

    "By the President:

    "John Hay, Secretary of State."


The Story of the Philippines - End of Chapters XIII-XVI