Statewide County HI Archives News.....Wiki Mo’olelo – Part 22 – Hawaiian Land System before 1841. January 5, 2009 ************************************************ Copyright. All rights reserved. http://www.usgwarchives.net/copyright.htm http://www.usgwarchives.net/hi/hifiles.htm ************************************************ File contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by: Darlene E. Kelley donkeyskid@msn.com January 6, 2009, 6:54 pm Keepers Of The Culture, A Study In Time Of The Hawaiian Islands January 5, 2009 Contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives By Darlene E. Kelley donkeyskid@msn.com January 5, 2009. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Historical Collections of Hawaii Keepers of the Culture, A study in time of the Hawaiian Islands. Wiki Mo’olelo – Part 22 – Hawaiian Land System before 1841. By Darlene E. Kelley ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Wiki Mo’olelo = Part 22. HAWAIIAN LAND SYSTEM BEFORE 1841. In the reign of Kamehameha I, the land system then existing was essentially feudalistic in character. The land belonged to the conquering king. Long after the death of Kamehameha I, when at a time when the council of chiefs became very powerful, it was declared in the constitution of 1840 that, though “ all the land from one end of the islands to the other “ belonged to Kamehameha, “ it was not his own private property. It belonged to the chiefs and people in common, of whom Kamehameha I was the head, and had the management of the landed property.” In practice, however, it made little difference to such a ruler as Kamehameha I whether he owned the land outright or merely in a representative capacity; in either case, he disposed of it as he saw fit, and probably it never occurred to him to theorize about it. The King retained part of the land for his own personal use and enjoyment and gave part to the principal chiefs under him; the chiefs in turn gave land to their retainers and a regular feudal hierarchy was thereby established. Possession of the land carried with it the right to fish and opportunity to carry on fishing operations; the right to take water for domestic and agricultural purposes; and the right to use forest products for house and canoe building and the making of household utensils. All land, save that of the King, was held in a revocable tenure and dispossession was in fact not uncommon; insecurity was an essential feature of the system. When a landowner died, the land reverted to the King, who did with it as he pleased; it might be given to the heir of the deceased or it might not. Closely interwoven with the land system were the matters of taxation and labor. Each person who receive land owed feudal dues to him from whom he received it. Both personal service and a portion of the produce of the land. These feudal dues may be regarded as having a dual character; they were a nature of taxes for the support of the government and rent for the use of the land. In absence of definate rules, such a system, in Hawaii as in other parts of the world, at times operated oppressively upon the lowest order in the fuedal scale, the tenants who cultivated the soil. Before 1839 the subject was not regulated by law, but “ each landlord had a right to tax his particular tennants at pleasure,” as William Richards explained to Lt. Charles Wilkes, commander of the United States exploring expedition. “ The consequence of this system was that the common laborers did not themselves receive probably on a average , more than one third of the avails of their labors, while the different orders of chiefs received the remaining two thirds. This great amount taken by the superiors was not the worst feature of this oppressive system. The remaining one third was not safe. Or rather there was no distinct dividing line by which the tenant might know and hold his own. If a man by uncommon industry, brought his farm to a higher state of cultivation than his neighbor, he was not thereby sure of having more for his own use, and he could distinctly lay his hand on any article of value and say that was his own. But not withstanding all the advantages which the superiors enjoyed over their inferiors, yet favoriteism, jealousy,but more than fickleness of character were so universal, that no landholder considered himself safe in his possessions, and therefore even ridiculed the idea of making extensive inprovements. So insecure did the people feel themselves to be, in possession of their lands, that the more reflecting class always tried to obtain and often did obtain a small division under different chiefs, so that when they were dispossessed of one, they might be saved from starvation by the produce of the other……….. And what was more, it was usually the case that when a man was dispossessed of hid lands, he was usually dispossessed of most, if not all of his personal estate which had either been acquired either directly or indirectly from the lands he had possessed.” It is to be observed that the tenants were not serfs tied to the soil; they could move to some other district if conditions became to hard. Besides the direct assessments on the property of the people and the labor which they had to perform for their immediate landlords, the King had the right to call out all the people to perform any kind of work which he desired to be done, and as Richards remarked, “ there were no established rules by which labor was assessed, nor any limit to the amount.” The almost incessant warfare before 1796 was accompanied by a continuous shift of ownership, but the long years of peace following the close of Kamehameha’s wars of conquest gave oppportunity for the pattern of landholding arranged by him to become permanently established. After the death of Kamehameha I. as the chiefs became more powerful. Their land holdings were correspondingly less likely to be distrurbed. In 1825, the same council of chiefs that seated Kauikeaouli on the throne as Kamehameha III gave its sanction to the principle of heredity in landholding, thereby strengthening the position of landholding aristocracy which then existed. The great chiefs by this time, therefore, had attained comparitive security and permanence in their possession of immense landed estates. But the same measure of security did not exist for the lower classes; they were as much subject to the caprice of their overlords as they had ever been, and contemporary evidence strongly suggests that the lot of the common people was harder the early years of the reign of Kamehameha III than it had been during the time of Kamehameha I. The economic and social consequences of the coming in of foreigners and foreign things also weighed heavily upon the common people. In so far as landed property was concerned, foreigners resident on the islands were in about the same position as the common people. Those who received grants of land held by them by the same precarious tenure as natives. It is necessary to emphasize this fact, because the pretensions of foreigners after 1840 tended to obscure it. The subject of the tenure by which foreigners was shown about 1836 when the question came to head in a determined effort by some foreigners to gain the right of holding land in fee simple. This effort failed and the British treaty signed in that year by Lord Edward Russell contained a specific acknowledgement that “ the land …… is property of the King.” The position of the Hawaiian government was clearly stated in a letter from Kamehameha III to the American Consul, in which he said that, “ according to the rules in this country at the time that most of the foreigners came in possession of their building lots, all land holders both native and foreign held their lots at the will of the chiefs, and thus it was with all land holders, and the King had the power to dispossess all the subordinate chiefs. We never knew or heard of any variation from this usage until Lord Russell was here in the year 1836. Previous to that time all foreigners as well as natives were subject to the usage, and it had never been opposed by them.” Foreigners, however, were naturally, more secure in the possession of personal property and houses than were the common natives; and protection for such species of property belonging to the foreigners was pledged by the Hawaiian authorities in the British treaty of 1836 and the French convention of 1837. We now come to 1839 and the declaration of rights and the laws which made that year one of the most memorable in the History of Hawaii. The declaration of rights contains the statement: “ Protection is hereby secured to the persons of all the people, together with their lands, their building lots and all their property, and nothing whatever shall be taken from any individual, except by express provision of the laws.” The laws of 1839, revised in 1840, were intended to give force and effect to the principles contained in the declaration and to regulate the various kinds of taxation, of which there were three: poll tax, land tax, and labor tax. In the section dealing with the labor tax, the amount of labor which might be required of any tenant was limited to six days a month, three for the landlord and three for the King ( i.e. the government ), except when there was some important public work to be done which was for the benefit of the people at large; at such times, an additional six days’ labor might be exacted, and this was required not only of tenants, but also of those natives who were not tenants. The regular labor tax could be commuted by a payment of nine dollars a year, half to the landlord and half to the King. It will be seen that in these laws the two aspects of the old feudal dues ( tax and rent ) were differentiated, though not very explicity. The portion of the labor tax rendered the landlord may be regarded as rent; all the rest was a tax for the support of the government. The declaration of rights and the laws of 1839 and 1840 were designed to secure the people in the possession of their lands and all other property and to prevent the abuses which had been common up to that time. But that object was not fully accomplished. The Board of Commissioners to quiet land titles in 1846 made the statement that “ neither the law of 1839 nor of 1840 were found adequate to protect the inferior lord and tenants, for although the violators of law, of every rank, were liable to its penalty, yet it was so contrary to ancient usage, to execute the law on the powerful for the protection of the weak, and the latter often suffered.” In the period inmmediately after 1839, the tenure by which lands were held was in the nature of a perpetual lease subject to forfeiture for non payment of rent, and the amount of rent being regulated by laws in the making of which people had a voice. We find in 1840 the first admission by the King and chiefs that the common people had an actual ownership interest, as distinguished from a mere right of use, in the land of the kingdom. This appears in the statement previouslyquoted from the constitution of 1840, to the effect that the lands belonged not to the King as his own private property but “ to chiefs and people in Common” of whom the King was the managing head. Whatever may have been the cause of this admission and whether or not it was an attempt at rationalizing the old feudal land system or at reconciling that system with the democratic ideas and influences which were at work in Hawaii, it was of great importance and furnished the starting point for the theory afterwards formulated by the Land Commission. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Next Wiki Mo’olelo = part 23. File at: http://files.usgwarchives.net/hi/statewide/newspapers/wikimool120nnw.txt This file has been created by a form at http://www.genrecords.net/hifiles/ File size: 12.0 Kb