Franklin County MA Archives Biographies.....Goodell / Goodale, Jonathan, Sr April 19, 1274 - November 30, bef 1813 ************************************************ Copyright. All rights reserved. http://www.usgwarchives.net/copyright.htm http://www.usgwarchives.net/ma/mafiles.htm ************************************************ File contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by: Nancy Poquette npoq@hotmail.com November 13, 2009, 3:06 pm Source: various books, town, county and state archives Author: Nancy Poquette, compiler of this data Jonathan Goodell / Goodale Birth: 19 APR 1724 in Marblehead, Essex Co, MA, from: "Vital Records of Marblehead, Massachusetts to the End of the Year 1849," Vol. 1, pg. 209: "Goodale, Jonathan, son of Isaac and Deborah, bapt. April 19, 1724" Also, from: "Vital Records of New Salem, Massachusetts to the End of the Year 1849," pg. 196 under a category called "Public Records": "Goodale, Jonathan, son of Isaac and Deborah (Hawkins), bapt. April 19, 1724, removed to New Salem, 1739." Grantee 1754-1769 New Salem, Hampshire [now Franklin] Co, MA, from: "Vital Records of New Salem, Massachusetts to the End of the Year 1849," pg. 196 under a category called "Public Records": "Goodale, Jonathan, grantee, 1754-1769" Military 1757-58 Fort William Henry, NY, French and Indian War, MA provincial militia. Census: 1790 New Salem, Hampshire, MA, listed as Jonth. Goodale. Will (7 April 1796): From the "Registry of Probate Books, County of Franklin, Greenfield, MA," Vol. XVIII, 1792-1794; The date the will was written Census: 1800 New Salem, Hampshire, MA, listed as Jonathan Goodale. Grantor: 1802 New Salem, Hampshire [now Franklin] Co, MA, from: "Vital Records of New Salem, Massachusetts to the End of the Year 1849," pg. 196 under a category called "Public Records": "Goodale, Jonathan, 1802" Grantee: 1806 New Salem, Hampshire [now Franklin] Co, MA, from: "Vital Records of New Salem, Massachusetts to the End of the Year 1849," pg. 196 under a category called "Public Records": Goodale, Jonathan, grantor, 1806." Census: 1810 New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA, over 45 years of age. Listed as Jona. Goodale. [Jonathan II was already dead by this time per Jonathan I's handwritten will.] Death: BEF 30 NOV 1813 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA, from: "Vital Records of New Salem, Massachusetts to the End of the Year 1849, pg. 137: "Goodell, (see also Goodale) Jonathan [Goodale dup] ____, 181_" Probate (30 November 1813): From the "Registry of Probate Books, County of Franklin, Greenfield, MA," Vol. XVIII, 1792-1794: The date the will was proved Father: Isaac Goodale b: 23 JAN 1692/3 in Salem, Essex Co, MA Mother: Deborah Hawkins b: 8 SEP 1700 in Marblehead, Essex Co, MA Marriage 1 Elizabeth "Betsy" b:unknown Death: 9 DEC 1806 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA Married: ABT 1745 in unknown Children Ezekiel -Am Rev soldier Goodale b: 1747 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA Jonathan -Am Rev soldier Goodale b: 1751 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA Jacob -Am Rev soldier Goodale b: ABT 1753 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA Ruth Goodale b: 1754 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA James -Am Rev soldier Goodale b: BET 5 DEC 1757 AND 5 DEC 1758 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA Deborah Goodale b: 1760 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA Elizabeth Goodale b: ABT 1762 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA Asa -Am Rev soldier Goodale b: 1764 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA Marriage 2 Lydia Owen b: 3 SEP 1725 in Brookfield, Worcester Co, MA Married: 7 APR 1769 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA, from: "Vital Records of New Salem, Massachusetts to the End of the Year 1849, pg. 77: "Goodale, Jonathan and Lydia Owen, April __, 1769" Death: 9 DEC 1806 in New Salem, Hampshire Co, MA From: "The History of Salem," by Sidney Perley, 1924. Vol. I, Pages 246-249: ISAAC GOODALE, fisherman; lived in Marblehead until about 1728, when he removed to Salem, and from thence, in 1739, to New Salem; married DEBORAH HAWKINS, Jan. 1, 1717-8. Children: 1. Mary, baptized March 6, 1720; 2. Isaac, baptized Feb. 25, 1722; died young; 3. JONATHAN, baptized April 19, 1724; 4. Isaac, baptized Aug.9, 1730; Ebenezer, baptized May 12, 1734; 6. James, baptized March 28, 1736; 7. Mary, baptized July 30, 1738. 1743: The Last Will of Jonathan's father, Isaac Goodell / Goodale of New Salem, MA, 13 Dec 1743: "…I, ISAAC [III] GOODAL of New Salem… in the fifty-first year of my age in the free use of my reason and understanding, in the fear of the great God, do freely and voluntarily dispose of all my temporal interest and concerns as follows viz." "...2. To JONATHAN my eldest son I give an equal share of my estate with the rest of my sons which have not trades given to them provided he puts all his wages into my estate which he has earned whilst under age and absent from my service, but if he refuses to do this he shall have but five shillings out of my estate." "...5. And besides all this out of my estate I also give to my two eldest sons JONATHAN and Ezekiel that lot of land which I had of Capt. Pitman [First Division #19] to be equally divided between them provided JONATHAN does as is above expressed in the 2nd article above written---and if he refuses thus to do my second son Ezekiel shall have the whole of it…'" 1743: The following comes from a possession of the Unitarian Society, New Salem, Mass: "New Salem First Parish Church Society, (now Unitarian), Rev. Sam Kendall's Record Book:" "Confessions: "January 29, 1743-Mercy, the wife of Stephen Cary, gave Christian satisfaction for the sin of fornication and for her aggravation of her sin by denying of it, also for saying that she had rather confess that she had been guilty of the sin, though she was innocent, than not have her children baptized." "May 20, 1743-Stephen Cary made satisfaction for the sin of fornication, owned the covenant, and was baptized." I do not know whether all the ministers of this faith practiced this, but it isn't surprising that it would contribute to the growth of alternate faiths, because forcing married adults to confess to fornication in order to have their children baptized seems to be more about prurience than it does about religion. Mercy's reaction [denial of the 'sin'] provides us with a glimpse of the resentment felt by the New Salemites towards this minister, which later resurfaced during the Revolution, when he was displaced by Joel Foster as the minister as a result of Kendall's Tory beliefs. Births, deaths and marriages during this period in New Salem were chronologically as follows: As mentioned before, ISAAC (III) GOODALE died in 1743, leaving his young boys and girls fatherless. The oldest surviving male, JONATHAN, appears to have been resentful of the will, and at being dragged back to the family farm with the income he had earned. [..."provided JONATHAN does as is above expressed in the 2nd article above written---and if he refuses thus to do my second son Ezekiel shall have the whole of it"…] In 1744, the French and Indian Wars commenced. The following accounts are included in Jonathan's biography simply to describe events that were occurring to other residents of New Salem illustrating the times in which they lived in: From: "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by Dr. Kenneth Wetherbee, 1980, available on CD at the Swift River Valley Historical Society in New Salem, MA, http://www.foquabbin.org/srvhs.html: Two of the settlers of New Salem, "David Rugg (father of Joseph Rugg) and Robert Baker were discovered (by the French or Indians) crossing the Connecticut River in a canoe. They were fired upon and Rugg was killed; Baker escaped. Rugg was scalped and his scalp was placed on top of a long pole and carried through Charlestown, NH to Crown Point. On the underside of the scalp they had painted with red paint the likeness of a face." (Wetherbee, quoting out of Hoyt, with no additional citation.) From: "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by Dr. Kenneth Wetherbee, 1980, available on CD at the Swift River Valley Historical Society in New Salem, MA, http://www.foquabbin.org/srvhs.html: "John and Rebecca Perry (of New Salem) were at Fort Massachusetts when it was surrounded by 800 French and Indians. On that Tuesday, August 19th, the fort was left with only a small guard of Sgt. Hawks and 22 soldiers, 3 women, and five children, half of them sick "with bloody flux." For three days they tried to fight them off, but on the 20th decided to surrender. Norton's account says: "We heard that if we were taken by violence, the sick, the wounded, and the women would most, if not all of them, die by the hands of the savages; therefore our officer concluded to surrender on the best terms he could get…" "The French and Indians took away John Perry and his wife, and they were separated from the others and each other. A witness spoke with Perry's wife, and she felt that she was almost ready to give out on the long march, and was still sick with the flux. On Saturday, the 23rd, Perry was released from his pack, was allowed to help his wife. In Quebec, on Dec. 23, 1746, Rebecca Perry died. [From the account of Sergt John Hawks, Mass. Archives]." It is estimated that JONATHAN GOODALE married BETSY before 1745. Their first child, Elizabeth, was born about 1745-46. Jonathan was age 21 years. In July 1746, JONATHAN's younger brother, the 16-year-old fatherless Isaac [IV], enlisted in Captain Seth Pomeroy's company, for an expedition against Canada. [Four years earlier he had been listed as under age 14]. The expedition was later canceled. 1747: Jonathan's son, Ezekiel was born in 1747 [source: his headstone in Fort Ann, NY said he died November 1, 1839, aged 92 years], and Jonathan (II) was born in 1751 [per Rev. Sam Kendall's confession records, Jonathan (II) was aged 23 in 1774]. JONATHAN [I] never had any of his children baptized, which speaks volumes about his relationship to Rev. Sam Kendall. It is also the reason that we have no actual date records, except by estimate [because Jonathan did not have his children baptized by Kendall]. The town's vital records book had burned in the 1856 fire in New Salem and only various church records could be pieced together. 1750: "There was an epidemic of measles and canker-rash in Franklin County in 1750," from S. Williams, "Medical History of Franklin County, 1842." 1753: JONATHAN [I]'s mother, DEBORAH [HAWKINS] GOODALE died in about April 1753 per her will and the church records. His brother Ezekiel had died sometime prior to this, because he was not mentioned in her will. Was it a result of the French and Indian War? ["...And the remainder of my estate, after the legacies forementioned and the charge of my sickness and other just debts are paid, I give to my beloved son JONATHAN GOODALE, and my sons Isaac Goodale, Ebenezer Goodale and James Goodale and my beloved daughter Mary Goodale each an equal share."] JONATHAN and BETSY's third son, Jacob was born in about 1753. His brother Isaac [IV] married Huldah Burt in December 1753 and moved to Amherst where their first child was probably born. His brother Ebenezer married Grace Phelps in about 1754. Their only child Grace was born in 1756. In 1754, the land records show the sons of Isaac (III) Goodale dealing in land for the first time: From the Franklin County Courthouse in Greenfield, MA, the "Grantor Book, Abstracts of 1663-1786," Volume 2, page 320, June 13, 1754, Jonathan Goodale, et al, 9-705: "JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem and Isaac [IV] Goodale of East Hadley to Thomas White of Leominster, consideration of twenty pounds. June 13, 1754. One 1st Division Lot No. 28, being or lying in the District of New Salem, originally drawn by Jonathan Waters, containing 35 acres, be it the same, more or less, bounded southerly on Ezekiel Kellogg, northerly on highway, southerly and easterly on highway." [The original Proprietor records burned in 1856.] JONATHAN and BETSY's 2nd daughter, RUTH GOODALE was born in 1754. JONATHAN and BETSY's daughter, Deborah was born in 1760, son James in 1762, and the youngest son, Asa in 1764. JONATHAN's brother James did not marry his first wife until much later, 1767. Mary Goodale, JONATHAN's youngest sister, married Daniel Curtis in about 1757. She had her first child in 1758. Isaac [IV] Goodale, [JONATHAN's brother] and his wife Huldah had their second child, Mercy, born July 24, 1757. Jonathan served in the French and Indian War in the years 1757-1758 in the siege of Fort William Henry: From: "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by Dr. Kenneth Wetherbee, 1980, available on CD at the Swift River Valley Historical Society in New Salem, MA: "New Salem Men at Bloody Morning Scout at Lake George" From page 314: "To Col. Ephraim Williams: 1. You are to enlist no person below the age of eighteen years, nor above thirty-five years. 2. You are to enlist none but able bodied Effective men, such as be free from all bodily ails & of perfect limbs. 3. You are to enlist no Roman Catholic, nor any that are under five feet four inches high without their shoes. 4. You are to assure the persons enlisted they shall enter into his majesty's pay from the day of their enlistment to be paid them at their arrival at the headquarters which is Boston. 5. You are also to assure them that they are to have his Majesty's cloaths delivered them before they enter on actual duty". From: "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by Dr. Kenneth Wetherbee, 1980, available on CD at the Swift River Valley Historical Society in New Salem, MA, page 339- 340: "A muster-roll of the company under the command of Lt. Amos Foster in the regiment of which Israel Williams, Esq. is colonel, which was detached and sent by the Captain General's order into the western frontier during the siege of Fort William Henry in the year 1757": Amos Foster, Lt. Jeremh Meachum, seg't John Ganson, Cier Adam Wier, Corp[orpal] James Wheeler, Corp[oral] Obadi Townsend, corp[oral] Jere Ballard, Jr, Cent[urion?] Sentinel? Benj Southwick, Jr, Cent. Thos. White, Cent. Stephen Carey, Cent. Ezekiel Kellogg, Jr, Cent. JONA GOODALE, cent. Joshua Putnam, cent. Jona Childs, cent. Daniel Shaw, cent. Wm. Page, Jr, cent. Saml Southwick, cent. Joseph Owen, cent. Wm Meachum, cent. Daniel Foster, cent. Asa Rice, cent. Uzziel Putnam, cent. From the "Massacre at Fort William Henry," by David Starbuck, 2002, pages 6-8: "Early British forts were little more than square palisades, vertical logs set into ditches, sometimes surrounded by earthworks or a moat. They lacked the sophistication of French fortifications and were designed to withstand Indian attacks, but not artillery bombardments. In response to the French threat from Canada, William Eyre became the first to build a British fort with earth-filled log walls, a glacis, and four diamond-shaped corner bastions like those employed by the French… The walls of Fort William Henry were thirty feet thick, with a core of beach sand packed in between the two log faces. This would be effective in absorbing the impact of cannon fire but would not deter mortar shells lobbed over the walls." "Inside the fort, the central parade ground was surrounded by four log barracks, all of which were two stories high with exterior staircases; those on the east and west also had one story below ground. A powder magazine was built underneath the northeast bastion, a hospital at the southeast corner of the parade, and officers' quarters in small buildings at either end of the East Barracks." "The fort was encircled by a dry moat or ditch, on three sides, containing a single line of stockade posts or pickets, and a slope running downhill toward Lake George on the east. Access into the fort was possible only by crossing a bridge that spanned the moat. Contemporary maps and illustrations on powder horns reveal soldiers' gardens [page 7] on the north and west, a privy or 'necessary' at the northeast corner of the fort that jutted out over the water, and a very large swamp to the south. The fort itself was small and could have held no more than 400-500 soldiers and officers. Consequently, the bulk of the British force, about 1,800 men, occupied an entrenched camp on a rocky hilltop about 750 yards to the southeast, the same spot where the Battle of Lake George had earlier been fought." "William Eyre was made the first commander of Fort William Henry, and the flag was raised on November 13, 1755. Eyre's garrison included British regulars and two companies of Roger's Rangers. Although the fort itself was unusually well built, some sources suggest that life at the fort was increasingly dirty and disease-ridden, especially among the provincial soldiers. In a 1756 letter, Lieutenant-Colonel Ralph Burton wrote that there were: "About 2,500 men, 500 of them sick, the greatest part of them what they call poorly. They bury from five to eight daily, and officers in proportion. Extremely indolent and dirty to a degree the fort stinks enough to cause an infection." "Poor sanitary conditions coupled with a high rate of smallpox, suggest that everyday life inside the fort was characterized by high levels of sickness and death, greatly reducing the readiness of the garrison. This was by no means unusual for a provincial camp at that time, but Burton's statement also reflects the contempt with which regular British officers viewed their colonial counterparts." From the "Massacre at Fort William Henry," by David Starbuck, 2002, pages 8-14: The Siege and Massacre "By mid-1757, command of the fort had been given to a Scotsman, Lieutenant-Colonel George Monro of the 35th Regiment of foot. Monro was a career officer, with three reputed children in Ireland, all minors. As reports reached the British of an imminent French attack, he was sent reinforcements in the form of Massachusetts provincials [including JONATHAN GOODALE], New York provincials, and the 60th (Royal American) regiment. Still, this left Monro with a total garrison of only about 2,372 men, many of whom were sickly, accompanied by some family members and camp followers." "In August 1757, a vastly superior army of at least eight thousand French and Indians advanced upon Fort William Henry, having left Fort Carillon on July 30; exact size of the French force has been much-debated, and estimates have been made as high as ten to fourteen thousand. Most of the army traveled in boats, although about three thousand soldiers had marched down the west side of Lake George, and the Indians had journeyed by their own trails. The French were led by the Marquis de Montcalm, and their 1,600 Indian allies were drawn from some thirty-three tribes, scattered from the Great lakes all across eastern Canada. Although Monro hoped for additional reinforcements from Fort Edward, where about 2,500 regulars and militia waited in reserve, Major General Daniel Webb was unwilling to risk the remainder of his soldiers against a larger force in the forest. The French were well armed [page 9] with cannons, which they had floated on rafts down the lake, and they established positions and cannon batteries on points of high ground on the west side of the lake. The fort was surrounded and escape was cut off, and the bombardment began on the 3rd of August. Siege trenches were extended each night, dug by Canadian militia, bringing French artillery closer to their targets each day." "It required only six days of shelling before Monro surrendered the fort, and there are several surviving accounts of the siege. Jabez Fitch, Jr, listening to the action while at his post in Fort Edward, was one of those who gave daily progress reports: "August 3: Heard ye morning gun fire at ye lake before ours-a little after sunrise we here he [sic] cannon fire briskly at ye lake and also ye small arms. We immediately concluded that they were attacked-this firing lasted most of ye day." "August 4: I hear by ye prisoner that Colyar brought in that the French have got a very strong army against Fort William Henry. He said there was 6000 regulars and 5000 Canadians." "August 5: Before sunrise we heard ye cannon play very brisk soon after ye small arms began to fire, this firing lasted all day without much ceasing. It was concluded that this day there was ye most ammunition expended that ever was in a day at that place before." "August 9: We had a rumor about noon that Fort William Henry was taken, for their firing ceased some time in ye morning." "Jabez Fitch, like many of the other soldiers waiting in Fort Edward, wanted to go to the rescue of his comrades, but the orders were never given." "During the several day siege, many of the British cannons and mortars exploded because of metal fatigue, and spirits inside the fort must have deteriorated as the siege trenches advanced toward them. The loss of artillery was extremely serious, and The New Hampshire Gazette noted on August 22: 'And they having burst their 32 pounders, two 18 pounders, two 12 pounders, 2 nine pounders, and two brass mortars, and but 17 shells left, they concluded to hoist the white flag, which Montcalm answered.' The same problem was touched on by Jabez Fitch, Jr, who wrote on August 5: 'But we understand that this morning ye enemy had not got their artillery to bear upon them-also that our men had burst their largest mortar and one 18 pounder.'" [Excerpts taken from The Diary of Jabez Fitch, Jr, in the French and Indian War, 1757, 2nd edition, Fort Edward, NY, Rogers Island Historical Association, 1968, Publication No. 1.] "Perhaps the best eyewitness account of the failure of the artillery is that of Colonel Joseph Frye, who led a Massachusetts regiment during the siege of Fort William Henry. According to Frye, on August 4 they 'burst a mortar'; on the 5th they 'burst two 32 pounders and one 18 pounder'; on the 6th they 'burst one 18 pounder and one 12 pounder [page 10] and… one of our brass six pounders'; on the 7th 'we burst one 12 and one 6 pounder'; and on the 9th 'we had the misfortune to burst another mortar.' Also on August 9, Frye recorded that the only functional artillery left in the fort consisted of two six- pounders, one nine-pounder, two four-pounders, one seven-inch mortar, and one seven-inch howitzer. This simply was not enough artillery with which to mount a credible defense, and the fort was also running out of shot and shells." [Excerpts taken from "Joseph Frye's Journal and Map of the Siege of Fort William Henry, 1757", Bulletin of the Fort Ticonderoga Museum 15, (1993): 339- 361.] "The British officers held a final meeting on August 9, at which time they agreed there was no hope of relief from Fort Edward. The French siege trenches were now so close-they had been dug for 890 yards-that there was no choice but to surrender to Montcalm. The terms of surrender, the Articles of Capitulation, required the soldiers to leave the fort on August 9, but they were allowed to keep their personal belongings and weapons, though without any ammunition. As a gesture of respect for their gallant defense, Montcalm also allowed the British to take one cannon with them. The men were required to pledge that they would not fight against the French for at least the next eighteen months. They would march, with an escort of about 450 French regulars, to their sister base at Fort Edward, fifteen miles away, while the sick and wounded would remain inside Fort William Henry." "The terms were generous, partially because the French were low on food and didn't want to feed so many prisoners, but it was now almost impossible for the Indians to obtain the scalps or captives they sought. Immediately after the surrender, as the garrison left the fort, some of the Indians attached to Montcalm's army dashed inside the fort and killed and scalped roughly seventeen sick and wounded British soldiers, as well as some women and children. Other Indians dug up the fort's cemetery to steal redcoats and blankets from the bodies, and in the process they scalped the dead, many of whom had died from smallpox." "On August 10, some of the Indians attacked the entrenched camp, and then the Abenakis attacked the rear of the column of soldiers and families as they started down the military road toward Fort Edward. What started as an effort to steal clothing and rum from the soldiers quickly escalated into an unrestrained frenzy of killing and scalping, and hundreds of prisoners were seized who could be taken to Canada to be held for ransom. It is unclear exactly where this took place, and it is also uncertain whether the escort of French regulars did anything to protect their prisoners during their march. Certainly they did not do enough. It is clear that Colonel Monro and his senior officers were not with the unarmed column. Instead, Monro and other British officers were taken to the French camp, were they were held until after the fort was leveled. Monroe was then escorted on horseback, [page 12] accompanied by about five hundred soldiers, wives and others, back to Fort Edward on August 15. They transported with them the solitary six-pound cannon that was to have been the symbol of their honorable surrender." "Contemporary sources provide extremely graphic accounts of the violence that took place on the road. Jabez Fitch wrote in his diary: "Ye Indians beset our people and killed them with their spears robbed them of all that they were allowed by ye capitulation. Children they took from their mothers and dashed their brains out against ye stones. Ye mothers they served ye same, and also their husbands if they offered to relieve them so." "Colonel Joseph Frye, who was actually there in the midst of the massacre and barely escaped with his life, described how at the entrenched camp the Indians: "…began to take the officers' hats, swords, guns, and clothes, striping them all to their shirts, and on some officers left no shirt at all. While this was doing, [page 13] they killed and scalped all the sick and wounded before our faces, then took out from our troops, all the Indians and negroes and carried them off. One of the former they burned alive afterwards." "Once the column of retreating soldiers and civilians had finally started down the military road, Frye described how the Indians fell upon the rear of the column and began carrying away: "'Officers, privates, women and children, some of which latter the killed and scalped in the road. The horrid scene of blood and slaughter obliged our officers to apply to the officers of the French guard for protection, which they refused, and told them, they must take to the woods, and shift for themselves, which many did." "It was chiefly New Hampshire soldiers and some of the camp followers who were at the end of the column and who took the brunt of the attack. Newspaper articles and soldiers' and officers' journals in the 1750's naturally stressed the atrocities of that followed the surrender of Fort William Henry, but they exaggerated the numbers of those killed and captured by the attacking French and Indian force. Estimates of those slain range as high as 1,500, and early authors placed great emphasis on the wanton slaughter of women and children, no doubt to incite larger numbers of British settlers ('militia') to enlist against the French. Jabez Fitch Jr. was told that during the siege 'we had about 50 men killed' but that during the massacre that followed 'ye slaughter of this day is supposed to be vastly greater than all the rest.'" "While we do not know the exact number killed, a modern analysis of the massacre by historian Ian Steele in his book, "Betrayals" suggests that the total number killed may have been only about 185; he further argues that the killing of the British switched over fairly quickly to the taking of prisoners, viewed as 'property' by the Indians. Steele based his estimate on the number of those who actually surrendered on August 9-2,308 men and perhaps 148 family members and camp followers-relative to those who escaped to safety to Fort Edward. While Steele's estimate appears exceptionally low when compared to early sources, he nevertheless has carefully researched all available documents." "It is clear that a majority of the fleeing English soldiers escaped, although many had lost their belongings and even their clothing. Montcalm was personally instrumental in obtaining the release of about four hundred others who were already in Indian hands. Nevertheless, about two hundred were taken to Canada where they were eventually ransomed or sold into slavery." Page 14: "The British were understandably outraged as they described the massacre, but French responses were more ambivalent. Montcalm had given his word that the prisoners would be protected, so the actions of the Indians were a severe blow to his reputation and honor. Montcalm's personal aide, Captain Louis Antoine de Bougainville, had written in his journal on August 9: 'The chiefs agreed to everything and promised to restrain their young men,' but he also noted, 'We will be most fortunate if we can avoid a massacre.' Later, after the massacre, Bougainville wrote: 'Will they in Europe believe that the Indians alone have been guilty of this horrible violation of the capitulation?'" "A French Jesuit who accompanied Montcalm's army, Pere Pierre Roubaud, was clearly horrified as he wrote, 'I saw one of these barbarians come forth out of the casements… carrying in his hand a human head, from which streams of blood were flowing, and which he paraded as the most valuable prize he had been able to seize.' At times, Pere Roubaud attempted to put an end to some of the atrocities, but it is clear that the French had little control over their Indian allies, and many were absolutely horrified at the brutality they witnessed. In perhaps the best known example of this, one of the English prisoners who was taken to Canada was killed by Indians, and Bougainville described in his journal how they put him in a kettle, and forced his unfortunate compatriots to eat him.'" "After the surrender, the French prepared a detailed listing of the stores and weapons that they seized inside the fort. Removing what they wanted, they burned and dismantled the fort between August 11 and 15, leveling the charred timbers by hand. Instead of proceeding on the attack Fort Edward, Montcalm returned to Fort Carillon (Ticonderoga), thirty-five miles to the north, and most of the army then went back to Canada for the winter. The Indians returned to their villages, carrying smallpox with them and unknowingly causing the deaths of thousands of their own people." "Sadly, Colonel Munro, who had survived the ordeal and was safely returned to Fort Edward, died just three months later in East Greenbush, a suburb of Albany. He had traveled to Albany in late August or early September; he died 'on the street on November 3… James Austin Holden, writing in 1917, has noted that his death was attributed to apoplexy,' and 'Evidently he brooded on his sorrows and lack of governmental support till both took their toll of body and mind.' The fall of Fort William Henry was definitely not of Monro's choosing, nor was the massacre, and it can be argued that General Webb's inaction contributed to Monro's demise. Sir William Johnson ha provided what is probably the harshest assessment of Webb, whom he bluntly characterized 'as the only Englishman he ever knew who was a coward.'" Page 15: "…No historian had an impact equal to that of James Fennimore Cooper, who successfully personalized the events on Lake George in his novel, "The Last of the Mohicans," first published in 1826. By viewing the siege of Fort William Henry through the eyes of Natty Bumppo, a Provincial scout, Cooper created an image of the battle that has transcended and ultimately replace reality… It is Cooper's version of the massacre that will always be best remembered." "Page 32: "The Last of the Mohicans" has been made into a movie several times, and it is only through the movies that most Americans have come to know the thrilling story… While the 1992 movie, starring Daniel Day Lewis as Hawk- Eye, 'The Long Carabine,' is most familiar to modern audiences, it was a remake of a much earlier, 1936 movie featuring Randolph Scott as Hawk-Eye… Not as well known is the 1977 film directed by James Conway and starring Steve Forrest as Hawk-Eye…" Daniel Curtis and his wife, Mary Goodale Curtis, had their first child, Lucy Curtis, May 2, 1758, born in Boxford, MA. From: "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by Dr. Kenneth Wetherbee, 1980, available on CD at the Swift River Valley Historical Society in New Salem, MA, page 349: "A muster roll of a company of foot in His Majesty's service under the command of Captain Salah Barnard in a regiment raised by the province of the Massachusetts Bay for the reduction of Canada whereof William Williams, Esq. is Colonel, viz: JONATHAN GOODALE, Cent. Thos. Holbert, cent. Wm. Meachum, cent. Joseph Perry, cent. Jonath. Pierce, cent. Josh. Putnam, cent. Samuel Southwick, cent. John Vicory, cent. John Wilder, cent. Sam'l Wheeler, cent. [Mass. Archives] "On May 27th, Capt. Salah Bernard marched his company from Deerfield to join his regiment in the army of invasion. They served through the whole campaign, returning in November." [From the online bibliography of Fort Ti[conderoga], www.fort- ticonderoga.org /1758campaign.htm]: This current researcher has now located the journal and daybook of Captain Salah Barnard. In 1991, it was auctioned for the PVMA library in Deerfield, Mass. by Christie's Auction House to the Fort Ticonderoga Museum in New York state. This researcher drove to Fort Ti in June 2001 to obtain a printed copy of it, under the cover of the "Bulletin of Fort Ticonderoga." It had not yet been printed as a bulletin. However, having obtained a photocopy of the handwritten manuscript, it has now been transcribed by this researcher. They are the journals of the 1758, 1759, 1760 campaign years. This fragment has been altered from the transcriptions incorrect spellings and heavy use of abbreviations to increase the ease of reading.] "The Journal of Salah Barnard from the Campaign of 1758" [From Page 106] Memoranda Major Salah Barnard was in the campaigns of 1757, 1758, 1759 & 1760 in the French War, and this book contains his journals for the last three years. If he kept a journal in 1757 it was probably lost in the plunder of the Indians at Fort Wm. Henry in which the major was one of the sufferers and narrowly escaped death. See 'My Antiquarian Re_____'s?' [Signed by] E. Hoyt "In 1755 & 1756, he served at Hoosac Fort as I am informed." [From page 107] "Officers in the French War from Deerfield Viz.- Col. Ephraim Williams (or of Hatfield), killed 1755: Lt. Col. Thomas Williams. Lt. Col. John Hawks Major Salah Barnard Major John Burke Capt. Matthew Clisson Lt. Seth Catlin afterwards, Major in the militia. Note-Capt. Clisson died at Fort William Henry, 1756." "Burke and Barnard, I believe, became field officers in the campaign of 1760. Burke was Captain and, Lieutenant in Col. Ephraim Williams Regiment [from page 108] in the campaign of 1755 and was in the battle at Lake George Sept. 8th of that year, under General Johnson when Baron Dieshau was defeated, wounded & taken prisoner, and Col. E. Williams was killed in the morning scout, move 2 south?, of Bloody Ponds. Capt. Burke was not in the scout, or Williams detachment. In 1757 he was at the siege of Fort Wm. Henry, made prisoner and narrowly escaped to Fort Edward, after remaining in the woods one night stripped of his clothes, I have heard him relate the hor__? since. E. Hoyt." [From page 109] "By the capitulation at the ?surrender of Fort William Henry, the troops were not to serve against his Catholic majesty's troops for the space of 18 months, but Capts. Burke and Barnard were in the field in the year 1758. Perhaps the provincial governments considered the capitulation null from the conduct of Montcalm in breaking it by permitting the Indians to massacre the garrison under his eyes. E. H." [From page 4] "June the fifth, one thousand seven Hundred and 58 [1758]. "This day, the whole army consisting as I suppose of about 15,000 men sailed from [Fort] William Henry down the lake towards Carralong. Sailed to Sunday Point. Went on shore the west side of the lake. Lay by till 12 o'clock at night." June "6th Sailed on still-by morning light, came within 4 miles of the first advance guard. Lay by till the bateaux of each regiment could come together, then sailed down within sight of the enemy's guard, discovered their tents and fires and quick after we saw the enemy on the shore we immediately pushed the boats and bateaux land, engaged the enemy, drove them off. Took six and killed two of their number, who first destroyed whatever they had on that place as far as was in their power.[From page 5] We being in possession of the landing and our people on shore, a large party was sent in pursuit of the enemy who soon came up with them together with a party that came from the mills to assist them. Took about 180 [?6] of them prisoners and killed as was supposed as many more." June "7th We marched beyond the mills, made a good breastwork, lodged there within one mile of the fort at Ticonderoga." June "8th We advanced toward the fort. The provincials were ordered to form themselves into a line at some distance before the enemy's entrenchments, the rangers in the front of our troops. The regulars were ordered to march through our troops and advance to their breastwork and force the same with their small arms and bayonets.[From page 6] They advanced in good order to the breastwork. A part of the Highlanders forced themselves within the first lines of the enemy's breastworks, but were soon obliged to quit the same and retreat a few yards back, where they stood fast and fought like brave soldiers, with as much likelihood of doing service as if they had discharged so many rounds into the lake. The fight became general about 12 o'clock in the day and continued till near sunset, very smart. A great number of the regulars were slain. The rangers and provincials shared in the same fate, but not to that degree with the regulars. The number of slain and wounded I shall put down when I come to the knowledge thereof. Some of the provincial regiments before the fight was over was ordered [From page 7] to retire back a little from the enemy's lines and throw up a breastwork of timbers which we had almost accomplished and then was ordered off to our last night's encampment. Tarried there till about 12 o'clock at night. Received orders to swing our packs and march off." June "9th We marched off. Came to our bateaux where we had left them the 7th day. Went on board and being favored with a fair wind, we arrived at [Fort] William Henry before sunset." June "10th Nothing extraordinary happened this day." June "11th No great matter of business carried on but only recruit after our long siege." [From page 8] "July 12th Receive orders to decamp tomorrow morning at 6 o'clock and march over the brook west of the old fort." July "13th We move with our tents and baggage, pitch our tent, where the French had thrown up their entrenchments at the siege the last summer." July "14th We clean our streets and parade. Bury and burn the filth that was left by those that had encamped on the same ground." July "15th Nothing remarkable this day." July "16th Receive orders to move our encampment. Pitch our tents near the wagon road on the east side of the brook." July "17th We remove and pitch our tents in the place ordered. Forces begin to build a breastwork." [From page 9] July 18th 1758 This day we finish our breastwork." July "19th This day I went with an escort of 270 [?8] to Halfway Brook. Hear that 2 men were killed and scalped by the enemy at Stillwaters yesterday." July "20th Ten men on the road from this to Halfway Brook were fired on by the Indians near the garrison at the brook. 9 of them were killed and one escaped to the fort. Colo. Nichols being stationed at that place, sent out a party of 200 men who soon met with the enemy who fired on 'em and set up their yell [From page 10] which so frightened the soldiers that they fled and left their officers to fight them alone, who stood bravely to their till death. 3 captains, 2 lieutenants and 1 ensign were slain and 8 private men on the spot, and several more missing." July "21st Nothing remarkable this day, but only a General court marshal set for the trial of criminals." July "22nd Received orders for 4 companies of Colo. Williams regiment to move their tents to the ground that Ruggles left." July "23rd A scout from Deerfield, Sergeant John Taylor, head of said scout, arrived here with letter from Colo. Williams of Hatfield." [From page 11] July 24th 1758 This day we move our tents to the ground that Colo. Ruggles left some days ago." July "25th A man belonging to the 44th regiment was hanged for theft. Four men detached out of my company (viz.) Sam'l Whelon, Shadrick Webster, John Addams, and Dan'l Granger and sent to Halfway Brook with Capt. Derumpel of Colo. Dribble's regiment." July "26th Went with an escort to Halfway Brook." July "27th Hampshire troops sent to Fort Edward this day." July "28th We hear that a large party of the enemy beset a number of our people with team, together with the escort that was with them near Fort Edward. [From page 12] The loss on either side cannot as yet learn." July "29th Upon the news above mentioned, about six or seven hundred men were detached and went off in bateaux down the lake with Major Rogers to go over to the South Bay to endeavor to intercept the enemy in their return homeward." July "30th A detachment of [1?000] men were sent off down the lake in bateaux early this morning under command of General Lyman and Lieut. Colo. of the regulars. Two hundred more were detached and sent after General Lyman about 5 o'clock afternoon." July "31st The parties that were sent down the lake returned back as far as the advanced guard on the island but were ordered back again immediately. We hear also that the guard at Halfway Brook were drove in by the enemy." [From page 13] August the 1st 1758 3 men that were taken in the fight last winter with Rogers came to the camp this day. What news they have can't as yet hear." August "2nd General Lyman this day returned with part of the detachment that went down the lake some days past. Rogers and Putnam were sent with a large party of men on a scout from Sunday Point to South Bay, then to marched to Fort Ann and from thence to Fort Edward." August "3rd Nothing remarkable this day." August "4th This day Seth Dwight of my company, and waiter to the Rev. Mr. Woodbridge died about 7 o'clock in the morning." [From page 14] August 5th 1758 Nothing extraordinary this day." August "6th Nothing remarkable." August "7th The picket of the whole army sent to cut the trees and brush 30 yards on each side of the road and to burn the same." August "8th A German soldier that deserted from the French came to the camps this day. A Sergeant and 3 men of Colo. Wooster's regiment went to the South Bay yesterday. Took a French man, brought him in this day." August "9th The sloop Sansh'd [?] this day." August "10th Nothing new." August "11th The whole army mustered this day." August "12th This day Colo. Eyres with about seven hundred men relieved Colo. Marser[?] at Halfway Brook. I was sent with those of Colonel Williams regiment." [From page 15] "August 13th 1758 At Halfway Brook, went this day with a party of 400 men to meet the convoy from Fort Edward. Returned and went 4 miles towards the lake to escort the team. Met a party from thence and returned to Halfway Brook." August "14th This day Colo. Lyman with 1000 men set out from Lake George on a scout toward South Bay, by the way of Halfway Brook with provisions for seven days. We hear also that a large party is to sail down the lake this night in order to go over to the South Bay to meet Colo. Lyman." August "15th A small scout that went from this place returned this day, bring word of an army of the enemy that they discovered near the falls in [?] Creek, the news of which was sent immediately to Colo. Lyman, as also to the lake and Fort Edward. Went with an escort towards Fort Edwards also towards the lake." [From page 16] "August 16th Four hundred men were sent from this place to rencounter General Lyman. A scout from hence made discovery of several small parties of the enemy near the road betwixt here and the lake. A large escort was sent with the team from the lake to Fort Edward." August "17th A party of the enemy was discovered about 4 miles from hence toward the lake on the east side of the rode." August "18th This day was ordered on a Court Marshal to try a number of prisoners. Two of them were found guilty of the crimes laid to their charge. Were ordered to be punished with 25 stripes the one and 20 the other." August "19th Nothing remarkable this day, but only an alarm in the evening. False." [From page 17] "Halfway Brook August 20th 1758. We hear by the York Doste[?] that Louisbourg was surrendered to the English army on the 26th day of July. An alarm was made this night also." August "21st This day Major Slap[?] with four hundred men (that were sent the 16th instant to recruit Colo. Lyman returned to this place." August "22nd General Provost came to this place today, later on to lake with an escort." August "23rd Went with an escort to meet the convey from the lake. Returned and went almost to Fort Edward to guard the wagon." August "24th This day was warned for a Court Marshal. The evidence being absent the court is put off for the present." [From page 18] August "23rd A relief is sent from the lake. We return once more to that place. Lt. Partridge set out for New England with Percy[?] Bardwell." August "26th At Lake George-Four men of Colonel Gage's regiment being condemned by the sentence of a court marshal to suffer death were taken to the place of execution and there received a pardon from the General. This day about 4 o'clock in the morning Sergeant Perez[?] Graves departed this life after being ill about a month." August "27th Nothing remarkable." August "28th The whole army drawn up in a single file before the breastwork. 21 cannon were fired an then a running fire of the small arms round the whole breastwork. The same repeated three times. [Along the margin-Joy for Louisbourg, indicating a joie de feu]. [From page 19] "August 29th 1758 This day I had the picket." August "30th Two deserters from the French came to this place." August "31st The province Troops mustered this day." "September the 1st A scout of 500 men is ordered to draw provisions this day for 5 days to march tomorrow morning." September "2nd Two pieces of brass cannon 24 pounders are brought to the camp. Also a large number of shot and other artillery stores." September "3rd Nothing new." September "4th Was ordered ___ of a court marshal. A sergeant and a private tried. The sergeant reduced, the private ordered to receive 15 stripes." [From page 20] "September 5th 1758 Nothing new today." September "6th Nothing new." September "7th I took the picket and repaired the breastwork." September "8 Julias Alles a ?sick soldier in my company set out for New England. Colo. Ward with the party at Halfway Brook relieved. We have the news this day of Colo. Bradstreet's success at Caderoiqua?" September "9th Nothing new this day." September "10th Sunday." September "11th This day we had a rejoicing fire with cannon and small arms together with bond fires, at the news of Bradstreet's success." [From page 21] "September 12th 1758 Nothing remarkable." September "13th Isaac Davis went from this place to Fort Edward, he being examined and adjudged by the chief Doctor as not fit for duty in camp." September "14th Nothing new today." September "15th I had the piquet. Marched 5 miles toward Halfway Brook to meet the T?? [ink blot ___]." September "16th As we were." September "17th Nothing new." September "18th Lt. Chapen from Fort Massachusetts came to camp." [From page 22] "September 19th 1758 This day we have the news of the success of Prince Ferdinand against the French." September "20th A man that deserted from the French at a fort about 40 miles from Oswego. He deserted the 28th day of August and came to this place today. The man belonged to Boston and was taken at or near Oswego a little before that place was taken." September "21st No Change." September "22nd The same." September "23rd Nothing more." September "24th Sunday. Was ordered last evening to attend as a member of a general Court Marshal [From page 23] to try Capt. Pickeren of the New Hampshire regiment for refusing to do his duty, for speaking diminutively of his superior officers, for refusing to obey Major Titcomb's orders, for speaking slightly of his commission and for breaking his arrest. Colo. Haviland was made president of said court. The court was adjourned to 9 o'clock tomorrow morning." September "25th The court set at the time appointed at the president's tent. Examined the evidences. Said court adjourned to 9 tomorrow. [From page 24] A deserter came from the French to inform that he came out from Ticonderoga with a small party of the French as far as Sunday Point and then stole away from the party." September "26th Went on still with the business of the Court, hearing the prisoner's defense and examining evidences. The court adjourned to 9 o'clock tomorrow morning. Lieut. Tute and Ensign Catten was sent down to Sunday Point with 50 men to lay in wait near the enemies boat that came out with the deserter, they having the deserter for their pilot." [From page 25] "September 27th 1758 Attended at court at the time appointed. Finished the trial of said captain. Lieut. Rice of Colo. Whiting's regiment being put in arrest and his crime sent to the court for trial, the court was again adjourned to 9 o'clock tomorrow morning. Two more deserters from the French came to the camp this day. Bring much the same out, that the other that came out some day past did (viz.) that the French kept no guard without their lines except at an island a little beyond old advanced guard. [From page 26] That those were ?over that at the sight of ?any of our boat at any time approaching towards them, they should immediately reported to the lines at the fort." September "28th Went to court. Heard the evidences on both sides concerning Lt. Rice, together with the prisoner's defense. Judgment being entered up, the court was dismissed." September "29th Major Rogers, Tute and Callen came in from their scout. Brought two birch canoes, but did not sight on the enemy before they were discovered by them. They went as far as the enemy's guards. Gave and received several volleys and then returned." [From page 27] "September 30th 1758 The invalids of the regiment were viewed by Doctor Munro, One lieutenant and 20 privates were sent off to go to New England as not being fit for service." "October 1st This day John Nelson of my company went from the camp in order to return home being sent off by the doctor." Note-Capt. Barnard's journal for 1759 closed Sept. [?October?] 4th about which time it appears by a letter [From page 110] from Surgeon William Williams dated Crown Point Oct. 23, 1759, that the Capt. was taken with a fever and sick same time and this will account for the discontinuance of the journal. Amherst's main army sailed down Champlain the 11th of October and returned on the 20th. E. Hoyt [From page 213] Memorandum: "That about the 20th of June 1758 Simeon Ward of my company lodged his own gun in the King's stores att Fort Edward and took one of the King's arms for which he gave a receipt." Lake George October 8th 1758: "Received Mr. Woodbridge c'n by cash lent me in my sickness L 0.12.0." "Oct. 21st 1758 then paid to the Reverend Mr. Woodbridge the whole of the money above mentioned." "October 28th 1758 Darius Walker? Ditto to an order Ensign Alexander gave you on Mr. Bruer." End of Diary 1759: From: "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by Dr. Kenneth Wetherbee, 1980, available on CD at the Swift River Valley Historical Society in New Salem, MA: "In 1759, there were the following entries in the accounts of Drs. Crouch and Kellogg: "Feb 10, 1759-Mr. JONATHAN GOODALE, wife, Drest her foot." [This would have been BETSY.] In William Tyrer's (of Green Valley, AZ) notes for Ebenezer Goodell, there is the following sentence: "Only Ebenezer and JONATHAN had polls and real estate in New Salem in 1759. The other three brothers must have left town. [In truth, they had. Ezekiel was dead [not mentioned in his mother's will in 1753], Isaac had moved to Amherst and owned and conducted a tavern, and James had moved back to Danvers]. Also, a "Goodale House" is shown on the 1759 road plan [The source for this is: "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by David Kenneth Wetherbee, pg. 150.] JONATHAN and BETSY's daughter, Deborah was born in 1760. 1761: From the Franklin County Courthouse in Greenfield, MA, the "Grantee Book, Abstracts from 1663 to 1786," Book 3, page 141, 16-296, on January 12, 1761: "Isaac [IV] Goodale of Amherst to JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem. Consideration twenty-five shillings, January 1740. One-eighth part of a first division lot of land, No. 19 originally drawn by Capt. Benjamin Pickman, said lot being or lying in the district of New Salem aforesaid and numbered 19." [See abstract of Grantee Index, above in chapter on ISAAC [III] GOODALE for this land, which ISAAC[III] GOODALE purchased of Benjamin Pickman. In this case, it appears that Isaac [IV] was selling his 1/8 share to his brother JONATHAN.] JONATHAN and BETSY's son James was born in 1762. From: "New Salem First Parish Church Society (now Unitarian), in the possession of the Unitarian Society, New Salem, Mass:" JONATHAN and BETSY's youngest son, Asa, was born in 1764. From the "Grantee Book, Abstracts from 1663 to 1786," Book 3, page 141, 16-295, New Salem: "Rebecca Meacham [the sister of Deborah Hawkins Goodale] and William Meacham of New Salem to JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem. Consideration seven pounds, ten shillings, November 8, 1766. Fifty acres of land bounded westerly upon Shutesbury line, northerly upon Lot No. 2, being a 4th Division lot No. 3." From the "Grantee Book, Abstracts from 1663 to 1786,} Vol. 4, page 128, 2-3-289: July 5, 1768, JONATHAN GOODALE, et al, to Ebenezer Goodale, New Salem- JONATHAN GOODALE, Isaac Goodale and Daniel Curtis of New Salem, and Amherst to Ebenezer Goodale of New Salem, in consideration of 10 pounds, July 5, 1768. Our parts of the Lot No. 40, 43, and 44, lying in said New Salem, the whole of lots containing 150 acres, being the 4th Division lots originally drawn by Jonathan Waters of Old Salem." On December 10, 1769, JONATHAN GOODALE's wife, BETSY died, according to the date on her headstone. However this may be an error, because JONATHAN GOODALE married Lydia Owen of Brookfield, MA [where his cousin, Nathan Goodale lived], according to First Parish church records, in April 7, 1769 [which had been in possession of the Unitarian Society, New Salem, Mass: "New Salem First Parish Church Society, (now Unitarian), Rev. Sam Kendall's Record Book." Betty Sue Pratt, in an email dated January 4, 2004, said "I do not know where the originals may be, as is the case with so many of the New Salem records.] The wives, Betsy and Lydia [Owen] Goodale are buried side-by-side, and there is currently no headstone for JONATHAN. From the "Grantee Book, Abstracts from 1663 to 1786," Book 3, page 141, 16-296, New Salem: "Ebenezer Goodale of New Salem to JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem, consideration of twenty pounds, January 20, 1770. All of my part or share of a first division, lot 19 originally drawn by Capt. Benj. Pickman, and all my of two 3rd Division Lots No. 95 and 94 originally drawn by Jonathan Waters. Also all my part or share of the 1st Division lot of said waters right bearing No. 28." From the "Grantee Book, Abstracts from 1663 to 1786," Book 3, page 141, 16-293: "Benjamin Goodhue of Salem to JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem, consideration of twenty-six pounds, thirteen shillings and four pence, October 19, 1770. One certain lot of 4th Division land in New Salem aforesaid bearing No. 27 and arising from house lot originally drawn by Ezekiel March containing fifty acres, be the same more or less." [These original drawings of the Proprietor Rights were burned in a fire in 1856.] IN "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by Dr. Kenneth Wetherbee, 1980, available on CD at the Swift River Valley Historical Society in New Salem, MA, on page 383, Dr. Wetherbee asks: "How important an institution was the church in New Salem? Everyone who had a poll in town was required by law to pay a tax for [Rev.] Kendall's [the 'Puritan' or Congregational minister's] salary. But how many were not followers? A surprising number; and some of the most influential people in town: James Cook, Robert Crosett (who Mr. Kendall insisted on calling Crosier), Ebenezer, Jr., David, Amos Benjamin, and Nathaniel Felton, Amos and Daniel Foster, JONATHAN and Ebenezer Goodale, Joseph and James Houlton, William and Samuel King, John Newell, William Page, Jr., all of the Pierces [!], Rices, Israel Richardson, the younger Southwicks, John Trask, John Vicory, etc. One wonders what were the religious beliefs of the members and of the non-members and with what kind of sincerities and hypocrisies." The confession section of Kendall's record book gives us a clue to how the influential men of the town may have felt about the conduct of their religion by their minister. It seemed hypocritical for a husband and wife to have to confess to the sin of fornication just to allow their newborn baby to be baptized, but this is precisely what we find in Rev. Kendall's confessions records. Perhaps this is why so many of the prominent men were reluctant to give themselves over fully to becoming full-fledged members of the Puritan faith. This emphasis on the prurient aspect of childbirth seems more like institutionalized voyeurism in the bedrooms of decently married people. It is not surprising that Ebenezer was looking for a different church. From the "Grantee Book, Abstracts from 1663 to 1786," Book 3, page 142, 16-297: "Benjamin Stacy of New Salem to JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem, consideration of twenty-seven pounds, June 8, 1774. Two certain tracts of land lying in New Salem aforesaid: One Lot No. 1 in the 4th Division containing 40 acres and also 10 acres off the Lot. No. 1 joining the above said Lot No. 1 containing 60 acres, meaning that the ten acres should join equally on the above described forty acre lot." From: "Heare Lyes Salim New Grant," by Dr. Kenneth Wetherbee, 1980, available on CD at the Swift River Valley Historical Society in New Salem, MA, pg. 76, and it's corresponding footnote #98: "At the advent of the American Revolution, the Goodale family appears to have become divided in their loyalties to England, with Isaac [IV] who resided in Amherst being labeled as a Tory, even though his sons enlisted for the service of the revolution." The Jonathan's brother Ebenezer (of New Salem) and (Jonathan's son) James (of New Salem) were clearly revolutionists, as will be shown in the following pension depositions. This researcher has not been able to categorize Jonathan [who had served as a centurion in the French and Indian War], in his loyalties either to the crown or to the fledgling nation. In 1776 he would have been aged 51, either too old, or perhaps already maimed or otherwise injured from his two years service in the French and Indian Wars. Certainly, he saw the most horrifying acts of slaughter at the Siege of Fort William Henry to last a lifetime, and may have sworn off any further such conflicts if he could possibly avoid it. If I am unable to find any evidence of his loyalties, we may have to extrapolate from the enlistment of all of his sons, for the Revolution. His sons were Ezekiel, James, Jonathan, Asa and Jacob. This researcher is descended from their sister RUTH. 1791: From the Franklin County Courthouse in Greenfield, MA, the "Executions," Volume 9, page 555: "To all people to whom these presents shall come, know ye that I, JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem, County of Hampshire and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Yeoman; "For and in consideration of 12 pounds to me in hand before the ensealing hereof, well and truly paid Samuel Reed of Wendell in County and state aforesaid, Yeoman; "The receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge and myself therewith fully satisfied and contented… and thereof… do exonerate, acquit and discharge him, the said Samuel Reed, his heirs, executors and administrators forever… do freely and absolutely give, grant, bargain, sell… etc, the said Samuel Reed… a certain tract of land lying in Wendell in the county of Hampshire containing twenty acres, it being part of the Lot No. 25, bounding as follows: Northerly and Easterly by Israel Moor's land and southerly by James Tyrer's land and westerly by Benjamin Stiles." "In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 9th day of March, 1791, JONATHAN GOODELL and seal. Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of us, Boyce Kimball, Asa Goodell The above sale of land by JONATHAN GOODELL contains 2 points of interest. The first is that his son, Asa Goodell signed as a witness to the sale, which indicates that the relationship between himself and his father is good, at this time. The second point is that the description of the property includes a boundary on the south side by his son-in-law's [JAMES TYRER] land. However, we did not find a record of the purchase of this Wicket Pond land by JAMES TYRER until the following month of April, after this March 1791 sale by JONATHAN GOODELL. Although RUTH'S father, JONATHAN GOODALE did not die in 1796, it is fitting to enter his will into this place, for he wrote it with signing witnesses in 1796, and did not alter it by the time of his death in 1813. It is very curious in that he did not lift a finger to help his daughter RUTH financially, nor did his sons benefit from the terms of the will. The mystery of whether a quarrel arose between father and offspring may never be resolved, but the will does reveal JONATHAN'S reaction to his father [ISAAC (III)]'s last will and testament. 1796: From the "Registry of Probate Books, County of Franklin, Greenfield, MA," Vol. XVIII, 1792-1794: "IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN. I, JONATHAN GOODALE, of New Salem in the County of Hampshire and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, being weak in body, but of sound mind and memory, blessed be Almighty God for the same, do make and publish this my last Will and Testament, in manner and form following (that is to say): "First, I give and bequeath unto my beloved wife Lydia Goodale, one third part of all my personal estate forever, and the use and improvement of one third part of all my real estate during her life. I also give and bequeath unto my son Ezekiel Goodale, one dollar. I do also give and bequeath unto my grandson John Goodale, the son of my late son Jonathan Goodale, one dollar. I also give and bequeath to my sons James, Jacob and Asa one dollar apiece. I also give and bequeath unto my daughters Elizabeth and RUTH one dollar apiece. I also give and bequeath unto my grandson John Newton the sum of forty-four dollars. Which said several legacies or sums of money I will and order shall be paid within six months after my decease." "And as to all the rest, residue and remainder of my estate, both real and personal, of whatever nature or kind, I give and bequeath the same to my two grandsons Stephen Upton and James Upton, to be equally divided between them, to have and to hold the same during their natural Lives: and from and after the decease of the said Stephen, I will and bequeath his share in said real estate to his eldest son, which shall be then living, and his heirs forever; and for default of such son, then to the said James Upton during his natural life, if he survives to said Stephen; and from and after his decease to the eldest son of the said James, to him and his heirs forever. And after the decease of the said James Upton I give and bequeath his share in said real estate to his eldest son, which shall be then living, and his heirs forever; and for default of such son, then to the said Stephen Upton during his natural life; if he survives the said James; and from and after his decease, to the eldest son of the said Stephen, to him and his heirs forever: and for default of such son or sons of the said Stephen and James or either of them, then to my own heirs for ever. And lastly I hereby appoint my said beloved Wife and the said Stephen Upton Executors of this my last Will and Testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this twenty-first day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Ninety Six." JONATHAN GOODALE Signed, sealed, published and delivered By the above named JONATHAN GOODALE To be his last Will and Testament in The presence of us, who have hereunto subscribed our names as witnesses in presence of the Testator. Edward Upham Amos Foster Shubael Stratton Signing and executing his said will was undoubtedly of as sound mind, memory and body, according to appearances, as ever I knew him to be, or as any man of his age. Shubael Stratton Hancock Co., state of ? On the 30th day of November, in the year of our Lord 1813, the aforesaid deponent was examined and cautioned ____ according to law. To the deposition aforesaid by him subscribed, taken at the request of Stephen Upton, surviving executor of the will aforesaid, to be ___ before the Honorable Solomon Smead, esq. Judge of the Probate of Wills within the County of Franklin, touching the probate of said GOODALE's last will and testament, taken pursuant to a Didimus? from said Judge, and hereto annexed, which is expressed the cause of its being taken. Wm. D. Williams Justice of the Peace County Hancock From the "Registry of Probate Books, County of Franklin, Greenfield, MA," Vol. XVIII, 1792-1794: "Inventory of the estate of JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem in the County of Franklin, Deceased appraised by the subscribers, September 5th, 1814, vis." "Real Estate consisting of one lot of unimproved land containing by estimation one hundred acres lying in the easterly part of New Salem being a 3d division Lot N. 94 at $350.00 $350.00 Personal estate, vis.--- One cow- 22.00 one do.-20.00 One do.- 20.00 $ 62.00 One yearling heifer-6.50 One yoke oxen- 60.00 66.50 Three old chairs- 3.62 One old cart- 3.80 ????- ..40 7.82 Iron bar- 3.17 One set of boxes- .95 One harrow- 2.75 6.87 Old plow Iron- 1.25 fire shovel and tongs- .90 2.15 One iron kettle- 1.50 tea kettle- .75 one pan steelyard- .17 2.42 Two pair old chisells- .38 four old hayforks- .50 old iron- 2.00 2.83 One shovel- .38 flas comb- .75 hammer- .25 1.33 Spoon molds? and nippers- .50 Old pewter- 1.54 choping knife-.8? 2.12 One pair old shears-..8 one old looking glass- ..17 0.25 One table-..75 one do.- .25 one old bed- 3.00 one do.-6.00 10.00 Four old covers- 2.50 two old chests & drawers- 1.00 3.50 One loom and tackling- 2.00 spinning wheel- ..59 2.59 One cider barrel- .07 one chair-.33 1.00 The deceased wearing apparel 3.00 $174.38 Real Estate $350.00 New Salem, Sept. 5, 1814 ----------- $524.38 As mentioned above in the year 1743, JONATHAN expressed his opposition to his father's method of dividing the property evenly among his heirs, when by tradition he, the eldest, would have inherited most or all of it. He possibly even still resented the phrase that would have struck him from the will if he objected to its terms. In his own will, he referred to his second wife Lydia as 'beloved', but he does not use this phrase on any of his children or grandchildren. From the Franklin County Courthouse in Greenfield, MA, the "Grantor Book," Volume 21, page 634: "Know yet that I, Stephen Upton of New Salem in the County of Hampshire, yeoman, for and in consideration of five hundred dollars to me in hand, paid… by JONATHAN GOODALE of New Salem… yeoman…" "I have given, granted, sold, and conveyed to him, the said JONATHAN GOODALE during the term of his natural life… two certain lots lying in the town of New Salem, and one is Lot No. 19 in the First Division of land in said town, and it is bounded as follows, viz., west on the west line of said town, south on the north line of Lot. No. 18 in the 1st Division, east on a highway, and north on a 4th division Lot. No. 1." "The other is a 4th Division Lot No. 1 containing forty acres and bounded south on the lot aforesaid, east on a highway, north on a 4th Division lot and west on the town line." "Also ten acres of land of all the south side of a sixty acre lot in the 4th Division, bounded west on the town line, east on a highway and south on the above said forty acre lot, and is the whole of the farm that I now live on… Stephen Upton, February 12, 1802" It is very curious to this researcher that the land was returned by Stephen Upton to his grandfather, after he purchased it from him in 1798. Perhaps JONATHAN had been ill in 1798, and it was thought that he would not survive, but reversed the sale in 1802 due to returned good health JONATHAN GOODALE's beloved second wife, Lydia, died on December 9th, 1806, per the inscription on her headstone. 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