The Winthrop Fleet ************************************************************************ Copyright. All rights reserved. http://www.usgwarchives.net/copyright.htm ************************************************************************ transcribed by Janice Farnsworth The Winthrop Fleet of 1630 by Charles Edward Banks published Boston 1930 Chapter I Setting the Stage p.3 Since the early dawn of the century which saw the end of the reign of Elizabeth, England's greatest monarch, and the acession to her throne of James 'the wisest fool in Christendom,' the mighty possi- bilities of imperial expansion set in motion by the explorations of Frobisher, Raleigh, Drake, Gilbert, Gosnold, and Weymouth had been coming to the next logical step in their natural development. After discovery occupation must follow. Within the first decade of the seventeenth century these adventurous men of our race were crossing the thousand leagues of the 'vast and furious ocean' which separated Europe from the almost unknown continent of North America. Beginning the year before the senile queen 'of famous memory' was on her death-couch, the earliest colony set out from Falmouth, County Cornwall, to make a trial of settlement on the shores of New England. Each succeeding year marked the departure of a like expedition to get a foothold on our dangerous and forbidding littoral. Failure followed failure of these persistent voyagers to accomplish their designs of permanency. The rigorous winter climate to which they were not enured helped to cool their enthusiasm to conquer it after enjoying the novel delights of our spring, summer and autumn temperatures. Gosnold who first p.4 essayed in 1602 to challenge the sovereignty of this region for the abode of the white man, retired in good order after a few months at Cuttyhunk on the Elizabeth Islands. Pring in 1603 established a short acquaintance with the harbor which was to become the permanent home of an experimental socialist plantation seventeen years later, but he, too, gracefully retired when the early frosts reminded him of that season when a white Christmas was the inevitable programme of the forces of Nature with which they could not com- fortably cope. In 1605, Weymouth added to their needed knowledge of the topography of the Maine coast, planted crosses here and there in token of seizure in the name of his sovereign and laid the foundation for the first serious attempt to occupy the claims he had staked out. He also joined the list of temp- orary sojourners on our rocky coast-line. The year 1607 witnessed two determined attempts to solve this growing problem of acquiring a permanent foothold for the Englishmen on this continent. Already the French had solved it in Canada and the Spanish in Florida, and it came to be a race for empire from 34 degrees to 45 degrees North Latitude, or fight. Two chartered companies set out in the spring of this year - one under the patronage of the Plymouth or Northern Company for the better-known and more explored territory of the Maine coast. Three vessels, the Sarah Constant, the Discovery and the Goodspeed took colonists to the James River in Virginia and began the Southern Colony at Jamestown. The pleasant climate of that region contributed to the success of this planting and it became the first permanent settlement of Englishmen in our present national limits. p.5 Simultaneously from Plymouth, under the patronage of the Lord Chief Justice of England and Sir Ferdin- ando Gorges, the Gilberts and other West-Country men, two vessels, the Mary and John and the Gift of God - turned their prows hopefully to the 'stern and rock-bound coast' of Maine where the Kennebec empties its waters into broad Atlantic. Theirs was the more difficult task and was undertaken by men almost unfitted for the serious task. The leader, Captain George Popham, of Bridgewater, of three score years and ten, was chosen to promote an enterprise that called for the vigor of youth. He died during the first winter and his bones remain unlocated on the bleak and rocky promontory of Sabino, overlooking the restless ocean which he had recently crossed. No more uninviting spot could have been chosen for the site of a colony. Yet it survived an exceptionally severe winter with no other casualty and a fort was constructed for permanent protection. The little colony continued to function during the following spring and summer, but the ships sent to England for supplies brought back news of the death of Chief Justice Popham, its chief supporter and of another patron, brother of Raleigh Gilbert, Esq., of Marldon, Devon, who had been chosen Vice-Governor of the Colony, and these events with other con- tributing causes resulted in the abandonment of this first well-organized plan to conquer the relentless winter climate of New England among its barren spaces. This failure was attributed to these natural obstacles to successful planting of a colony in that region and practically ended for the next decade all concerted attempts to win that inhospitable region to serve the uses of the white man. The 'sea dogs' p.6 of Devon had solved the initial factors in the problem of bringing this continent to the knowledge of their nation, but had not been able to utilize its vast potentialities for the service of mankind. The reputation of that region as a home for Englishmen was blasted by the failure of the Popham Colony to maintain occupation beyond a twelvemonth, albeit the abandonment was in reality due to internal and personal causes and not to insurmountable external elements. Nevertheless, one great source of attract- ion became the magnet which continued to draw these dauntless mariners to our coast yearly in the in- creasing numbers. They came in by the score to lure wealth from the virgin fishing grounds where, cod- fish were so plentiful that, as one expressed it, they 'pestered' the vessels in shoals. Soon there grew up fishing stations and permanent establishments at Monhegan, Pemaquid and Darmariscove, where the curing of fish became a valuable industry. Vessels from the Southern Colony at Jamestown came hither to obtain sea-food for their winter subsistence and the coast of Maine was a busy place in the height of the fishing season. To abandon such a source of wealth to the savages or to their European rivals was a concession to weakness which was not a fundamental quality in the spirits of men who could ride the waves for weeks to reach this new land. Again in 1616 one of the great figures in the colonization movements of the past, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, determined to verify his belief that this winter climate of Northern Virginia - as it was then called, was inhabitable by Englishmen. He sent a party to spend the winter months at the mouth of the Saco River, and when they came back in the spring to tell their experiences, the old accepted legend was permanently shattered. Henceforth it was judged to be suitable for occupancy the year round and the great fishing fleets confirmed it by establishing quarters for their industries on the Maine coast. p.7 Meanwhile developments went on apace in natural sequence. The little band of religious zealots who had left their native land in 1610 for religious freedom in Holland began to think of their future under an alien flag, and fell to considering a second migration to the unsettled continent beyond the Western ocean where they could once more live under their own flag and bring up their children in the language of their fathers. Over there they could have land in plenty, start life anew as Englishmen, and found a religious colony modeled on their own design. In 1620 they came in the immortal ship, the Mayflower from Leyden, reenforced by threescore and more of London folks to join them in establishing a socialist plantation financed by Merchant Adventurers of the great city. The story of these first 'Pilgrims' is too well known to be retold here; but the unsanitary conditions of travel at sea, the lack of proper food causing scurvy, and the rigors of winter brought a toll of fifty victims the first winter - half the little company unsheltered in their poorly constructed shacks or huddled in the stuffy cabins of the ship. Yet they were forced to remain to conquer or die. They had burned their bridges behind them in Holland and could not return to England where they would be questioned for religious contumacy. Reenforced the next year by additions of nearly twoscore Londoners from a second ship, the Fortune, and in 1623 by a third ship, the Anne, the loss in numbers was more than made up, and for the next seven years they prospered and slowly grew to be the largest body of Englishmen in one settlement on the coast of Massachusetts. Small and casual parties of the courageous breed of p.8 Englishmen followed them hither to lay claim to the soil for themselves and for the glory of the Kingdom. Settlements were made in Weymouth (1623), at Braintree (1623), at Winnisimmet, Nantasket and in Boston Harbor (1624), and Naumkeag (1624), Shawmut (1624), and Mishawum (1625) - little clearings in the great forest that fringed the coast-line from Cape Cod to Cape Ann. Contemporaneously the mouth of the Piscataquua gave hospit- ality to like squatters in that region and so formed a connecting link with the busier settlements now growing larger and more important on the Maine coast. At Damariscove Island a fully equipped settlement of fishermen protected by a palisade of logs ten feet high, bade defiance to Indian arrows and French muskets. Monhegan was the farthest outpost to the eastward. These were all individual groups independ- ent of each other and in splendid isolation the band of religious sectaries from Leyden held themselves apart from all of them, for these other settlers were 'worldly people' brought up in the rites of the Established Church and having no sympathy with or part in the programme of the Plymouth Separatists. Perhaps the total of all these groups would number five hundred souls, subjects of the King, but bound together by no other ties. They cut little or no figure in the national consciousness and were scarcely mentioned in the talk of the times beyond the counting houses of the merchants who were financially interested in the several ventures at these scattered points. Patents of territory had been taken to cover some of these enterprises, but they added nothing to the importance of the squatter sovereignty to which they belonged. Some of these patents were never confirmed or completed by actual settlement and others of them had limits impossible to define p.9 or were overlapped by grants that had little reverence to prior occupancy. Thus, by gradual and persistent effort to overcome baffling obstacles hitherto unknown to Englishmen, the coast of Massachusetts came gradually into the actual possession of white men in the space of twenty seven years after Gosnold had made his summer residence on Cuttyhunk. All these successive footholds gained by venturous Britons made the background and setting for the larger and more important act in the drama of American colonization - the Great Migration of 1603, from another part of England which hitherto had not shared in the preliminary scenes here related. The Winthrop Fleet of 1630 by Charles Edward Banks 1854-1931 published Boston 1930 Chapter II The Background p.10 What had been going on in the material life of England since the accession of James, in the extension and expansion of its commercial interests overseas and the consciousness of the imperial destiny in seeking for new outlets for the national growth, was having its parallel in the spiritual development of the age. The effects of the Reformation, first finding definite expression less than a century before, were being formulated slowly, characteristic of the English mentality. Reforming the religious habits of generations was a halting and painful process for our ancestors, and the Church 'by law established,' having inherited the status of the old Papal organization with its compact body of ecclesiastics, was always prepared to battle for their prerogatives under any system of theology. This period, well up to 1600 was occupied by the protesting element to slough off all the remnants of Romish rites, while Catholic Mary and Protestant Elizabeth were engaged in killing off each other's heretics. But the domination of foreign friars and alien abbots had practically ceased when the new century opened. The release from their sordid grip gave opportunities, untrammeled, for that religious freedom which the people were too ignorant and unprepared to use with discretion. It became a fresh and unlimited field for the exploitation of the self-educated theologians unrestrained by the authorities. The Bible placed in the hands of the common people became the fount and source of myriads of whimsical doctrines fashion- ed out of 'Holy Writ' and interpreted by these amateur expositors. These reformers undertook not only p.11 to transform and destroy the symbolism of the Church, but to recon- struct the fundamental doctrines of Christian theology. The liturgy of the Mass was revamped by ex- cising every Romish rite and often transforming it into a meaningless gesture. The sacrament of bapt- ism furnished the mose fertile field for the ingenuity of unlettered Biblical microscopists and Pedo- baptists, Anabaptists and Se-Baptists emerged from this welter of verbal tergiversations on that funda- mental of Christianity alone. Of course, the Holy Communion was stripped of its attributes in adoration of the real Presence as taught by the Romish Church and with them went most of the respectful conduct of of the protesting sects toward this rite during its solemnization. These antagonists not only refused to partake of the Lord's Supper, but to show their hostility refused to take off their hats while it was being administered. Absence from the church services naturally followed and during the first quarter of this century, the Archdeacons' Courts were busy dealing with acts of contumacy ranging from non-attendance at worship to acts of disrespect during the services. The Bishops' Courts were equally busy in dealing with the acts of the delinquent clergy. The situation favored the loosening of all be- liefs in doctrines and ceremonies. The laity were not 'persecuted,' as is the common legend. They were dealt with by the local ecclesiastics and merely given reprimands, orders to make public confession of their fault, or excommunication if recalcitrant. The clergy were subjected to more serious hazards, as in disobeying the church laws they were violating their oaths given at ordination, and it is to be re- membered that Chruch and State being one they were breaking the laws of the realm. These refractory ministers who refused to follow the canon law and disobeyed the orders of the Bishop with respect to the sacraments were fined and sometimes imprisoned if they proved p.12 recalcitrant. Being deprived of their appointments, their means of living was taken away. While many of the clergy were sincere in their opposition to the constituted authorities, the disturbances of the times gave opportunities for clerical demagogues to play up to the prejudices of the mob and stage spectacular scenes in churches. In one place the town authorities employed one of these mountebanks as preacher to harangue the people in the afternoons. He would use the sermon delivered in the morning by the Vicar as a text for his lampoons and make sport of it in coarse and ribald language. He was tried before the Bishop, found guilty of disorderly conduct and then fled to New England as a "perse- cuted' clergyman to escape his fines. In no section of England was the spirit of hostility to the Established Church more widely spread and more deeply ingrained than in the section known as East Anglia, comprising the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex. Of course there were no exact comital lines which embraced these Puritan sectaries, as the adjoining counties of Cambridge, Herts, Middlesex and London itself were inoculated with the same 'heresies.' Cambridge University was the Alma Mater of most of the dissenting clergy and certainly of the vast majority of those ministers who emigrated to New England. They were the 'scofflaws' of their generation and became the irreconcilable intolerants in the religious discussions of the first quarter of that century. East Anglia became the early nursery of the dissenters and the consistent supporter of the clandestine congregations which grew up in that region. They were called by several names - Brownists, Independents, Separatists; but by whatever title known, although differeing in methods and dogmas, they were unanimous in opposition to the Established Church and generally at loggerheads with each other. Out of this region p.13 were enlisted the first volunteers of that great army of emigrants who shook the dust of England from their feet in the twenty years preceding the death of King Charles (1649). It is not, however, a correct assumption to picture these emigrants as leaving their ancestral homes because of the religious unrest of the times. Only a portion of them were motivated by this reason and it is doubtful if it were the real preponderating influence om this great movement. There were other substantial factors operating, economic and social. The majority of these people were of the yeoman class who for generations had been the tenantry of the nobility and landed gentry. They did not live - they simply vegetated, hopeless of any improvement in their condition socially or materially, and doomed to support indefinitely a class of parasites set over them by a monarchical form of government. The Manorial System perpetuated a social slavery whereby landlords drained the earnings of their tenants whose lives were spent in the working for their masters and who died as poor as they began. The servile section of the clergy preached to these patient plodders the doctrine of Christian resignation and acceptance of the lot in which Providence had place them. It was a contemptible part of the 'system' which helped to condemn the so-called 'lower classes' to hopeless serfdom with the sanction of theChruch and the approval of Holy Writ. Only in rare instances could a tenant become a freeholder, and, coincident with the acquirement of his spiritual freedom, these downtrodden yeomen came to sense their opportunity for material liberty, their right to profit by the toil of their hands. This right was being gradually recognized as invevitable during the reign of James the First, and when Charles the First came to the throne, his extreme views of the Royal Prerogative began to wreck p.14 their newly acquired privileges. The extravagances of Charles' Court and his imposition of taxes with out the authority of Parliament to meet these excessive charges led to resistance from all classes. Large and small freeholders were the victims of taxation illegally laid on their holdings. In this class were the recently emancipated tenants, who found themselves taxed unjustly by a King who flouted their Parliament and set up an arbitrary government. It presaged civil war. Among the other restless spririts were those whose land hunger was not satisfield. They could not be- come free men in the fullest meaning. They knew of the great continent across the Atlantic where a hundred acres would be given to each and every settler - a king's ransom in their vocabulary and almost beyond their conception as a reality. Their they would, indeed, be free to enter into a new existence unhampered by the dead hand of precedents and the remorseless exactions of the landed gentry. Although technically the plantations in this new country would be under the jurisdiction of the English authorities, yet they would inevitably become disentangled from all the traditions of the past, and the opportunity to establish a liberal commonwealth was the great aspiration of those who had the courage to break away from the land of their fathers, cross an uncharted ocean, and encounter unknown perils from a savage race and from the wild beasts of the trackless forests. This is the background out of which the Great Emigration emerged. The Winthrop Fleet of 1630 by Charles Edward Banks published Boston 1930 Chapter 3 Preparing for the Hegira p.15 The ways and means by which these various eager and restless spirits were organized for this great adventure and became the dramatis personae of transcendental importance deserve parti- cular study. It must be borne in mind that, while they became pioneers of a distinct ex- odus of people from their ancestral homes, they were not the first who had essayed this try- ing ordeal on the American coast. English colonists had made homes for themselves in Virg- inia since 1607 and prospered, and for ten years the little band of Pilgrims at Plymouth had struggled and won a foothold on the drear and infertile coast in what is now known as the Old Colony. The accomplishments of these hardy tenants of an inhospitable region, scarcely numbering more than a few hundred, had made no distinctive impression upon the knowledge of Englishmen. The Plymouth Plantation was almost unknown and scarcely ever mentioned in the daily life and conversation of the common people of England. In a sense, therefore, those to whom was presented the project of joining an emigration movement across the Atlantic considered it a novel idea. But little printed material was available on the subject. The few 'narratives' on the Virginia and Plymouth settlements rarely found read- ers in the small parishes of the English countryside. What little these yeomen knew of the country which came to be called 'New England' filtered down to them through the medium of local clergy, especially those who were becoming detached from their loyalty to the est- ablished religion. These vicars and curates who were beginning to feel the p.16 restraining hand of the hierarchy on their growing habits of nonconformity to the rites and doctrines of the Established Church were indirectly the instigators of this migratory move- ment. It was these ecclesiastical recusants who had brought down on themselves the dis- ciplinary machinery of the Church for their contumacy, and finding their functions suspend- ed their incomes cut off, and their civil status imperiled, encouraged the hope of greater opportunities in a new land to carry on their independent ministrations beyond the reach of the King's and Lord's officials. Yet with this generalization we do not answer the natural inquiry as to the methods by which individuals in widely separated parts of England, were gathered in one group under acknowledged leaders to take part in this self-imposed exile from their homes and native land. The historic index points unerringly to the Rever- end John White, of Dorsetshire, England, as the earliest and most important original factor among the influences which led up to this new colonizing company. Generally known as the 'Patriarch of Dorchester' [England], he had been continuously at the head of various organ- ized companies as well as unorganized movements to effect settlements on the Massachusetts coast. This work he began in 1623 with the Dorchester Company, which took possession of Cape Ann as a site for a colony, and thereafter he was identified with every like develop- ment on the coast, and was interested in every company that finally became merged success- ively into this last great venture in 1629 - the Massachusetts Bay Company. White was a conforming Puritan of liberal views. He recognized the need of the Established Church and believed that the emigration of these Dissenters to a new country not only would afford a remedy for their grievances, but answer the growing pressure p.17 of adverse economic conditions. He further believed it would be an indirect advantage to England itself in relieving it of the agitations of a dissatisfied element, restoring peace at home and at the same time giving the emigrants a safety valve for their opposition to expend itself. His whole thought was to employ this means to heal a growing discontent, spiritual and material, which was plaguing the English people. In later years he is found condemning the excesses of these people in Massachusetts in their persecution of others in the name of religion. In support of his early plans for the settlement of the coast of Massachusetts Bay, he had enlisted scores of prominent men in the West Country - Dorset, Somerset, and Devon - as stockholders. Among them was Colonel John Humphrey son of Michael Humphrey, gentleman, of Chaldon, County Dorset. Colonel Humphrey was a familiar figure in London and connected by marriage with Lord de la Warr and the Pelham family, both associated with colonization projects. For his third wife Humphrey married in 1630 the Lady Susan Fiennes, daughter of the Earl of Lincoln, sister of the Lady Arbella, wife of Isaac Johnson, and of like kin- ship to John Gorges, the son of Sir Ferdinando. Thus a definite contact can be established between the earliest colonizing projects started by White and this last one, the goal of his efforts. It is possible to visualize the association of Humphrey with the Earl of Lincoln's family connection which played such an important part in the development of this climax of White's work. Through it we can account for Thomas Dudley, a retainer of the Earl, but a native of Northamptonshire, as a passenger in this fleet. Sempringham p.18 in Lincolnshire, the seat of the Earl, had already the year before sent forth to Salem in New England its Rector, the Reverend Samuel Skelton, and thus, like a pebble thrown into a pool, the influence of John White of Dorchester [England] reached out in widening ripples. Just how Winthrop was drawn into the project is uncertain. He was a late recruit in the scheme. In fact, the Massachusetts Bay Company had been in existence a year and a half before the name of the elder Winthrop appears on the records. Prior to that, however, in April, 1628, John Winthrop, Jr., had under consideration the plan of going to New England on some sort of an expedition thither for business or investigation. In a letter to his father at that time he wrote: "For my voyage to New England, I doe not resolve, (especially following my Uncle [Emanuel] Downing's advice), except I misse the Straightes (Gibraltar) but I will stay till you have sold the land though I misse of both.' Thus New England had been discussed in the family circles. Three months later the younger Winthrop was at Leghorn on his voyage to Mediterranean ports, and that was the end of that earlier idea of going to New England. The seed, however, was working and in his frequent visits to London as one of the attorneys of the Court of Wards and Liveries, the elder Winthrop would be brought into contact through his brother-in-law [Emanuel] Downing, not only with some of the active members of the newly chartered Company of the Massachusetts Bay, particularly Isaac Johnson, but with other like projects in the Carribean Islands undertaken by his kinsman and county neighbors. His son Henry (Winthrop) had already gone to the Barbados to establish himself in that island colony. The times were beginning to be stirring politically. The p.19 King had dissolved Parliament, which was not to meet again for more than a decade, and he was sorting out the lukewarm among his subjects as well as his open enemies for reprisals. Writing to his wife in May, 1629, the Squire of Groton Manor [John Winthrop] poured out his apprehensions as to the future of the country and his own fortunes. 'I am verilye per- suaded God will bring some heavye Affliction upon this lande and that speedylie.' The blow fell upon him the next month when he was deprived of his office of Attorney in the Court of Wards and Liveries, with its large and welcome fees and this, added to his financial burden, caused him to exclaim to his wife, 'Where we shall spend the rest of our short tyme I knowe not: the Lorde, I trust, will direct us in mercye.' At this critical time, in his anxiety for his own future, and argument in manuscript, 'Reasons for and against settling a planta- tion in New England,' was circulated among the group of Puritans who were known to have supported the colonization projects begun by White. A copy came to the notice of Winthrop and at his request his son Forth made a copy for the Governor's use. By the summer of 1629, Winthrop had practically decided to throw in his lot with the Massa- chusetts Bay Company. His reasons as stated in his family letters were the constantly in- creasing expenses of a grown and growing family with no prospects of additional income and the urgency of the stockholders in the Company that he undertake the leadership of the organization. 'If he lett pass this opportunitie,' he recorded on a personal memorandum, 'that talent which God p.20 hath bestowed uppon him for publicke service is like to be buried.' Whether this pessi- mistic view of his chances of development and success at home was justified is an unanswer- able question, but it is clear that his decision was based on material rather than spirit- ual grounds. He said nothing that indicates his dissatisfaction with the Established Church. In none of his later writings has he left any suggestion that ecclesiastical persecution or distasteful teachings or ritualistic practices influenced his decision to sell the family manor and the comforts of its appointments to start life anew in an un- known continent. By his own testimony it was a question of pounds, shillings and pence, of a decreasing income and an unfavorable balance sheet, which led him to flee from a political and economic situation which others remained to fight and win in the end. It is pure speculation to surmise what he might have become in the next decade as the Puritan power became dominant. A lawyer of his talents and character might have been among the chief advisers of Cromwell and after the death of Charles one of the great officers of State. In July, 1629, a few weeks after he had lost his office, Winthrop and his brother-in-law, Emanuel Downing, attended a meeting at Sempringham by invitation of Isaac Johnson, the husband of the Lady Arbella, to discuss the subject of emigration to America, either New England or the West India islands. The decision favored the former place, and on August 26, at a second conference in the University town of Cambridge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Dudley, William Vassell, Nicholas West, Increase Nowell, Isaac Johnson, John Humphrey Thomas Sharpe, John Winthrop, William Colburne, Kellam Browne, and William Pynchon concluded an agreement to go to New England by the p.21 first of the following March (1629/30), with their families and personal property, and establish a plantation there for permanent settlement. Thus John Winthrop, Lord of the Manor of Groton, came at last to the turning-point of his career and, casting his lot with these men, soon attained leadership. His name has become attached to the fleet which was the first fruits of the great project that resulted in the Puritan settle- ment of New England. Winthrop's first attendance was at a meeting of the Company October 15, 1629, and five days later he was chosen Governor 'for his integritie & sufficiencie.' Humphrey was elected Deputy Governor at the same meeting, at which the Reverend John White was present, showing his continued interest in the plans and his support of them. From this date forward the ensuing six months were busy times for the promoters. They were employed in spreading far and wide the gospel of emigration and signing up recruits for the passenger list. Naturally the 'underground telegraph' of what was in prospect reached all sorts of persons ready for the adventure, for one reason or another, but it found responses more readily among those sympathetically inclined to Puritan and Separatist ideas. The Dissenting and Separatist clergy were already in touch with each other and were early informed of the nature and purposes of the project, and those who were out of a job or earning a precarious living by school teaching or holding services surreptitiously in private houses were thought to be fit subjects for the new propaganda, but they did not join this first great hegira. Archbishop Laud, their Nemesis later, had not come into power when this movement was being organized, and not for several years later were the clergy harried by his Grace and his High Commission Court. Only two regular glergymen came with Winthrop - the Reverend John Wilson, a native of Windsor, Berkshire, who had been preaching at Sudbury, Suffolk [England] and the Rever- end George Phillips, similarly employed at Boxford in the same county, within six miles of each other with Groton between the two. Their inclusion in this company may be credited to the personal influence of Winthrop, and Phillips was a fellow passenger in the Arbella. The Michaelmas and Hilary Assizes of 1629 at Bury St. Edmunds, always largely attended by the yeomanry of the county, gave Winthrop an opportunity to meet many persons who would be informed of the proposed plantation in New England, and thus the gospel of a new country where land could be had freely and held in fee simple was placed before the tenantry of Suffolk under favorable circumstances and with good results. While it was generally understood that the leaders of this movement were sympathizers with the reform element in the Established Church, yet this feature was not presented as an inducement, and from what is known of subsequent happenings, it is clear that a considerable part of the passengers of the Winthrop Fleet were loyal to the English Church and had no intent or desire to be a part of any scheme that pretended otherwise. A contemporary writer alleged that 'divers went under the Umbrella of Religion.' Many of them never joined the Puritan churches, nor became Freemen after their arrival. That the whole task of advertising the programme of the Company did not devolve on Winthrop is in evidence, but we have knowledge of his writing personal letters to 'prospects' in various parts of England. In London, where the work p.23 of preparation was centered, the labor was done by a few at Governor Cradock's house on Cannon Street near London Stone. Deputy Governor [Thomas] Goffe's house on East Cheap, Isaac Johnson's residence in Soper Lane, Mr. Increase Nowell's house in Philpot Lane near- by, and doubtless Emanuel Downing's house in Peterborough Court, off Fleet Street (where Winthrop made his home in the City), were the centers of much missionary work among persons inquiring about the new colony overseas. It is doubtful if printed appeals were circulated by the promoters, yet a diarist of the period stated that 'Books of Incouragement' were distrubuted in various parts of England; but if so, none have survived, and the writer may refer to tracts that were printed after their departure. Nevertheless, the work of the promoters was well done by word of mouth, and toward the end of the campaign they were able to exercise their privilege of rejecting some applicants and of making choice of certain artisans who would be necessary in establishing a new colony. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth The Winthrop Fleet of 1630 by Charles Edward Banks published Boston 1930 Chapter IV Expense of Travel and Supplies p.24 Passenger travel across the North Atlantic Ocean, which is now one of the great enter- prises of maritime business, may with truth be said to have started with the departure of the Winthrop Fleet. It carried, as has been stated, the largest number of Englishmen sailing as passengers in one body across the Atlantic up to that event. There had been no occasion for such a large group of emigrants to require the services of a fleet of vessels. Since that event there has been constant movement of vessels carrying passengers between the European and American shores. The maritime interests of England were entirely concerned with exports and imports and passenger travel was merely incidental to this ex- tensive overseas trade. Ships were not built to accomodate travelers and those who desired to visit foreign countries had to adjust themselves to the inconveniences of a freight- carrying vessel. Nor had this new traffic as yet resulted in any modification of the interior construction of vessels to make them more comfortable for their human freight. The eleven vessels secured for carrying the Great Migration were the ordinary freighters of the period. There were certain vessels engaged in the wine trade to the Mediterranean ports, which by reason of their occupation, were specially constructed and were known as 'sweet ships,' as they were unusually well caulked and always dry. The Mayflower was of this type and it is probable that the vessels of the Winthrop Fleet on which passengers were mainly carried were selected from this class of traders. A certain number of them carried only horses, cattle, and small stock. p.25 The construction and model of these ships are shown in the accompanying illustrations of a typical craft of the early seventeenth century. The bow with the high forcastle deck was occupied by the seamen before the mast, and the still higher poop deck on the stern which covered the cabin sheltered the quarters of the officers. The space between these two towering structures, or 'between decks,' which was open on small vessels or fitted with a deck and a hold in large craft, was used for the cargo, the ordnance and stowing of the long boats. In this part of the ship, as we learn from Winthrop's story, 'some cabins' had been constructed, probably rough compartments of boards for women and children, while hammocks for the men were swung from every available point of vantage. We may be assured that Lady Arbella Johnson and some of 'the better quality' had special quarters in the cabins, as we are told that they were changed to the lower deck for safety during the threatened hostilities, meaning the 'hold' or 'between decks.' It may be left to the imagination how the sanitary needs of the passengers were met in ordinary weather with smooth seas. It would be merely speculation to know how the requirements of nature were met in prolonged storms for the women and children were kept under the hatches. The number of passengers in the Winthrop Fleet will be discussed elsewhere, but in addition to the number of 'souls' comprising the emigrants were the officers and crews of the several ships. It is recorded that the Arbella (350 tons) was 'manned with fifty-two seamen,' but the number of officers is not given, probably not less than fifteen of all ranks. This is the only basis we have for estimating the number of persons engaged in navigating the eleven ships and it must be necessarily proximate. For all the circumstances of the problem it may be assumed that the Arbella was the largest ship p.26 and with that allowance not less than four hundred officers and seamen manned the entire fleet and, thus figured, there were not less than eleven hundred stowed away in these ships, perhaps an average of a hundred to each one. The cost of transportation overseas for passengers was somewhat of a new problem in mari- time reckoning, as the length of the voyage was always uncertain, sometimes ranging in length from six to twelve weeks. The people emigrating in this Fleet were to be carried under an arrangement with the Company 'at the rate of 5 li. a person.' William Wood, a contemporary writer, said on this point: 'Every man have ship-provisions allowed him for his five pounds a man, which is Salt Beefe, Porke, Salt Fish, Butter, Cheese, Pease Pottage, Water-grewell, and such kind of Victuals, with good Biskets, and sixe-shilling Beere.' This of course, was for adults, and for children the following schedule of relative fares was provided: Sucking children not to be reckoned; such as under 4 yeares of age, 3 for one [fare]; under 8, 2 for one; under 12, 3 for 2. It is understood that each emigrant traveled at his own expense for himself and those de- pendent upon him, and it should be here explained in this connection that there were four classes of emigrants: (1) those who paid for their passage over; (2) those who had some profession, art or trade and were to receive remuneration for same in money or grants of land; (3) those who paid a part of their passage and were to labor at the rate of three shillings a day after arrival in repayment; (4) indentured servants were carried at the expense of their masters, who were to receive in return fifty acres of land for each servant transported. This was similar p.27 to the plan adopted in Virginia to encourage the bringing over of settlers. The cost of transportation was an important item in the consideration of the average tenant farmer or artisan, as the single fare reckoned at present values would be six or eight times as much, relatively, and was almost prohibitive for a large family. In addition to the fares for passage the cost of shipping household goods increased the financial problem for the emigrant. It was necessary to carry these things as there was no way of obtaining them in an unsettled country. The rate for this service was fixed at '4 li a tonn for goods.' For the average Puritan family of eight persons, with a ton of freight, the cost of the trip would be about thirty pounds, or nearly a thousand dollars in our present money. In what manner the Lares and Penates of the passengers reached their destination may be sur- mised from the unfamiliarity of these husbandmen and artisans from East Anglia and London with the perils of the deep. Very few of them had ever left the shores of the 'tight little isle' and they were ignorant of the inadequacy of these absurdly small craft in the trough of the mountainous Atlantic seas developed in her savage moods. A contemporay writer speaks of the giant waves 'hurling their unfixed goods from place to place,' from lack of proper stowage. The present descendants of our first settlers have scant conception and practically no actual knowledge of the conditions which their ancestors experienced in making the long trans-Atlantic voyage from England to the American continent. The most that is understood and appreciated is the diminutive size of the vessels and the long and hazardous passage p.28 required under the best conditons to reach the 'stern and rock-bound coast' of New England. The character and size of the vessels which composed this fleet have been described prev- iously. Beyond that nothing definite is known as to their living accomodations, their food supplies and their existence under the uncomfortable conditions in cramped quarters. In addition to the medical men emigrating as passengers - Doctors Gager and Palsgrave - there were undoubtedly physicians on each of the ships, which carried a considerable number of passengers, in accordance with maritime law. This medical service was an extra charge amounting to 2s 6d for each person covering the voyage. The regulations of the Guild of Barber Surgeons of that date (Sec.47) specified that the 'furniture (instruments, medicines, etc.) of surgeons employed at sea should be examined before sailing.' The duties and quali- fications of this official are thus defined by Captain John Smith in his Accidence for Young Seamen (London, 1626, p.3): "The Chirurgeon is exempted from all duty but to attend the sicke and cure the wounded; and good care would be had that he have a Certificate from the Barber-Surgeons Hall for his sufficiency, and also that his Chest bee well furnished both for Physicke and Chirurgery and so neare as may be proper for the clime you goe for, which neglect hath beene a losse of many a mans life." In the then existing state of medical knowledge there was little scientific information re- garding one of the great dangers of ocean voyages - the certainty of scurvy appearing if the voyage extended over six weeks without the opportunity of obtaining fresh vegetables. This morbid shadow hung over every project of overseas exploration and proved to be the undoing of many an expedition to unknown shores across the Atlantic. p.29 It placed its deadly hand on the expeditons of Drake, Raleigh and Gilbert, and only ten years before the Winthrop Fleet started, half of the Mayflower Pilgrims died of scorbutic starvation during the first months after their arrival in Plymouth. There was little accurate knowledge of the cause of this dietary disease. It was vaguely understood that the lack of fresh vegetables was one of the factors in its causation, but they had no means of supplying this deficiency on prolonged voyages. It seems that Winthrop himself had been advised on this subject, for we find him writing back to his wife to bring 'a gallon of Scurvy grasse to drink a litle 5: or 6: morninges together, with some saltpeter dissolved in it & a litle grated or sliced nutmege.' While limes and lemons were procurable their usefulness as prophylactics in scurvy was little known except among those who followed the sea. Their main reliance was on beer, which was therapeutically sound judgement, as it served both to allay thirst and as a mild anti-scorbutic. Water could not be preserved sweet and potable on these long voyages. For this reason we find that in the list of provi- sions for the Arbella forty-two tuns of beer were provided for the passengers of that ship (about ten thousand gallons). There is nothing to indicate that limes or lemons were carried, as numbers fell victims to scurvy on the voyage and many after arrival died from the lack of proper preventives. This disease persisted for several months after landing, causing continuous mortality and it was not until the return of the Lyon in the spring, p.30 bringing a supply of lemons, that the progress of the disease was checked. The Arbella also carried fourteen tuns of drinking water (thirty-five hundred gallons), two hogsheads of 'syder,' and one hogshead of vinegar. This supply of fluids was their rations for twelve weeks. For solid food this ship carried sixteen hogsheads of meat, of which there was beef (eight thousand pounds) pork (twenty-eight hundred pounds), and a quantity of beef tongues. It cost them nineteen shillings per hundredweight for beef, and twenty for pork. The tongues were priced at fourteen pence apiece. Of course, this meat was prepared for the voyage according to the art or 'mystery' of preserving meat practiced by the Salters Company. It was evidently a satisfactory delivery, for the Governor wrote home that the beef 'was as sweet and good as if it were but a month powdered.' In addition to this they had six hundred pounds of 'haberdyne' (salt codfish) and for good measure they had one barrel of salt and one hundred pounds of suet, presumably for cooking purposes. The staff of life was represented by twenty thousand biscuits, of which fifteen thousand were brown and five thousand white, supplemented by one barrel of flour, thirty bushels of oat- meal and eleven firkins of butter as a spread. The only vegetable in their table of supplies was peas, of which they had forty bushels. These were dried peas. To make this unembellished diet patatable they provided the cook with a bushel and a half of mustard seed to stimulate their jaded appetites after days and weeks of 'salthorse.' Of course, individual passengers brought small supplies of food for their own use, probably relishes to relieve the monotony of sea diet. As a result p.31 of his own experience Winthrop wrote to his wife that when she came over the following year to bring a supply of 'pease that would porridge well.' He added one practical suggestion, doubtless the outgrowth of his own experiences: 'Be sure to have ready at sea 2: or 3: skillets of several syzes, a large fryinge panne, a small stewinge panne & a case to boyle a pudding in,' which implies that the passengers cooked some of their own meals or parts of them. Evidently the Steward's department of the Fleet was not yet experienced or efficient in serving regular meals for so many people, satisfactorily. Deep-sea fishing supplemented the larder, giving them fresh fish as the exigencies of the weather permitted and as luck favored their angling. As the approached the Grand Banks codfishing was always rewarded by plentiful catches. The galley was furnished with the following list of utensils and tableware: The Cookes Store 100 platters 4 Trayes 2 wooden bowlles 4 Lanthornes 4 pompes for water and beer 3-l/2 duzen of quart cans 3 duzen of small cans 13 duzen of Wooden Spoones 3-1/2 duzen Bread basketts 3-l/2 duzen Musterd dishes 2-l/2 Duzen butter dishes 3 or 4 duzen Trenchers 1 duzen Codd-lyne 3 duzen Coddhookes 1/2 duzen Mackerell lynes 1-l/2 duzen Mackerell hookes 12 leades 6 small Leades The following attractive suggestions were made by Wood regarding luxuries 'for such as have ability...some conserves and good Claret wine to burne at Sea: or you may have it by some of your Vintners or Wine Coopers burned here, and put up in Vessels.' p.32 It is evident that artificial lights were not supplied to passengers, and that sundown was the signal for retiring. This appears to be a logical conclusion from the fact that only four 'lanthornes' and six dozen candles were provided, and as far as ascertainable, the only heat on the vessel was from the cooking-stove in the galley, for which eight thousand of 'burning wood' was carried. Their descendants, who now travel in our leviathans of the deep, surrounded by all the luxuries that embellish modern voyages, will have difficulty in visualizing this picture of conditions that existed three centuries ago. Chapter V The Voyage Overseas p.33 As soon as the agreement at Cambridge on August 26, 1629 was consummated, the Company began to arrange for shipping to carry the emigrants across the Atlantic. In the next month the ship Eagle (mounting twenty-eight guns and carrying a crew of fifty-two seamen) was bought for the Company's use by ten of the members as underwriters. This plan was in accordance with the suggestion of the Reverend Francis Higginson as a business proposition that it would be more economical for a party of emigrants to join together and purchase a ship for the voyage and dispose of it after arrival. This ship was later christened the Arbella in honor of the Lady Arbella. The following additional ships were chartered during the year for service in the spring, viz.: Ambrose Jewel Talbot Charles Mayflower William and Francis Hopewell Whale Success Trial It was provided that the fleet should be 'Ready to set saile from London by the first day of March and that if any passengers bee to take shipp at Isle of Wight the ships shall stoppe there twenty-four hours.' Presumably the usual delays p.34 prevented adherence to this schedule and the month of April arrived before the fleet had assembled at Southampton Water, the final rendezvous. A plan of consortship was arranged by which the Arbella was designated 'Admiral,' the Talbot 'Vice Admiral,' the Ambrose 'Rear Admiral' and the Jewel a 'Captain' in nautical ranking for the fleet, and a code of signals was agreed upon for use at sea to maintain contact and regulate their movements. Winthrop went down to Southampton on the 10th of March to superintend the assembling of supplies and loading of the ships from London. It can be inferred from available records that only the four leaders of the Fleet, named above, carried passengers, as well as the Mayflower, Whale and Success. The others were used to transport freight and live stock. These vessels began to drift in to The Solent between his arrival and the last of the month. From this point the sole authority on the voyage of this grand fleet - the greatest ever assembled to carry Englishmen overseas to a new homeland - is John Winthrop himself, who began his famous journal of the voyage under these headlines: ANNO DOMINI 1630, MARCH 29 MONDAY Easter Monday. Ryding at the Cowes, near the Isle of Wight. What follows this introductory entry in his log is a condensed narration of the principal events of interest which marked the progress of this famous flotilla to the shores of their Utopia. p.35 On Tuesday, April 6, Matthew Cradock, the late Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Company, arrived from London to take his official leave of the party and when this formality was over and he was duly saluted as he went over the side, these four ships led by the Arbella weighed anchor and leisurely sailed down The Solent and came to anchorage before the castle at Yarmouth on the west end of the Isle of Wight. More salutes between the Castle and the Flagship. It is necessary here to mention an historic event which for some reason is given no mention by Winthrop in his Journal or in his letters to his wife before sailing. Reference is made to the famous farewell address of the Reverend John Cotton, Vicar of Boston, Lincolnshire, who came down to give his blessing and approval of the undertaking, but where this address was delivered is uncertain, as two contemporary authorities place it at Gravesend and at Southampton. John Rous in his Diary of the year 1630 makes the following record: Some little while since, the Company went to New England under Mr. Winthrop. Mr. Cotton, of Boston in Lincolnshire, went to their departure about Gravesend & preached to them, as we heare, out of 2 Samuel, vii.10. It is said that he is prohibited for preaching any more in England then untill June 24 next now coming. Another who should be a competent authority, as a passenger in the Winthrop Fleet, places the scene of this sermon at Southampton. In a letter from Samuel Fuller of Plymouth to Governor Bradford, dated Charlestown, August 2, 1630, only three weeks after the arrival of the Fleet, he wrote: p.36 Here is a gentleman, one Mr. William Cottington (a Boston Man), who tould me, that Mr. Cottons charge at Hamton was, that they should take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them. This farewell sermon was published by John Humfrey in the same year entitled 'God's Promise to his Plantation.' The evidence favors Southampton as the scene of its delivery, but the silence of Winthrop is inexplicable. Nor does he mention the visits of friends and relatives coming to bid farewell to the departing emigrants, as Bradford and Winslow re- lated the touching scenes when the Pilgrims left Delfthaven. Johnson, however, although not a participant, supplies material for this part of the story. He records that some of them 'had their speach strangled from the depth of their inward dolor with heart-breaking sobs.. adding many drops of salt liquor to the ebbing ocean.' He could not refrain from adding that some of the idlers on the dock expressed the opinion that the participants in this emigration were 'cract-braines.' They stayed at anchor off the Castle of Yarmouth for a week, waiting for the seven vessels left behind at Southampton which were not yet ready for the long voyage. This week of idle- ness was made bearable for the godly by a fast on Friday, which some ungodly landmen im- proved by tapping a 'rundlet of strongwater' and making merry with the stolen cups of of liquor. The culprits were laid in bolts all night, whipped in the morning, and dieted on bread and water the following day while sobering up. On Monday, April 6, the Captain of Yarmouth Castle, 'a grave, comely gentleman, and of great age,' came aboard the Arbella and p.37 was entertained at breakfast. He had sailed on the seven seas in Elizabeth's reign, had been in a Spanish prison for three years, and with his three sons was on the famous voyage to Guiana in 1610 under Sir Thomas Roe. Doubtless this typical old British salt regaled them with his experiences on the Atlantic and, in his honor as he was piped down the side, four shots from the forecastle waked echoes on The Solent. Again Mr. Cradock came aboard to announce that the rest of the fleet had dropped down to Stokes Bay opposite Cowes and would sail by St. Helen's Point (now Bembridge Foreland) into the Channel and at last all was ready - or nearly so. The Governor's son Henry and Mr. Pelham, who went off to attend to shipping the cattle, were left behind to join some later ship. On Thursday, April 8, at six in the morning, the 'Admiral' weighed anchor and set sail, followed by her three consorts in scattered formation. Accompanying them were some small ships bound for New Foundland. The rest of the seven vessels of the fleet were not ready until two or three weeks later, but as there is no known existing record of their experiences in crossing the ocean the story of the Fleet only applies to the 'Admiral' and her consorts. The others were not heard from until their safe arrival on the New England coast. By ten in the forenoon of the first day they were past the Needles and at daylight on Friday the 9th the Bill of Portland was abeam the flagship Arbella and the first excite- ment of the trip is described by Winthrop, when the decks were cleared for action against a suspected enemy fleet: In the morning we descried from the top, eight sail astern of us, (whom Capt. Lowe told us he had seen at Dunnose in the evening). We supposing they might be Dunkirkers, our captain caused the gunroom and gundeck to be cleared; all the hammocks were taken down, our ordnance loaded, and our powder-chests and fireworks made ready, and our landmen quartered among the seamen, and twenty- five of them appointned for muskets, and every man written down for his quarter. The wind continued N. [blank] with fair weather, and afternoon it calmed, and we still saw those eight ships to stand towards us; having more wind than we, they came up apace, so as our captain and the masters of our consorts were more occasioned to think they might be Dunkirkers, (for we were told at Yarmouth, that there were ten sail of them waiting for us;) whereupon we all prepared to fight with them, and took down some cabins which were in the way of our ord- nance, and out of every ship were thrown such bed matters as were subject to take fire, and we heaved out our long boats, and put up our waste cloths, and drew forth our men, and armed them with muskets and other weapons, and instru- ments for fireworks; and for an experiment our captain shot a ball of wild-fire fastened to an arrow out of a cross-bow, which burnt in the water a good time. The Lady Arbella and the other women and children were removed into the lower deck, that they might be out of danger. All things being thus fitted, we went to prayer upon the upper deck. It was much to see how cheerful and comfort- able all the company appeared; not a woman or child that showed fear, though all did apprehend the danger to have been great, if things had proved as might well be expected, for there had been eight against four, and the least of the enemy's ships were reported to carry thirty brass pieces; but our trust was in the Lord of Hosts; and the courage of our captain, and his care and diligence did much to encourage us. It was now about one of the clock, and the fleet seemed to be within a league of us; therefore our captain, because he would show he was not afraid of them, and that he might see the issue before night should overtake us, tacked about and stood to meet them, and when we came near we perceived them to be our friends, - the Little Neptune, a ship of some twenty pieces of ordnance and her two consorts, bound for the Straits; a ship of Flushing, and a Frenchman, and three other English ships bound for Canada and Newfoundland. So when we drew near, every ship p.39 (as they met) saluted each other, and the musketeers discharged their small shot; and so (God be praised) our fear and danger was turned into mirth and friendly entertainment. Our danger being thus over, we espied two boats on fishing in the channel; so every of our four ships manned out a skiff and we bought of them great store of excellent fresh fish of divers sorts. This thrilling description of a naval engagement that almost happened discloses some facts which lets light upon the method of providing 'accommodations' for passengers on overseas travel. It has been explained that vessels of this fleet were ordinary freighters, built for transporting merchandise, dry and wet goods, from Mediterranean and European ports to and from English ports. The carrying of passengers on voyages lasting two or three months was never in the plans of shipbuilders or merchant adventurers of that era. Only naval vessels were constructed with this end in view and the coastwise craft chartered for the Atlantic voyages were ill-fitted to afford the necessary comforts for women and children. Temporary, makeshift 'cabins' between decks were installed on them for protection from the elements and privacy in the night watches. When peace again settled over this much worried flotilla the voyage was resumed and by Saturday morning they were 'over against' Plymouth and later in the day the Lizard hove in sight. The Scilly Isles were passed the next morning (Sunday the 11th) and now, out of the English Channel, ahead of them lay the great ocean with nearly three thousand miles to be traversed before they would sight land again. The inevitable conditions ensued as the little vessels headed into the unending swells and choppy seas of the Atlantic and they began to toss over its surface, churned under a 'very stiff gale' from the Northwest. Everybody was too seasick, p.40 both minister and people, and the usual religious services on their first Sabbath at sea were ommitted. This temporary difficulty, 'which put us all out of order,' says Winthrop, lasted for a day or more, and the method employed to restore their drooping spirits and uncertain stomachs is related by him: Our children and others, that were sick, and lay groaning in the cabins, we fetched out, and having stretched a rope from the steerage to the main- mast, we made them stand, some of one side and some of the other, and sway it up and down till they were warm, and by this means they soon grew well and merry. Having become enured to the novel equilibrium of the unstable decks, this inevitable feature of the voyage soon became negligible and the usual routine was resumed. On the next Sunday at sea relgious services were held on the ships, and even in stormy weather, and on week days prayer meetings were held. Catechizing of the children was done on Tuesdays and Wed- nesdays. It will not be interesting nor important to recite the daily progress of the fleet, or the variations in the weather during the long weeks on the ocean. The temperature for the first half of the voyage was generally low and so cold 'as we could well endure our warmer clothes.' The first comfortably warm day was on April 26, as noted by Winthrop, two weeks out, but it was only of short duration. Gales called by him 'stiff,' 'pretty,' or 'handsome' followed each other with seas 'high' or 'raging' in regular succession. On May 3 they were obliged to 'lay at hull,' so great was the stress of the stormy seas, and heavy rains generally accompanied these conditions. p.41 On May 19 they had reached (or thought they had) the Grand Banks in the midst of a great storm, and at nine of the clock at night a fast was observed and again the following day. Some of the vessels lost their smaller sails at this time as the storm continued with little abatement for several days. Scarcely any headway was made during this prolonged bad weath- er. The live stock, which was carried in separate ships, suffered as much, if not more than the passengers, as they were helpless on the storm-swept decks. There were two hundred and forty cows and about sixty horses transported with the Fleet, according to Winthrop. Captain John Smith, describing this storm, which lasted ten days, stated that the cattle 'were so tossed and brused, three score and ten died.' The nautical devices used by Captain Milborne of the Arbella to bring his ship to its destined port were the crude methods available at that period. Navigators had only the cross-staff to ascertain the latitude, but while the elevation of the sun could be measured with practical accuracy by this instrument and the degrees of latitude figured out there was no way to determine longitude at sea. This requirement was not available for the mariners until the latter half of the next century. To overcome this difficulty, the east or west positions at a given time were expressed in terms of dead reckoning by estimating the marine leagues sailed from day to day. As they progressed west, Winthrop enters in his Journal such statements as 'about 90 leagues from Scilly.' It was evidently the plan of the navigator of the Arbella as Admiral of the Fleet to use latitude 43 degrees 15' north as his general westerly course, which would bring him directly south of Cape Sable, Nova Scotia, and to the Isles of Shoals. The Arbella reached this latitude on May 3rd when just north of Terceira, p.42 Azores, and he varied little from this course except when driven from it, above or below, by stress of weather. When he reached the Gulf of Maine and came in permanent view of the coast of New England his course was determined by well-known landmarks. On May 30 they reckoned they were on the meridian of Cape Sable but soundings gave no 'ground' at about eighty fathoms, and on June 6 they sighted land 'about five or six leagues off' and on the following day (Monday, 7th) found they were in thirty fathoms with a calmer sea. 'So we put our ship a-strays,' writes Winthrop, 'and took in less than two hours, with a few hooks, sixty-seven codfish, most of them very great fish, some a yard and a half long and a yard in compass.' While these incidents of the voyage of a material character were being enacted, Winthrop found time in the seclusion of the cabin to employ his busy pen in setting down some of his religious convictions. He wrote an essay which he entitled 'A Model of Christian Charity,' the original of which is still in existence. The scent of the nearing coast-line was now more and more in evidence and on June 9, with a 'handsome gale' to speed them on, they 'had the mainland upon our starboard all day' and saw 'very high land' and many small islands' off the coast of Maine. The worst of this stormy crossing was now nearly over. On June 10 they made the Three Turks Heads on their star- board bow, meaning the three peaks of Mount Agamenticus in York, Maine; then Boone Island and the 'Shoals' assured them that the end of the voyage was at hand. These were the externals which the leaders of the Fleet had encountered in the past sixty- eight cold and stormy days and nights. What of the human beings tossed on the bosom of the ocean toward the unknown shores of New England and how p.43 did they fare? That they suffered hardships needs no recital. Death continually hovered in the wake of the flotilla and we are told that many of the passengers of the Success were nearly starved when they reached their destination. Yet during the voyage, when weather and sea conditions permitted, there was occasional visiting between the ships and dinner parties were held for the men 'in the round house' (meaning the Master's cabin) of the Arbella, and the ladies were served in the 'great cabin' on these festal occasions. A squadron under command of Captain Thomas Kirk, bound for Quebec, was overtaken and while in their company like social courtesies followed. Exchanges of food between vessels was made to equalize the supplies whenever possible, but the commissariat was not equal to the re- quirements of a balanced dietary. They were ignorant of its principles. Winthrop notes that a swallow lighted on his ship when ninety miles from Scilly and again when off Nova Scotia 'a wild pigeon and a small land bird' flew aboard as harbingers of the nearing coast. He noted that the new moon in April and May looked much smaller than the moons in England, and on May 31 he writes, 'this day about five at night we expected the eclipse,' but for some reason this celestial phenomenon did not perform. An eclipse was due at this date, but probably due to inability to reckon the time accurately and perhaps from obscuration by clouds it was invisible to the Fleet. It was a total solar eclipse which would have been visible in England. About halfway across they saw a whale who lay 'just in our ship's way (the bunch of his back about a yar above water). He would not shun us; so we passed within a stone's cast of him, as he lay spouting up water.' Winthrop speaks on three occasions of the 'landsmen' and once p.44 of the 'musketeers.' In nautical terms a landsman is a sailor on his first voyage, and it appears that they were assigned to the duty of soldiers or guardsmen and drilled in the use of muskets for defensive purposes. It is known that two professional military men - Captain John Underhill and Captain Daniel Patrick - were employed to act as leaders in military operations after arrival in New England. It is probable that they had duties of this char- acter during the voyage should any emergency like the one recited in the beginning of this chapter arise. They followed in this matter the example of the Pilgrims in the employment of Captain Myles Standish for the same purpose. Deaths occured as a not unexpected event in such a large party living under unfavorable conditions; one of them a seaman, 'a profane fellow' according to the journalist. The Talbot lost fourteen passengers by death on the voyage, an impressive record on a small ship. A child was born on the Jewel and one woman on the Arbella was brought to bed of a still-born infant. At last on June 12, land came to be a reality to the sight of the tired voyagers, when they reached Cape Ann; and those who were able went ashore and 'gathered a store of fine straw- berries.' The next day (Sunday), Miasconomo, the Sagamore of Agawam, came aboard and pre- sumably welcomed the strangers to the home of his forefathers. At all events he stayed all day. Festivities continued with visits from the Masters of vessels already in the harbor of Salem, while the Governor and the Assistants, with some of the women, went to the resi- dence of Captain Endicott and enjoyed a real meal in which venison pasty and good beer tempted their jaded appetites. On Wednesday the 18th, the Jewel having been the second vessel of the Fleet to reach port, all disembarked and the Promised Land lay at their feet. p.45 The Mayflower and Whale dropped anchor in Charlestown Harbor two weeks later, July 1, followed by the Talbot the next day. The William and Francis and Hopewell arrived the 3d, the Trial and the Charles, the 5th, and the 6th of July saw the Success, the last of the Fleet, safely at anchor in Salem Harbor. The Great Emigration had reached its destination. With their faces looking back to the East, whence they had wearily sailed a thousand leagues cradled in Atlantic tempests, they could say then with the Evangelist: 'And there shall be no more Sea.' Chapter VI THE PASSENGERS AND THEIR ORIGINS p.46 Probably few of those who participated in this great movement had any conception that their names would be eagerly sought three centuries later for a permanent record in the annals of the nation they were destined to establish. The story of an event which became of historic importance is only half told if the identity of the participants is not revealed, for it is the natural impulse of man to confer even posthumous honors on the men and women who took part in it. So it will be asked who were these adventurous souls who sailed three thousand miles to our shores in craft so frail and so absurdly small that no one of their descendants could be induced to risk its peril today? It is essential to the completeness of the story to know them by name, for this voyage was the beginning of the greatest movement in American colonization. To answer this it will be necessary to know how many emigrants sailed in this flotilla before a list can be compiled with any surety of completeness. Fortunately, Winthrop, in a letter to his wife written just before sailing, told her that there were seven hundred passengers aboard. While this state- ment needs no corroboration, yet it is satisfactory to have a contemporary writer give in- dependent testimony that 'six or seven hundred went with him.' [John Smith: Advertisement for Planters.] A much larger number has been claimed by later historians, but no authority for their figures has been given nor any reason offered for ignoring Winthrop's specific statement. Therefore, p.47 we have to deal with about seven hundred men, women and children as embarked for the ad- venture and then subtract the casualties of the voyage, deaths that ensued shortly after arrival from disease, the return of discontented persons, and the few who came as pros- pectors to view the country and examine its desirability for planting a colony. On these points we have a detailed statement written six months after their arrival by Thomas Dudley to Bridget, Countess of Lincoln, mother of the Lady Arbella. It was sent back by the Lyon April 1, 1631, and reached England in four weeks. He wrote her that from the time they weighed anchor in April, 1630, to the following December 'there dyed by estimacon about two hundred at least, so lowe hath the Lord brought us.' On the score of desertions - return of the discontented - he gives these details: Insomuch that the shippes being now uppon their returne, some for England, some for Ireland, there was I take it, not much less than an hundred, (some think many more) partly out of dislike of our government, which restrained and punished their excesses and partly through fear of famine, (not seeing other means than by their labour to feed themselves) which returned back again. And glad were wee to bee ridd of them. Others also afterwards hearing of men of their own disposition, which were planted at Piscataway, went from us to them, whereby though our numbers were lessened, yet wee accounted ourselves nothing weakened by their removall.' Thus from Dudley's account there must be subtracted two hundred p.48 deaths and about one hundred desertions or removals from the seven hundred who set sail in April, 1630, and the remaining four hundred and fifty appear to be the number of pass- engers to be accounted for by name, as no records of the deaths occurring at sea or after arrival is extant. We know only of a few of the more prominent persons like Isaac Johnson and his wife, the Lady Arbella, the wives of the Reverend George Phillips and Mr. William Pynchon, and the accidental drowning of young Henry Winthrop. The deaths of thirty-five others are found in various sources, leaving one hundred and sixty-five casualties unaccounted for, probably 'the poorer sort' mentioned by Winthrop. Of the hundred who removed to adjoining settle- ments or returned to England, but twenty-seven are known by name. It is more than probable that the number of deaths and removals were estimated by Dudley and stated in 'round numbers.' He must have included the casualties of the Dorchester Settlers who came in the Mary and John, as well as those in the Lyon, and would be likely to exaggerate the desertion of undesirables, of whom they were glad 'to bee ridd.' The inference drawn would show the remaining settlers classified as 'godly persons.' These totals make up the seven hundred passengers. Fortunately, for our purposes, there exists a list of seventy names of those who came with the fleet, a rough list prepared by Winthrop, and to be found entered on a flyleaf in the original Winthrop Jounal disconnected with the main text. A facsimile of this important record appears herewith. As this list comprises only males the names of women and children accompanying them, as well as the other emigrants not recorded by Winthrop, must be sifted out of many existing records, Colonial, Town, Church and family papers, and be differentiat- ed from the older planters who were settled at Charlestown, p.49 Dorchester, Salem and adjacent places in the Bay before the arrival of the Winthrop Fleet. This is not always easy of accomplishment and in many cases it required a search in England to determine whether a particular settler of 1630 came with the Mary and John from Plymouth, with Endicott in 1628, or by other vessels individually. The first list of persons re- questing to be made freemen on October 19, 1630, contains the names of Old Planters of Charlestown and Salem, as well as the Dorchester party from the West Country mingled with those of the Winthrop Fleet, so that it gives no definite clue to the passengers of the latter named vessels. This list contains one hundred and nine names and on May 18, 1631, there were one hundred and fourteen persons made freemen. With few exceptions they were the men who had applied for the franchise the preceding October, so this list does not solve the problem. The next source of identification is the list of members of the First Church of Boston at its foundation in Charlestown, 1630, and subsequent admissions during a number of succeeding years. Many of them did not be- come affiliated with the church at all, and many did not join at its founding, which is ample proof that they did not emigrate for religious reasons. The church list therefore is not a safe source of authority as to the problem. In the final justification for the inclusion of a name, other than the few who are mentioned specifically as coming in the Fleet, the decision must rest on identification of the individual in his English home, and where that is impossible, all the circumstantial factors entering in each case must be weighed. The surname is important, whether East Anglian or West Country; p.50 the passenger's kinsfolk and associates; his neighbors in the town where he settled, and the weight of evidence for and against his origin in that part of England whence the great bulk of the passengers of the Winthrop Fleet originated, these are some of the constituent ele- ments of the problems which entered into the composition of the passenger list of those who can be assumed or proven to have come with Winthrop. Whence came this company of voyagers seeking a new home in a trackless wilderness? The news of their coming had already reached our shores. The Reverend Francis Higginson of Salem, who had preceded them hither by a year, wrote to some of his old friends in Leicestershire under date of 24 July, 1629, that 'a great company of godly Christians out of London' were expected next year (1630), and Thomas Prince, a later historian, in speaking of the Migra- tion, said, 'the greatest Number came from About London tho' South Hampton was the place of the Rendevouz.' While it is true that many came 'out of London' and 'about London' it is not true that the majority of them originated in that city. As has been stated, there were many foci of activities in spreading the gospel of emigration to New England both before and after Winthrop assumed active control of the movement. Analysis of the home origins of the passengers as compiled by the author shows that they came from twenty different counties of England in the following relative order: Suffolk 159 Essex 92 London 78 Northamptonshire 22 Lincolnshire 12 Yorkshire 8 Leicestershire 7 Kent 5 Lancashire 5 Hampshire 5 Norfolk 4 Oxfordshire 3 Buckinghamshire 2 Hertfordshire 2 p.51 To this list are to be added Nottinghamshire, Cambridge, Rutlandshire and Chester with one each and five from Holland. This tabulation of origins, four hundred and more in number, does not give us a definite picture of the situation, as England is a small country and its forty small counties are so grouped that the comital lines make only an artificial bound- ary. This will be best shown on the accompanying map which represents county groupings that explain the restricted density of origins. The Lincolshire group can be attributed to the influence of the Reverend John Cotton, the Reverend Samuel Skelton, and the Fiennes family; the Leicestershire group to the Reverend Arthur Hildersham of Ashby-de-la Zouch and the Reverend Francis Higginson; the Northhampton- shire group to Thomas Dudley and the Reverend Samuel Stone; the Lancashire group probably to Reverend Richard Mather, and the large London group to the numerous dissenting clergy- men in the city parishes as well as to the business influence of the lay members of the Company residing there. Of course, Winthrop can be personally credited as an important factor in his own county. Using as a center Groton, of which he was Lord of the Manor, about a hundred persons came from surrounding parishes within a radius of ten miles. Most of the adjoining county of Essex was then under the spell of the Reverend Thomas Hooker, Hugh Peter and John Eliot, preaching and teaching in and around Chelmsford, while William Pynchon, of the old landed gentry in Writtle nearby, gave the movement its business aspect in that county. Of the social qualities of these passengers there are certain facts which permit some definite statements as to their status in the domestic life of the mother country. Lady Arbella Fiennes, daughter of an earl, and her brother Charles carried p.52 the honors of nobility for the passengers, while Sir Richard Saltonstall, knight, was the sole representative of the titled gentry. Next in rank were Isaac Johnson and John Winthrop both esquires. Brand, Feake, Plaistow and Pynchon were of the 'gentleman' class, and foll- owing them were the undefined persons who for one reason or another were given the prefix of 'Mr.' in our early records: Alcock, Bradstreet, Browne, Coddington, Cole, Dillingham, Dudley, Freeman, Glover, Jones, Masters, Mayhew, Pelham, Stoughton, Turner, Tyndale and Vassall. Thus twenty-five of the two hundred and forty-seven possible heads of families were of a social rank above that of yeomen or husbandmen. The great majority of the passengers were artisans or tillers of the soil who were called 'planters' - not in the agricultural sense but as persons who were engaged in planting a colony under the flag of England. Of the trades represented, as far as known, there were the following, viz.: armorer, baker, black- smith, butcher, carpenter, cordwainer, merchant, five of each; clothier, chandler, cooper, military officer, physician, tailor, three each; fisherman, herdsman, mason, two of each; tanner and weaver, one of each. This list is, of course, incomplete, but recites the known or recorded vocations of the passengers. 'These ships,' said Prince, 'were filled with Passengers of all occupations skill'd in all Kinds of Faculties needful for Planting a new Colony.' And an earlier writer, after stating that there were 'divers good and godly people' among them probably covered the situation fully by adding that 'people of all sorts went.' From this list the following analysis of the classes of passengers can be deduced: there were two hundred and forty-three adult males, potential heads of families, but only one hundred and twenty-nine of them are known to have been accompanied by their wives and thus were the same number p.53 of married women in the passenger list. Thirteen single women or widows are of record as surviving the ordeal of the voyage and diseases in the first year. There were about one hundred and thirty-five children accompanying their parents and seventeen classed as ser- vants. Three of the prominent leaders - Winthrop himself, Sir Richard Saltonstall, and the Reverend John Wilson - did not bring their wives with them, probably for the reason that they wished to prepare suitable homes for them in advance of their coming. It is further possible that most of the unattached females, presumed to be single, may have been widows of deceased passengers, or kinswomen of other families, as unmarried women did not travel alone on an adventure of this nature at that period. Many inquiries have been received by the author, since the announcement of the issue of this volume, seeking information as to the names of the passengers of the Arbella. As there is no known list of the emigrants who came in the Winthrop Fleet, so there is none of those who came in particular ships, beyond the Governor himself, his three boys, and three other persons casually mentioned by him in his log of the voyage. In the Public Record Office, London, among the Colonial Papers, there is a document, in the nature of a 'news' report, which gives the following names as having sailed recently for New England: Mr. John Winthroppe Esqr. Governor and three of his sonnes Sir Rich. Saltonstall Knight three of his sonnes and 2 daughters Mr. Isaake Johnson Esqr. and the Lady Arbella his wife sister to the Earle of Lincolne Mr. Charles Fines the said Earles brother Mr. Dudley his wife 2 sonnes and 4 daughters Mr. Coddington and his wife Mr. Pinchon and his wife and 3 daughters Mr. Vassall and his wife Mr. Revell p.54 In view of the fact that social position and official connection with the company would give the above-named persons quarters on the flagship, it may be assumed, for these reasons and the convenience of conferences on business connected with their future settlement, that they came on the Arbella. The only objection to accepting this natural conclusion definite- ly is the fact that Mr. John Revell, who was an Assistant, was a passenger in the Jewel. With these explanations there will follow the names of those who are believed to have come to New England with Winthrop on the evidence cited in each individual case. APPENDIX A ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PASSENGERS p. 57 p.57 Key to Abbreviations Savage Genealogical Dictionary M.C.R. Massachusetts Colonial Records Pope Pioneers of Massachusetts Winthrop Journal of John Winthrop G.R. New England Genealogical Register Winthrop MSS. Collections Massachusetts Historical Society Bond History of Watertown B.T.R. Boston Town Record Waters & Emmerton English Gleanings L. & L. W. Life & Letters of John Winthrop Lechford Notarial Records Banks MSS. Collections of the Author Ch.Ch.Rec. Charlestown Church Records Lechford P.D. Lechford Plaine Dealing P.C.C. Prerogative Court of Canterbury Sewall Diary of Samuel Sewall Eliot Roxbury Church Records G.L. Plans of Boston, 1905, by George Lamb ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ABBOTT, Daniel Cambridge Juror, 18 Sept. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Removed to Providence before 1639. ABELL, Robert Boston From Hemington, Leicestershire (P.C.C., 10 St. John). Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Related to the Cotton family and probably emigrated under influence of Rev. John Cotton or Rev. Arthur Hildersham of Ashby-de-la- Zouch, who lived a few miles from the home of Abell. Derby, the home of the Cotton family, was only five miles distant. Removed to Weymouth and later to Rehoboth. p.58 AGAR, William Watertown Probably from Nazing Essex, or vicinity. An Agar family lived in Nazing, and the mother of Rev. John Eliot was named Lettice Aggar or Agar. William Agar was made a Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). He died in 1684. ALCOCK, George Roxbury Probably from Leicestershire. Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid. 366). Deputy to General Court. Died December 1640. ALCOCK, _____ Wife of George. Died 1630. She was sister of Rev. Thomas Hooker (Dudley Letter). ALCOCK, Thomas Boston Brother of George. Probably from Leicestershire. Member church 1630/1, No. 46. Removed to Dedham (Pope). Freeman 6 May 1635 (M.C.R., I, 370). Died 1657 (G.R., IX, 344). ALEWORTH, Francis Ordered to be sent back by the Lyon in March 1631, as undesirable (M.C.R., I, 82), but in July he was chosen Lieutenant. ANDREW, Thomas Watertown Probably from Essex (Servant of Josiah Plaistow). Before court 27 Sept 1631 (M.C.R., I, 92). ARCHER, Samuel Salem Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Carpenter. Deposed 1660 aged 52 (b. 1608). Deposed 1667 aged 58 (b. 1609). ASPINWALL, William Boston Came from Manchester, Lancashire. Notary public. Deacon 1630. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Member church No. 10. Freeman 3 April 1632 (M.C.R., I, 367). Returned to England and died there. ASPINWALL, Elizabeth Wife of William. Member church, No. 16. ASPINWALL, Edward Son of William. Born 1630, just after arrival. p.59 AUDLEY, (Odlin) John Boston Probably from London. Member church 1630, No. 139. 'One of the very first inhabitants of Boston' (Sewall), but he was not a freeman until 1634. Armorer and cutler. Died 1685, aged 82 years (G.R., VI, 727). BAKER, John Charlestown No. 12 on first list of inhabitants. Freeman 3 March 1634 (Pope, 28; M.C.R., I, 75). BAKER, Charity Wife of John. Admitted church 1630 (Ch.Ch.Rec). BALSTON, William Boston "Bolson' in Winthrop's list, possibly variant of Boylston. London is probable origin, but name common in Dorset and Somerset. Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); juror 1630 (ibid., 81); removed to Rhode Island 1638 on account of connection with Mrs. Hutchinson's supporters. BALSTON, Elizabeth Wife of William. Died 'soon.' Admitted church 1630, No. 39. BARSHAM, William Watertown Juror 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Died 3 July 1684. Wife Annabel (Bland). Origin undetermined, but name is common in Norfolk. BARTLETT, Thomas Watertown Servant to Mr. Pelham 1631. Died 26 April 1654, aged 60 (b. 1594). Probably from Essex (M.C.R., I. 86). BATEMAN, William Charlestown From London. Freeman 18 May 1631. Died 16 Sept. 1631 (M.C.R., I, 78). BAXTER, Gregory Roxbury Perhaps from Sporle, co. Norfolk. Freeman 6 March 1631/2 (M.C.R., I, 367). Member church 1631/2 BEAMSLEY, William Boston Origin undetermined, but name found only in Lincoln, Lincolnshire. Probably came as servant and is called 'laborer' when admitted to church, 5 April, 1635. Freeman 25 May 1636 (M.C.R., I, 372). He died 1658. BEAMSLEY, Anne Wife of William. Died about 1643 (B.T.R.). p.60 BEECHER, Thomas Charlestown Came from Stepney, Mariner, master of Talbot. Member church 1631, No. 112. Died before 29 (5) 1637 (Pope). BEECHER, Christian Wife of Capt. Thomas. Member church 1630, No. 17. Daughter of James and Christian Barker of Harwich; married at Whitechapel (Pope). BELCHER, Edward Boston From Guilsborough, co. Northants. Member church 1630. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Pipestave culler; soap boiler. BELCHER, Christian Wife of Edward (Pope). BELCHER, Edward, Jr. Son of Edward. BENDALL, Edward Boston From Southwark, co. Surrey. Merchant. Member church No. 77, 1630/1. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Dismissed to a church in London 1653 (Pope). BENDALL, Anne Wife of Edward. Died 25 (10) 1637 (Pope). BENHAM, John Dorchester Origin unknown. Freeman 18, May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80). Probably removed to New Haven. BIGGS, John Boston From Groton, co. Suffolk, or vicinity. Member church No. 97, 1630/1. Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368). Ipswich 1633. Mentioned in letter of Bluette of Groton, Suffolk (Winthrop MSS.). BIGGS, Mary Wife of John. Died 10 (11) 1649/50. BLACK, John Charlestown Origin undetermined. Freeman March 1631/2. Admitted church 4 (11) 1634/5. Removed to Salem (Pope). BOGGUST, John Probably from Boxted, Essex. John Boggus of Boxted had sons Robert and William. He was before court Sept. 1630 (M.C.R., I. 77). BOSWELL, John Boston From London. Member church No. 94, 1630/1. Dead soon. To be continued p. 61 - Bosworth, Zaccheus p.61 Bosworth, Zaccheus Boston From Stowe IX Churches, co. Northants. Member church No. 98, 1630/1. Freeman 25 May 1636 (M.C.R., I, 372) Died 28 (5) 1655. Bourne, Garret Boston Origin undetermined; lived on Boston Neck (G.L.). Freeman 6 May 1635 (M.C.R., I, 370). Removed to Rhode Island. Bowman, Nathaniel Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, Watertown 80). At Cambridge 1650. Died 26 January 1681/2. Bowman, Anna Wife of Nathaniel. Bradstreet, Simon Cambridge Born at Horbling, co. Lincoln, March 1603 (adjoining Sempringham). Probably associat- ed with Earl of Lincoln. Married Anne Dudley, daughter of Thomas (M.C.R., I, 73). Bradstreet, Anne Wife of Simon. Born 1612; died 1672 (Pope). Brand, Benjamin Boston Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Probably from Edwardston or Polstead, co. Suffolk (P.C.C., 81 Savill) will of Benjamin Brand, gent. of Edwardston 1621. Probably re- returned or died. Bratcher, Augustine Charlestown (Probably Bradshaw.) Origin unknown. Killed 1630. Inquest 28 Sept. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77) He was a servant of Matthew Cradock. [see p.217 vol. I Great Migration Begins - Anderson]. Brease ______ Probably from Edwardston, Suffolk; called son- in-law of Mr. Huggins, a family living in E., and his 'tools' were to be sent to London be- fore sailing (L. & L. W.). No further record; probably died early. Brenton, William Boston Merchant. From Hamersmith, co. Middlesex (Savage) Admitted church Oct. 1633. Freeman 14, May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369) Removed to Providence, R.I., where he died 1673/4 (G.L.). p. 62 Brett, Isabel Member church 1630/1, No. 88. 'Gone to Salem' (Boston Church Record). Bright, Henry Watertown From Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk. Born 1580; aged 80 in 1660. Member church 1630/1, No. 48. Browne, Abraham Watertown From Hawkdon, Suffolk (Bond). Freeman March 1631/2 (M.C.R., I, 367). Died 1650. Browne, Lydia Wife of Abraham. They had two children before 1632. (Pope). Browne, James Boston Origin undetermined owing to commonness of name. Member church 1630, No. 61. Freeman 3 Sept. 1634 (M.C.R., I, 78). Browne, Richard Watertown From Hawkdon, Suffolk. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Aged 81/2 in 1657 (b. 1575/6) (Bond). He probably came directly from London, where he 'kept a wherry,' and was a 'ruler' in one of the Separat- ist conventicles of the city (Hubbard). Browne, Elizabeth Wife of Richard. Browne, George Son of Richard. Returned to England (Bond). Browne, Richard, Jr. Son of Richard. Returned to England (Bond). Buckland, William Boston From Essex. Servant of Josiah Plaistow. Probably same as the Hingham carpenter. Removed to Rehoboth. Living 1661 (Winthrop). Bugby, Richard Roxbury Perhaps S. John Hackney, Middlesex. Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Died before 1642. Bugby, Judith Wife of Richard. She married (2) Robert Parker. She was born about 1600. (Pope). [see p.268 vol. I, Great Migration Begins, Anderson]. Bulgar, Richard Boston Probably from London or Southwark. Mason. He came as assumed 1630, having married sister of Capt. John Under- hill. Also removed to Dover 1638 with Capt. Underhill. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366.). p.63 Bulgar, ___ Wife of Richard (Winthrop MSS.). She was 'sister' of Capt. John Underhill. Burnell (Bunnell), William - Boston Origin undetermined. Juryman 1630. Died 1660/1. (M.C.R., I, 77). Burr, Jehu Roxbury Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80). Carpenter. Removed with Pynchon to Springfield, and Fairfield, Conn. Probably died before 1654. Burr, ___ Wife of Jehu (Eliot). Burr, Jehu Son of Jehu Senior, born 1625. Burroughs, Robert On the Arbella 1630 (Stiles History of Wethersfield, 168.) Cable, John Dorchester Probably from Essex. Brother-in-law of Jehu Burr. Re- moved to Springfield and Fairfield, Conn. First mention- ed in 1631 (M.C.R., I. 85). Cakebread, Thomas From Hatfield Broadoak, co. Essex (Banks MSS.) Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368); Ensign 1638; removed to Dedham and died 1643. Related to Thomas Reade (q.v.), and to the second wife of John Winthrop, Jr. Cakebread, Sarah Wife of Thomas; she married (2) Philemon Whale. Chadwick, Charles Watertown Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Probably from Essex. Born 1596; died 10 April 1682, Aged 86. Chadwick, Elizabeth Wife of Charles. Chambers, Anne or Annie Mentioned in Bluette's letter from Groton 1633. Boston church 1631, No. 140. Chase, William Roxbury From co. Essex. Member First Church Roxbury. Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630; (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 19 May 1634 (ibid., I, 369). p.64 Chauner, Margery Boston Member church 1630, No. 116. Cheesebrough, William Boston From Boston, co. Lincoln. Blacksmith. Born 1594 Juryman 9 Nov. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Removed to Braintree and Rehoboth. Cheesebrough, Ann (Stevenson) Wife of William. Born 1596. Admitted church 1630. No. 45. Cheesebrough, Sarah Daughter of William. Admitted church 1630, No. 78. Cheesebrough, Peter Son of William. Cheesebrough, Samuel Son of William. Cheesebrough, Nathaniel Son of William. Child, Ephraim Watertown From Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk, or vicinity. Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Died 13 (12) 1662/3 aged 70 (b. 1592). Bluette of Groton calls him 'my ancient acquaintance' in letter 1633. Child, Elizabeth Wife of Ephraim (Pope). Church, Richard Boston Perhaps from Polstead, Suffolk. Carpenter. Deposed aged 48 in 1657 (b. 1609). Removed to Weymouth, Plymouth and Charlestown. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630. (M.C.R., I, 80). Died 1668. He came over as a servant of 'Mr. (Richard) Webb' (Drake, Boston, 132). Clarke, John Boston From Groton, Suffolk, or vicinity. Perhaps Mr. John of Braintree 1637. Mentioned in letter of Bluette of Groton 1633 as 'my scholar.' Freeman 6 Nov. 1632 (M.C.R., I, 368). Member church 1630, No. 138. Clarke, William Watertown Citizen and skinner of London. Applied for freeman 19 Oct. 1630, with his brother-in-law Samuel Freeman of Watertown (q.v.) Before the Court 9 Nov. 1630 (ibid., 75); Freeman 18 May 1631. His wife Elizabeth Quick, daughter of William Quick, citizen and grocer of London. He returned to England between between 1631 and 1636 and was living in London in 1640 (Lechford). He did not return to New England, as far as known (Banks MSS.). p.65 Clarke, Elizabeth Wife of William. Returned to England and died shortly after arrival (Banks MSS.). Clough (Cluffe), Richard Charlestown Probably from Suffolk. Tailor. Before court 28 Sept. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 76). Corbett, ____ Sent back to England March 1, 1630/1 (M.C.R., I, 82). Coddington, William Boston Gentleman. Born 4 Feb 1598/9, son of Edward and Anne (Gifforth). From Boston, England. Removed to Newport. John Beauchamp calls him 'brother' in a letter to Mr. Paddy, 1649 (Freeman Gen., 23). (M.C.R., I, 75). Coddington, Mary Wife of William. Died 1630. (Dudley Letter). Colbron, William Boston From Brentwood, Essex. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630. (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Member church, No. 9. Colbron, Margery Wife of William. Member church, No. 15. Colby, Anthony Boston Perhaps from Lincolnshire, near Sempringham, the seat of the Earl of Lincoln, where the name is found. Cambridge 1635; removed to Salisbury. Member church 1630, No. 93. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Died 11 Feb. 1660. Colby, Susanna (Haddon) (Hoyt, Old Families of Salisbury, 895) Wife of Anthony. Born about 1608. Married (2) William Whitridge. Died 8 July 1689. p.66 Cole, John Boston From Groton, Suffolk, or immediate vicinity. (Winthrop MSS.). Cole, Rice Charlestown Probably from London. Member church Boston 1630. No. 109. Freeman 1 April 1633. Died 15 (3) 1646. Cole, Arrold Wife of Rice Cole. Will dated 20 (10) 1662; probated 26 (10) 1662. 'Brother Solomon Phipps' mentioned. (Pope). Cole, Robert Roxbury From Navestock, Essex. 'Came with first company' (Eliot). Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Perhaps re- moved to Providence, Rhode Island, before 1644 (Winthrop). Cole, Samuel Boston Perhaps from Mersey, co. Essex. Applied freeman 18 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Confectioner. Member First Church 1630/1, No. 42. Will 21 Dec. 1666; probated 13 Feb 1666/7 Cole, Anne Wife of Samuel. Member church 1630/1, No. 43. Converse, Edward Charlestown Probably from Shenfield, Essex, or vicinity. Juror 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Deposed 24 (1) 1661/2 aged about 72 (b. 1589). Died 10 Aug 1663. (G.R., LIX, 176). Removed to Woburn. Converse, Sarah Wife of Edward. Member church 1630, No. 84. Converse, Phineas Son of Edward. Converse, John Son of Edward. Converse, Josiah Son of Edward. Born 1619. Converse, James Son of Edward. Born 1621. Cooke, Margaret Church member No. 56; received Boston church 1630. Cowlishaw, William Boston From Nottingham (Banks MSS.); admitted church Oct 1633; Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368). No further Record. Cowlishaw, Anne Wife of William. p.67 Crafts, Griffin Roxbury From London or Essex. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Deputy and Lieutenant. Died 1690. Crafts, Alice Wife of Griffin Crafts. Born 1600; died 1673 Aged 73 (Pope). Crafts, Hannah Daughter of Griffin Crafts. Cranwell, John Boston From Woodbridge, Suffolk. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630; Freeman 4 March 1633/4. Died 1639. Thomas Marrett was brother-in-law. Cribb, Benjamin He was punished for a misdemeanor in March 1630/1. Possibly an error for Crabb (q.v.) (M.C.R., I, 85). Nothing further known. Crugott, James On record as a juror 26 Sept 1630, but nothing further is known about him either of his origin or residence. Probably died or left the Colony. Dady, William Charlestown Perhaps from Wanstead, Essex, or vicinity. A butcher. Admitted church Boston 1631/2, No. 122. Born 1605; died 10 April 1682 aged 77 (g.s.). Freeman 1 April 1632/3 (M.C.R., I, 367). Dady, Dorothy Wife of William (Wyman, 271). Deekes (Dix), Edward Charlestown Probably from Essex where families of Deekes are found. Freeman 4 March 1634/5. Member of church 1630, No. 49. Removed to Watertown. Deekes (Dix), Jane Wife of Edward (Pope). Devereaux, John Probably from Stoke-by-Nayland, co. Suffolk. Came as a minor, as he was born about 1614, and testified that he came to New England in 1630. (G.R.). p.68 Diffy, Richard Watertown Servant to Sir Richard Saltonstall (M.C.R., I, 81). No further record. Dillingham, John Boston From Bitteswell, Leicester. Member church 1630, No. 71. Juryman 1631. Died 1636. Dillingham, Sarah (Caly) Wife of John. Will 14 July 1636; probated 2 Dec. 1636. Dillingham, Sarah Daughter of John. Dixon, William Boston Probably from Suffolk. Servant to Governor Winthrop. Cooper. Died 1666. (M.C.R., I, 105). Removed to York, ME. 1636. Doggett, John Watertown From Suffolk, vicinity of Groton. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630. Freeman. Removed to Martha's Vineyard. Died 1673 (M.C.R., I, 80). Doggett, ____ Wife of John. Doggett, John, Jr. Son of John. Doggett, Thomas Son of John. Downing, James Servant of Winthrop (Winthrop MSS., W-7a 38). Dudley, Thomas Boston From Northamptonshire. Son of Roger and Susanna (Thorne) Dudley of Yardley, Northamptonshire. Baptized 12 Oct 1576. Steward to Earl of Lincoln at Sempringham. He was not made a freeman until 1636 (M.C.R., I, 372). Dudley, Dorothy (Yorke) Wife of Thomas. 'A gentlewoman whose extraction and estate were considerable' (Cotton Mather). Died Dec 1643. Dudley, Samuel Son of Thomas. Dudley, Anne Daughter of Thomas. Dudley, Patience Daughter of Thomas. Dudley, Sarah Daughter of Thomas. (G.R., LXXV, 236). Dudley, Mercy Daughter of Thomas. Dudley, Thomas, Jr. Son of Thomas (G.R. LXXV, 236). Dutton, _______ In Winthrop's list but no further record. p.69 Edmunds, John Boston Probably from Essex. Member church 1630, No. 63. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Edmunds, Mary Wife of John. Eggleston, Bigod Dorchester From Settrington, co. York. Baptized 20 Feb 1586. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80) Removed to Windsor, Conn. Ellis, Arthur Juryman 28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). No further record. Probably died or returned. Elston, John Salem Probably one of Cradock's servants (Prince, Chronology). Fayerweather, Thomas Boston Origin undetermined. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Member church No. 101. Inventory estate taken 8 (11), 1638/9. Feake, Robert, Gentleman. Watertown From St. Edmunds, Lombard St., London. Son of James Feake of London, goldsmith. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Married Mrs. Elizabeth (Fones) Winthrop, widow of Henry (son of governor). Removed to Long Island. Died 1662. Fiennes, Charles Brother of Earl of Lincoln. Returned to England (G.R., LXXV, 236). Finch, Abraham Watertown Said to have been born 1585 in Yorkshire (Mead, History Greenwich). Brought three sons as below. Freeman 3 Sept 1634; re- moved to Wethersfield. Called 'Old Finch'; died 1638. The name Finch is found in many parishes of Essex - a more likely origin of this family. Finch, Abraham, Jr. Son of Abraham. Said to have been killed by Indians 1637. p.70 Finch, Daniel Son of Abraham, Watertown. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 365). Removed to Wethersfield where he died 27 (11) 1673/4. Finch, John Son of Abraham, Watertown. Removed to Wethersfield and later to Fairfield where he died 1657 (Fairfield Land Records A-239). Firman, John Watertown From Nayland, co. Suffolk (Gregory Stone Genealogy). Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Firmin, Giles Jr. From Nayland, co. Suffolk (Waters & Emerton). Church member No. 145. Freeman 22 May 1639 (M.C.R., I, 376). Firmin, Martha (Doggett) Wife of Giles Firmin. Fitzrandolph, Edward Scituate From Sutton-in-Ashfield, Notts. Came in 1630, accord- ing to diary of his grandson Nathaniel of New Jersey. Probably an apprentice when he emigrated, and perhaps one of those freed in 1630 when provisions became scarce (Dudley Letter). Several of them went to Plymouth Colony and stayed there. Fitzrandolph married in Scituate. In 1669 he removed to New Jersey (Pope). Fox, Thomas Boston Probably from London or vicinity. Servant to Matthew Cradock. Removed to Cambridge. Born 1608; died 1693, April 25, aqed 85 (M.C.R., I. 84). Foxwell, Richard Boston Tailor. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80) Removed to Plymouth, Scituate, Barnstable. Probably from St. Bridget's London, as he was a member of Rev. John Lathrop's church which met in a near-by parish. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80). Foxwell, ______ Wife of Richard. Foxwell, John Son of Richard. p.71 Freeman, Samuel From St. Anne, Blackfriars, London. Son of John and Priscilla (?) Freeman. Probably returned to England. Freeman, Apphia (Quick) Wife of Samuel. Daughter of William Quick of London. She divorced him and married (2) Gov. Thomas Prence. Freeman, Henry Son of Samuel. French, Thomas Boston From Assington, co. Suffolk. Settled Ipswich and died before 5 Nov 1639. French, Susan (Riddlesdale) Wife of Thomas. French, Thomas, Jr. Son of Thomas, born 1608. Mentioned in letter of John Bluette of Groton as 'my scholar' (L.& L.W.). French, Alice Daughter of Thomas. Born 1616. French, Anne Daughter of Thomas. Born 1618. French, John Son of Thomas. Born 1622. French, Mary Daughter of Thomas. Born 1625. Frothingham, William Charlestown From Holderness, Yorkshire (Wyman, Charlestown Genealogies). Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630; Freeman 6 March 1631/2 (M.C.R., I, 80). Died 18 (8) 1651. Frothingham, Anne Wife of William. Member church Boston 1630; died 28 July 1674 aged 67 (b. 1607). Gage, John Boston Probably from Polstead, Suffolk, near Groton. Member church No. 50. Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368). Removed to Ipswich 1633. Died 24 March 1672/3. Gage, Amy Wife of John (Pope). Gager, William Charlestown From Suffolk. Surgeon, employed by the Massachusetts Bay Company. Died 20 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 74). ____,_____ Servant to Doctor Gager, name unknown (L.&L.W.). p.72 Garrett, Hugh Inhabitant of Charlestown 1630 (Ch. Ch. Rec., 3). Garrett, Richard Boston Probably from Chelmsford, Essex, or vicinity. Shoemaker. Member church 1630. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630. (M.C.R., I, 78). Died 28 Dec 1630 (Suff. Deeds, III, 344). Garrett, ____ Wife of Richard (Pope). Garrett, Hannah Daughter of Richard. Died December 1632. Garrett, _____ Daughter of Richard (Winthrop, I, 54-6). Gibson, Christopher Dorchester From Wendover, co. Bucks (G.R., LXV, 65). Chandler. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Gibson, Mary Wife of Christopher (Pope). Gibson, Elizabeth From St. Andrew the Great, Cambridge; born about 1614 Probably came with some relative, as she was married to Capt. John Endicott shortly after arrival at Salem, by Gov. Winthrop assisted by Rev. John Wilson (Winthrop). Glover, Ralph Boston From London. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Admin. estate 2 July 1633. Glover, John Dorchester From Rainhill, Lancashire, son of Thomas Glover (Suffolk Deeds I, 333). Tanner. Did not join church until 1638. Removed to Boston. Will proved 9 Feb 1653. Glover, Anne ( ) Wife of John. Goldthwaite, Thomas Roxbury Cooper. Entered suit against Mr. Pelham 14 June 1631. Freeman 14, May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Removed to Salem where he died 1683 aged about 75 years (Perley, History of Salem, I, 356); name not found in usual English sources. Goldthwaite, Elizabeth Wife of Thomas (Pope). Winthrop Fleet of 1630 APPENDIX A ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PASSENGERS [p. 73 to p. ] p.73 Gosnall, Henry Boston Probably from Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk. Member church 1630, No. 29. No further record. Gosnall, Mary Wife of Henry. Member church 1630. Gosse (Goffe), John Watertown Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631. Died Feb 1643/4 (M.C.R., I, 366). Gosse (Goffe), Sarah Wife of John. She married (2) Robert Nichols and removed to Southampton or Southold, Long Island. (Pope). Goulworth, John Punished 28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77). No further record. Gridley, Richard Boston From Groton, Suffolk. Mason. Deposed 2 July 1660 aged 59 years (G.R., LXXVI, 240) (B.T.R., 1631). Gridley, Grace Wife of Richard. (G.R., LXXVI, 240) (Pope). Gridley, Joseph Son of Richard (G.R., LXXVI, 240). Gridley, Abraham Son of Richard (G.R., LXXVI, 240). Gyver, Bridget Boston Member church 1630, No. 147. From Saffron Walden, co. Essex. Haddon, Garrett Cambridge English origin not determined. Cambridge 1632, Salisbury 1640. Tailor. Member church 1630/1, No. 96. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Deposed 14 (2) 1668 aged about 60 (b. 1608). Haddon, Margaret Wife of Garrett (Hoyt, Old Families Salisbury, 191). Hale, Robert Charlestown Origin undetermined. Carpenter. Removed to Malden; became minister at Beverly (G.R., XIII, 315). Died 16 (5) 1659 (Ch.Ch.Rec.1630). Hale, Joan Wife of Robert. She married (2) Richard Jacob (Pope). Hall, John Charlestown From Whitechapel, London. Carpenter. Freeman 14 May 1634. Died about Dec 1639 (Ch.Ch.Rec. 1630) (Savage). p.74 Hall, Joan (Dove) Wife of John. From Bethnal Green, Stepney. Married 1618. Hammond, Philippa Widow. She married Robert Harding. Was an adherent of Mrs. Hutchinson. Member church 1630 Harding, Robert Boston Probably from Boreham, Essex. Brother of Abraham Harding. Merchant, mariner. Juror 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Newport 1640. Harris, Thomas Charlestown This passenger appears under an 'alias Williams' when he requested admission as freeman 19 Oct 1630; as Thomas Williams he was made Freeman 19 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80, 366); died 1632/3. See Williams. Harris, Elizabeth Wife of Thomas; she m. (2) William Stilson, 1633 (Wyman, Charlestown Gen., 467, 902). Harwood, Henry Boston Probably from Shenfield, Essex. Herdman. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 4 March 1632/3. Removed to Charles- town. Inventory estate 5 (10) 1637. Harwood, Elizabeth Wife of Henry. Admitted church 1632 (Pope). Hawke, ______ In Winthrop's list, but no further record. Hawkins, John Church member 1630; no further record. Died soon. Hawthorne, William Dorchester From Binfield, Berks. Removed to Salem. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Ancestor of the famous novelist, Nathaniel Hawthorne and a distinguished official of the Colony. (Henry F. Waters, Essex Institute, XVII, 52). p.75 Hesselden, Francis Church member 1630, No. 34. Died soon. No further record. Perhaps from Boston, Lincoln- shire. Hoames, Margaret Church member 1630, No. 20. No further record. Hoffe, ____ This name appears in Winthrop's list minus his Christian name. No person named Hoffe is found among the early settlers but it is probable that it refers to Mr. Atherton Hough of Boston, Lincolnshire, who came to New England 1633 with his pastor, Rev. John Cotton. He may have been a passenger with Winthrop at this time for the purpose of viewing the country and reporting on its desirability for settlement. Winthrop calls him 'Hoffe' in his Journal. [see also Great Migration Begins, Anderson - p.1005, vol II; m. 1617/8 Elizabeth (Bulkeley) Whittingham, dau of Rev. Edward & Olive (Irby) Bulkeley & widow of Richard Whittingham.] Hopwood, Edward Returned to England 1630 (Winthrop MSS., W.I., 81). Horne, John English origin undetermined. Carpenter. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366) Deposed in 1662, aged 60. Hosier, Samuel Watertown From Colchester, Essex (Lechford). Planter. Freeman 18 May 1631. Died 29 July 1665 (M.C.R., I, 80). Howlett, Thomas Boston From co Suffolk, England. Removed Ipswich 1633. Deposed 1658, aged 52. Church member 1630. Hudson, William Boston Probably from Chatham, Kent. Baker. Freeman 18 May 1631. (Ch Rec., 1630). Returned to England and became Ensign in Col. Rainsborough's Regiment. Hudson, Susan Wife of William (Boston Ch. Rec.) (Pope). Hudson, Francis Son of William. Born 1611 (Pope). Hudson, William, Jr Son of William (Pope). p.76 Hulbirt, William Boston Origin undetermined. Removed to Windsor, Hartford, Northampton. Freeman 2 April 1632 (M.C.R., I, 367). Hutchins, Richard Applied freeman 18 May 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). No further record. Hutchinson, George Charlestown From London. Member church 1630, No. 53. Freeman 1 April 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Hutchinson, Margaret Wife of George (Pope). Hutchinson, Thomas Charlestown From London. Member church 1630 No. 52. Marked 'dead.' Ijons (Irons) Matthias Probably from Danbury or Roxwell co. Essex. Servant of William Colborn who came 1630. Had child baptized 5 April 1631 (Boston Ch. Rec.). Ijons (Irons) Anne Wife of Matthias (Boston Ch. Rec.). James, Edmond Watertown From Earl's Barton, co. Northants. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Died before 1640. James, Reana Wife of Edmond (Pope). She m. (2) William Andrews (Middlesex Deeds III, 7). James, Thomas Salem From Earl's Barton, Member church 1630, No. 149. James, Elizabeth Wife of Thomas. Member church, No. 150. James, William Salem From Earl's Barton, co. Northants. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). James, Elizabeth Wife of William. Jarvis, John Boston Juryman 28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I. 78). Died 1656. Johnson, Davy Dorchester Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Died 1636. Johnson, Francis Salem Probably from London. Merchant. Nephew of Christopher Colson, an Assistant of the Massachusetts Bay Company 1629 (M.C.R., IV, 429). Freeman 18 May 1631. p.77 Johnson, Joan Wife of Francis Johnson (Pope). Johnson, Isaac Salem Born 1601, died Sept. 1630. Son of Abraham Johnson, Esq. of So. Luffenham, co, Rutland, but resided at Clipsham, same county. Married (lic. 5 April 1623) the Lady Arbella, daughter of Thomas, third Earl of Lincoln (M.C.R., I, 78). He was the Founder of Boston (Prince, N.E. Chronology, 249). Johnson, Arbella From Sempringham, Lincolnshire. Born 1601; died August 1630. (M.C.R., I, 78). Johnson, John Roxbury Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631. Constable 19 Oct 1630. Died 30 (7) 1659. (M.C.R., I, 75). Johnson, Margaret Wife of John. Died 9 (4) 1655 (Pope). Johnson, Richard Charleston Removed to Salem. Deposed 1663 aged 51. Freeman 17 May 1637 (M.C.R., I, 367). He was here before court in March 1631 (M.C.R., I, 84). Origin un- determined. Johnson, Alice Wife of Richard (Pope). Jones, Bethia Boston Member church 1630 (Boston Ch.Rec.). Removed to Salem (Pope)., Jones, Edward Charlestown From Chester. Mercer. (Harl. MSS., 1972 fo. 44d) Freeman 18 May 1631. (M.C.R., I, 366). He sold his house and lands in 1644. No further record. Kidby, Lewis Boston The identity of this passenger is not established, but he was probably a neighbor of Governor Winthrop in Groton. In a letter to his wife he mentions the death of 'one of L. Kidbys sons.' It is therefore probable that one of the name living later in Boston was one who survived. (L. & L. W., II). Kidby, ____ Wife of Lewis. Kidby, ____ Son of above. Died 1630. p.78 Kidby, Edward A sawyer, living in Boston and later in Roxbury, with a family. Kingsbury, Henry Boston Came in the Talbot from Groton, Suffolk. First Church member No. 25. Died soon after arrival (Winthrop). Kingsbury, Margaret Wife of Henry. First Church member, No. 26. Kingsbury, Henry, Jr. Son of Henry. Born 1615; died 1 Oct. 1687. Ipswich, Rowley, Haverhill (Pope). Kingsbury, Thomas In Gov. Winthrop's list. No further record. Died or returned. Knapp, Nicholas Watertown Probably from Bures St. Mary, Suffolk. Sold his land, etc. 6 (3) 1646 (Frost Gen. p. 372). Sold medicine for the scurvy (M.C.R., I, 83). Knapp, Elinor Wife of Nicholas (B.T.R.). Knapp, William Watertown Probably from Bures St. Mary, co. Suffolk. Born about 1579; died 30 Aug. 1659. Mentioned 3 Nov 1630 in Colonial Records (M.C.R., I, 82). Knapp, ____ Wife of William. Knapp, John Son of William. (Pope). Knapp, Anne Daughter of William (Pope). Knapp, Judith Daughter of William (Pope). Knapp, Mary Daughter of William (Pope). Knapp, James Son of William (Pope). Knapp, John Son of William (Pope). Knapp, William, Jr. Son of William (Pope). Knower, George Charlestown Probably from London. Born 1607; died 13 Feb. 1674 aged 67. (Lechford, 203). Knower, Thomas Charlestown From London. Clothier. (Pope). Lamb, Edward Watertown Origin not determined. Among first settlers of Watertown (Bond). Died about 1650 and widow Margaret married (2) Samuel Allen (Pope). p.79 Lamb, Thomas Roxbury Perhaps from Stowe Langtoft, co. Suffolk. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Died 3 April 1646. Lamb, Elizabeth Wife of Thomas. Buried 28 Nov 1639 (Pope). Lamb, Thomas Jr Son of Thomas (Eliot). Lamb, John Son of Thomas (Eliot). Lamb, Samuel Son of Thomas (Eliot). Lamb, Roger Origin not determined. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). No residence known and no further record. Lawson, Henry Probably from London. Mentioned 14 June 1631 (M.C.R., I, 88). No further record. Learned, William Charlestown Probably from Bermondsey, Surrey. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Died 1 March 1645 (Pope). Learned, Judith Wife of William. Admitted church 6 (10) 1632 (Ch.Ch.Rec.). Leatherland, William Boston Origin undetermined, but probably London, as he was servant of Owen Rowe, a silk merchant of All Hallows, Honey Lane, London, one of the members of the Massachusetts Bay Company. Leatherland was a carpenter, born 1608. Admitted church 24 Nov 1633; Freeman 4 March 1634/5 (M.C.R., I, 370). Legge, John Lynn Probably from London. In the service of Mr. John Humphrey 3 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 86). Deposed 1657, aged 45 (b. 1612). Will proved 2 (5) 1674. Lockwood, Edmond Cambridge Son of Edmond. From Combs, Suffolk. Baptized 9 Feb 1594. Winthrop writes about money to be paid to Downing for Lockwood: 'let Mr. Peirce be payd his bill of provisions and bring the rest with you' (Winthrop MSS., W. 7a 45). p.80 Lockwood, Elizabeth Wife of Edmond (Pope). Died soon. Lockwood, _____ Child of Edmond. Lockwood, Robert Son of Edmond of Combs, Suffolk. Baptized 18 Jan 1600. Probably brother of Edmond (Banks MSS.). He may be the 'Sergeant' following the name of Lockwood in Winthrop's to distinguish the two brothers. Lynton, Richard Watertown Probably from St. Botolph, Aldgate, London. Juror 28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Died 30 (11) 1665. Lynton, ____ Wife of Richard (Pope). Lynton, Anna Daughter of Richard (Pope). Lynton, Lydia Daughter of Richard (Pope). Lynn, Henry Origin undetermined. In court 28 Sept 1630. Whipped and banished Sept 1631 (M.C.R., I, 77, 91). Removed to Aga- menticus (York), Maine, and died about 1644 in Virginia. Lynn, Sarah Wife of Henry (Pope). Masters, John Watertown Probably from Suffolk. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Cambridge. Died 21 Dec 1639. Masters, Jane Wife of John. Masters, Sarah Daughter of John (Pope). Masters, Lydia Daughter of John (Pope). Masters, Elizabeth Daughter of John (Pope). Masters, Nathaniel Son of John (Pope). Masters, Abraham Son of John (Pope). Matson, Thomas From London. Admitted church 1630, No. 85 Will 9 June 1676; probated 26 April 1677. Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368). Matson, Amy (or Ann) Wife of Thomas. She was sister-in-law of Mrs. Chambers, widow of Thomas, citizen and cloth-worker of St. Mary Abchurch, London. (Pope). p.81 Mayhew, Thomas Watertown From Southampton probably, but born in 1592 at Tisbury, co. Wilts. Died at Martha's Vineyard (Banks, History of Martha's Vineyard). Mayhew, _____ Wife of Thomas, Sr. She died soon after arrival. Mayhew, Thomas Jr Son of Thomas, Sr. The famous Indian missionary. lost at sea 1657 (Banks, History of Martha's Vineyard). Miller, ____ In Winthrop's list, but no further record. Millett, Richard Perhaps from London or Southwark. Applied for freeman 18 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman 11 June 1633 (M.C.R., I, 368). No further record. Mills, John Boston Perhaps from Lavenham, co. Suffolk. Said he was descended from a line of ministers 'unto the third if not the fourth generations' (will). Member church No. 33. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman March 1631/2 (ibid I, 367). Died 5 July 1678. Mills, Susan Wife of John. Member church No. 34. Died 10 (10) 1675, aged 80 years (Pope). Mills, Joy Daughter of John (Pope). Mills, Mary Daughter of John. Married James Hawkins (Pope). Mills, John Jr Son of John (Pope). Mills, Susanna Daughter of John. Married William Dawes (Pope). Mills, Recompense Daughter of John (Pope). Morey, Roger Salem This name appears as Moorey and Mowry. Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). He removed to Rhode Island. Morley, Ralph Charlestown From London. Died Sept 1630 (Pope). Morley, Catherine Widow of Ralph (Pope) (Wyman, 685). p.82 Morris, Richard Boston Probably from London. Held military rank and wrote a Latin epistle to Capt John Underhill (Lechford). Removed to Dover 1639. Member First Church 1630 (M.C.R., I, 81). Probably removed to Portsmouth, R.I. about 1641. No further record in Massachusetts after 1654. Morris, Lenora Wife of Richard. Member church 1630 (Pope). She was called 'agged and weak' in 1647 (Documentary History, R.I., II, 180). Morris, Thomas Boston Probably from Nottingham; died early (Savage). Morris, Sarah Wife of Thomas, daughter of William and Anne Cowlishaw (q.v.). Morton, Mary She may have come from Colchester and was a servant to Mrs. Downing in 1629 (L. & L. W., 291). Probably the 'Mary M' one of the servants of Winthrop mentioned in letter to his wife 2 March 1629/30 (ibid.). Church member No. 86. Moulton, Thomas Charlestown Origin undetermined. Fisherman and Master of Ralph Glover's boat 3 Nov 1630 (M.C.R., I, 82). Deposed 4 (4) 1639, aged 30 (b. 1609). Moulton, Jane Wife of Thomas. Deposed 1654 aged 45 (b. 1609). Mousall, Ralph Charlestown Probably from London. Recorded as Freeman 18 May 1631 as 'Rafe Mushell' (M.C.R., I, 366). Deposed 1663 aged 67 (b. 1596). Died 27 March 1665. [see also Great Migration Begins, Anderson vol II p.1310: has death 30 April 1657; will dated 13 April 1657]. Mousall, Alice Wife of Ralph (Pope). Munt, Thomas Boston Probably from Colchester, Essex, or vicinity. Mason; apprentice to Richard Garrett (Winthrop) (Suffolk Deeds III). He died in 1664. Munt, Dorothy Wife of Thomas. She died 28 (12) 1639. p.83 Nash, Gregory Charlestown Died 1630 (Ch.Ch.Rec.). Nash, _______ Wife of Gregory. Died 1630. (Ch.Ch.Rec.). Needham, Ann Member church 1630, No. 100. Nothing further is known of her or of her relationship to others of the name living in the Colony. Nicolls, ____ In Gov Winthrop's list. No further record. Died or returned. Nowell, Increase Charlestown From Trinity the Less, Minories, London. Although an Assistant he did not apply for freeman with the rest and was not elected until 25 May 1636 (M.C.R., I, 372). Member of First Church, No. 5. Died 1 Nov 1655. Nowell, Parnell (Gray) Parker Wife of Increase. Member of First Church, No. 13. She died 25 March 1687 aged 84. She was of a Harwich, Essex family. Odlin, John See Audley. Page, John Watertown From Dedham, Essex (Wheeler, History of Stonington, 502). Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Died 18 Dec 1676 aged about 90 (b. 1586). Page, Phebe (Paine) Wife of John. Died 25 Sept 1677, aged about 87. (Hammond Gen., I, 59). Page, John Son of John. Freeman 8 Oct 1640 (M.C.R., I, 378). Page, Daniel Son of John (Pope). Painter, Thomas Juryman 28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 12 Oct 1640 (ibid., I, 378). He became an Anabaptist (Winthrop). Painter, Katherine Wife of Thomas. She died 1641 (Pope). Palmer, Abraham Charlestown From Canterbury, Kent (Banks MSS). Merchant. Died at Barbados about 1653. p.84 Palmer, Grace Wife of Abraham. Died Dec 1660. (Pope). Palsford, Edward His passage money of 5 pounds was paid, but nothing more is known of him. Either died or returned (L. & L. W., 22 March 1629/30). Palsgrave, Richard Charlestown Descent claimed from a Norfolk family. Probably from London. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Member of First Church No. 105. Physician Died between June and October 1651. Palsgrave, Anne Wife of Richard. Member of First Church, No. 106. She returned to Stepney, England before 1656 but came back to New England where she died 17 (11) 1669, aged 75 (Pope). Palsgrave, John Son of Richard (Pope). Palsgrave, Anna Daughter of Richard (Pope). Palsgrave, Mary Daughter of Richard (Pope). Palsgrave, Sarah Daughter of Richard (Pope). Parke, Robert Probably from Bures, co. Suffolk, or vicinity. Born about 1585. Came in Arbella (Stiles, History of Wethersfield). He married (2) Mrs. Alice Thompson, widow of John of Preston, co. Northants. May be re- lated to Edward Parke who called Winthrop 'cousin' (see G.R., XL, 38; XLIX, 455. Also Parke Gen.). Parke, Martha (Chaplin) Wife of Robert (History of Wethersfield). Parke, Thomas Son of Robert. He married Dorothy Thompson, daughter of his father's second wife, and lived in Stonington and New London. Parke, _____ Child of Robert (History of Wethersfield). Parke, _____ Child of Robert (History of Wethersfield). Parke, _____ Child of Robert (History of Wethersfield). Parker, Robert Boston Perhaps from Manchester, co. Lancaster. Savage (III, 355) thinks from Woolpit, Suffolk. Deposed 1670 aged 66. Servant to Wm. Aspinwall. Admitted church 9 (1) 1634 (continued p. 85) p. 85 Robert Parker cont'd Freeman 4 March 1634/5 (M.C.R., I, 370). Removed to Cambridge. Married Judith, widow of Richard Bugby, who died 1682 aged 80. He died 21 March 1685, aged about 82 years. Patrick, Captain Daniel Watertown Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). One of the military officers employed by the Company. Formerly served in Holland. Removed to Connecticut where he was killed about March 1643. Patrick _______ Wife of Daniel. She was a Dutch woman (Winthrop). Pelham, William Boston Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630. (M.C.R., I, 79). No record of election as freeman. Removed to Sudbury. Captain 1645. Pemberton, James Charlestown Origin undetermined but probably from Essex. Freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). He died 5 Feb 1661/2. Pemberton, Alice Wife of James. Pemberton, John Brother of James. Member church 1632 (Pope). Freeman 1 April 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Returned to England and died in 1654 at Lawford, co. Essex (G.R., XXXIX, 61). Pemberton, Elizabeth Wife of John (Pope). Penn, James Boston Probably from London. Appointed a beadle to attend the Governor 23 Aug 1630 (M.C.R., I, 74). Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (ibid., I, 79). Will 29 (7) 1671; probated 23 (8) 1671. Member church 1630, No. 31. Penn, Katherine Wife of James. Member church, No. 32. Will 25 Oct 1679 (Suffolk Probate). Penn, William Charlestown From Birmingham, co. Warwick (Massachusetts Archives, VIII, 92). Removed to Braintree. Shoemaker (Ch.Ch. Rec., 3). p.86 Penniman, James Boston From Widford, co. Essex. Member church, No. 117. Freeman 6 March 1631/2 (M.C.R., I, 367). Removed to Braintree. He died 26 (10) 1664. Penniman, Lydia Wife of James. Sister of John Eliot. She m. (2) Thomas Wight. Member church, No. 118. Perry, Isaac Origin not determined. Member church 1630, No. 119. Freeman 6 March 1631/2 (M.C.R., I, 367). No further record. Peters, (Pettit), Anne 'Received from Salem.' Member church 1630, No. 104. From Saffron Walden. Phillips, Rev. George Watertown A native of Raynham, co. Norfolk, but at time of emigration was preaching at Boxford, Suffolk. Died 1 July 1644 (M.C.R., I, 73). Phillips, _____ Wife of Rev. George Phillips. She was daughter of Richard Sergeant. Died 1630 (Dudley Letter). Phillips, Samuel Son of Rev. George Phillips (Bond). Phillips, Abigail Daughter of Rev. George Phillips (Bond). Phillips, Elizabeth Daughter of Rev. George Phillips (Bond). Phillips, John Dorchester Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 7 Aug 1632 (ibid., I, 367). Removed to Boston. Died 1683. Phillips, Joan Wife of John. Died 1675 aged 80 (gravestone). Phillips, John Boston Another of the name; came over as a servant and was released from apprenticeship the first year; removed to Plymouth where his Master sold his time to another (?) (Drake, History of Boston, 132); probably identical with John Phillips, later of Duxbury, where he lived and died in 1691, aged 89 years (Pope). Pickering, John Cambridge Probably from Suffolk, Sudbury district. Before Court Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77). p.87 Pickering, Esther Wife of John. Pickering, George Son of John. Pickering, John Jr. Son of John. Pickering, Joan Daughter of John. Pickworth, John Origin unknown; came as a servant and was released during the famine period; removed to Plymough and married (G.R., II, 243). Pierce, John Dorchester Cooper. Freeman 18 May, 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). He died 1661 (Pope). Pierce, Parnell Wife of John. Died Oct 1639 (Pope). Pierce, Experience Daughter of John (Pope). Pierce, Mercy Daughter of John (Pope). Pierce, Samuel Son of John (Pope). Plaistow, Josiah, gentleman Boston From Ramsden Crays, Essex. Sent back to England 1 March 1630/1. (M.C.R., I, 82). Pollard, Mrs. Anne See Appendix E. Pond, John Boston From Groton, Suffolk (Winthrop MSS.). Returned to England. Pond, Robert Dorchester From Groton, Suffolk (Winthrop MSS.). Carpenter. Died 1637. Pond, Mary Wife of Robert. She married (2) John Blackman. Porter, John Roxbury Perhaps from Bromfield, Essex. (Banks MSS.). Freeman 5 November 1633 (M.C.R. I, 368). Removed to Boston and allied himself with the supporters of Mrs. Hutchinson and Wheelwright and soon removed to Rhode Island (1638) settling at Newport. Assistant 1641 was of Portsmouth 1655 and Wickford 1674 (Hazard, II, 612). Porter, Margaret Wife of John. Porter, _____ Child of John. Porter, _____ Child of John. Porter, _____ Child of John. Porter, _____ Child of John. p.88 Pratt, Dr. Abraham Roxbury Came from London. Had served as surgeon in Holland with English Army. Juror 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77). Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). He and his wife were lost at sea off the coast of Spain in 1644. Pratt, Jane Wife of Abraham (Pope). Pynchon, William, gentleman Dorchester From Writtle, co. Essex. Founder of Springfield which he named for a parish adjoining his ancestral home. Re- turned to England in 1662 and died there (M.C.R., I, 73). Although an Assistant he was not in sympathy with the Puritan rule and a book he had written on a theoligical subject was burned in the Public Square in 1651 at Boston. Pynchon, Agnes Wife of William. Died 1630 (Dudley Letter). Pynchon, John Son of William. Pynchon, Anne Daughter of William. (G.R., LXXV, 236). Pynchon, Mary Daughter of William. (G.R. LXXV, 236). Pynchon, Margaret Daughter of William. (G.R. LXXV, 236). Rainsford, Edward Cooper, merchant. Freeman 17 April 1637 (M.C.R., I, 373). Member church 1630, No. 62. Deposed 29 (10) 1671, aged about 60 years. The English historian of this family has not identified him. Rainsford, _____ Wife of Edward. Died June 1632 (Pope). Ratcliffe, Philip Salem Probably from London, a servant of Craddock. For 'malicious speeches' against government convicted 14 June, 1631; to have ears cut off (M.C.R., I, 88). Roger Clapp said he saw the execution of this barbarous sentence (Memoirs). Rawlins, Thomas Roxbury Probably from Essex (vicinity of Nazing) where the name is very common. Carpenter. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630; Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80, 366). Died 15 March 1660. Rawlins, Mary Wife of Thomas. Died 1639 (Eliot). p.89 Rawlins, Thomas Jr Son of Thomas (Pope). Rawlins, Nathaniel Son of Thomas (Pope). Rawlins, John Son of Thomas (Pope). Rawlins, Joan Daughter of Thomas (Pope). Rawlins, Mary Daughter of Thomas (Pope). Reade, Thomas Salem From Wickford, Essex. Juror 28 Sept 1630. (M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 1 April 1634. (ibid., I, 368). He returned to England. Reade, Priscilla Wife of Thomas. She was daughter of John Banks of Maidstone, Kent. Reading, Joseph Boston Origin undetermined. Member church, No. 95. Removed to Cambridge 1633 and later to Ipswich where he died 1681. Reading, Miles Origin undetermined. Cooper. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Member church No. 82. Died 1671. Reeder, ______ In Gov. Winthrop's list. No further record. Died or returned. Revell, John From London. Fishmonger. Assistant. Returned in the Lyon 1630 (Winthrop); (Dudley Letter). Reynolds, Robert Boston Probably from Boxford, co. Suffolk. Born about 1580 (Gen. of Robert Reynolds, 7). Cordwainer. First mentioned 1632. Admitted church 1634. Freeman 3 Sept 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Reynolds, Mary Wife of Robert. Reynolds, Nathaniel Son of Robert. Reynolds, Ruth Daughter of Robert. Reynolds, Tabitha Daughter of Robert. Reynolds, Sarah Daughter of Robert. Richardson, Ezekiel Charlestown From Westmill, co. Herts. Planter. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Died 21 Oct 1647. (Ch.Ch.Rec., 3). Richardson, Susanna Wife of Ezekiel. She married (2) Henry Brookes (Pope). p.90 Royse (Ryse), Robert Boston Possibly from Exning, Suffolk. No. 137 in church list of 1630. Freeman 1 April 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Royse (Ryse), Elizabeth Wife of Robert. Ruggles, John Probably from Glemsford, Suffolk. Church member No. Boston 129. Freeman July 1632 (M.C.R., I, 367). Ruggles, Frances Wife of John. Church member No. 37 in 1630. Ruggles, _____ Daughter of John. Died 1631. (Prince, II, 17, 69). Ruggles, Jeffrey From Sudbury, Suffolk. 'died soon' (Ch.Ch.Rec.). Ruggles, Margaret Wife of Jeffrey. Church member No. 47 (Ch.Ch.Rec.) 1630 Sales, John From Lavenham, co. Suffolk. Member church 1630, No. 21. (Ch.Ch.Rec., 3). Sales, ____ Wife of John. Sales, Phebe Daughter of John (Pope). Saltonstall, Sir Richard Watertown Of the family of Saltonstall of Yorkshire, but came from London. Freeman 18 May, 1631 (M.C.R., I, 73). He returned to England. Saltonstall, Richard, Jr. Son of Sir Richard. (Winthrop). Saltonstall, Samuel Son of Sir Richard. (Winthrop). Saltonstall, Robert Son of Sir Richard. (Winthrop). Saltonstall, Rosamond Daughter of Sir Richard. (Winthrop). Saltonstall, Grace Daughter of Sir Richard (Winthrop). Sampson, Robert From Kersey, Suffolk. He either died or returned, probably the former (L. & L.W., I, 68). Sanford, John Boston From Essex county, perhaps High Ongar. Merchant. Church member No. 115. Freeman April 1632. (M.C.R., I, 367). Removed to Rhode Island. Saxton, Rev. Giles Charlestown From Yorkshire (Magnalia, III, 214, and Lechford P.D.). Juror Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Probably returned to England. p.91 Scott, Robert Boston Probably from London (servant of John Sanford); admitted church 15 Dec 1633; haberdasher. Freeman 10 Sept 1636 (M.C.R., I, 372); died 1653 (G.L.). Seaman, John Watertown Probably from Suffolk, but Genealogy states born in Essex (Seaman Gen., 13). Seely, Robert Watertown Origin undetermined. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Wethersfield, New Haven, Saybrook, and Strat- ford, Conn., and New York in succession, dying in 1668 in the latter place (Savage). Sergeant, _____ This name appears in Winthrop's list, but no further record has been found. No person of this name is known to have come to New England as early as 1630, and it is possible that Winthrop meant to designate 'Sergeant' Robert Lockwood by his title as the name appears next to the one believed to refer to Edmond Lockwood (see under Lockwood). Sharp, Robert Boston Probably from Roxwell, Essex. Lived near the Neck (G.L.). No further record; probably died early or returned to England. Sharpe, Thomas Boston From London. Leather-seller. Member of church, No. 6. His house burned 16 March 1630/1 (Winthrop). Returned to England. Sharpe, _____ Wife of Thomas. Sharpe, _____ Daughter of Thomas. Died 3 Jan 1630/1. Sharpe, Thomas Son of Thomas. Shut, ____ Sent back to England 1 March 1630/1 (M.C.R., I, 82). p.92 Simpson, ____ In Winthrop's list, but nothing further known of him. Smead, ____ From Coggeshall, Essex. No further record. Probably died soon. Smead, Judith Wife of ____Smead. Sister of Israel Stoughton (Savage). Smead, William Son of Mrs. Judith Smead (Savage). Smith, ____ From Buxhall, Suffolk. 'Died soon' (L. &L.W.). Smith, ____ Wife of preceding (L. & L.W.). Smith, ____ Child of preceding. 'Died soon' (ibid.). Smith, ____ Child of preceding. 'Died soon' (ibid.). Smyth, Francis Roxbury Perhaps from Dunmow, co. Essex. Cardmaker. Juror 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Smyth, ____ Wife of Francis. She was buried 15 March 1639 (Pope). Squire, Thomas Charlestown Probably from London. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Church member 1630, No. 83. Stearns, Isaac Watertown From Stoke Nayland, Suffolk. Tailor. Freeman 18 May 1631. (M.C.R., I, 366). Died 19 June 1671 (M.C.R., I, 86). Stearns, Mary (Barker) Wife of Isaac. Daughter of John Barker of Stoke Nayland. (Bond). Stearns, John Son of Isaac (Bond). Stearns, Abigail Daughter of Isaac (Bond). Stearns, Elizabeth Daughter of Isaac (Bond). Stearns, Hannah Daughter of Isaac (Bond). Stearns, Mary Daughter of Isaac (Bond). Stileman, Elias Salem From St. Andrew Undershaft, London, where he married Judith Adams 28 Aug 1614. Freeman 3 July 1632 (M.C.R., I, 367). Stileman, Judith (Adams) Wife of Elias. Stileman, Elias, Jr Son of above, 1616. Stoughton, Israel Dorchester From Coggeshall, Essex. Was opposed to the rule of Winthrop and disfranchised for writing p.93 an heretical book. Returned to England and fought under Cromwell in the Civil War, with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in Rainsborough's regiment. (Savage). He died 1644 at Lincoln. Stoughton, Elizabeth Wife of Israel. Stoughton, Thomas Dorchester From Coggeshall, Essex. Brother of Israel. Constable 28 Sept 1630. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., 366). Married to Mrs. Margaret Huntington, widow of Simon Huntington, in 1635. He removed to Windsor, Conn. where he died in 1642. Stoughton, _____ Wife of Thomas (Savage). Sumner, William Dorchester Born in Bicester, co. Oxford. Baptized 27 Jan 1604/5. Son of Roger and Joan (Franklin) Sumner. Died 9 Dec 1688. (Genealogy). Sumner, Mary (West) Wife of William. Married 22 Oct 1625. Died 7 June 1676 (Pope). Sumner, William, Jr. Son of William. (Pope). Swaddon, Philip Watertown One of his name was living in Hilmarton, Wiltshire, 1620. (P.C.C., 23, Soame). Servant to Robert Seely but pur- chased his freedom 1631 and removed to Kittery, Maine. He was born 1600 and was living in 1673. Swanson, Anna Member First Church, No. 141. Talmadge, William Boston From Newton Stacey, co. Hants. Carpenter. Freeman 14 May 1634. (M.C.R., I, 369). Member First Church, No. 59. Removed to Lynn. Talmadge, ____ Wife of William. Died early (Pope). Taylor, Gregory Watertown Member First Church 1630, No. 76. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Removed to Stamford, Conn. where he died 1657. Taylor, Achsah Wife of Gregory (Bond). p.94 Taylor, John Boston From Haverhill Suffolk (L. & L.W.). Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630; Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80, 366). Removed to Lynn. Taylor, ____ Wife of John. Died soon after arrival (L. & L.W.) Taylor, ____ Child of John. Died soon. (L. & L.W.). Timewell, William Returned to England in 1630 (Winthrop MSS.). Tomlins, Edward Lynn From London. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Was deputy and Clerk of the Writs (Savage). Turner, Nathaniel Saugus Probably from London. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79); Freeman 3 July 1632 (M.C.R., I, 367). Removed to New Haven. Captain, deputy. Turner, Robert Probably from Southwark, Surrey, the origin of his master Edward Bendall; admitted church 8 Sept 1633; Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368); innholder; died 1664. Tyndal, Arthur Boston Son of Sir John Tyndal. From Great Maplestead, Essex (L. & L.W., I, 17). Brother-in-law to Gov. Winthrop. Returned in Lyon 1631 (ibid., II, 36). Underhill, John Boston Came directly from Holland where he had been a captain in the military service, but probably from Kenilworth, co. Warwick. Freeman 18 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 75). Underhill, Helen Wife of Capt John Underhill (Winthrop). She was a Dutch woman, living in Gornichem, whom he married in 1628. Vassall, William Assistant. From Prittlewell, Essex. Returned to England with the Lyon, 1631 (Dudley Letter). He came again in 1635, settling at Scituate, but was soon out of sympathy p.95 with the intolerant religious practices of the Winthrop government. Went to England to get relief but failed. He died 1655/6 at Barbadoes. Vassall, Anne Wife of William. Daughter of George King of Cold Norton, Essex (G.R., LXXV, 236). Vassall, Judith Child of William. Vassall, Francis Child of William. Vassall, John Child of William. Vassall, Anne Child of William. Wade, (Thomas) Probably the person of this name of Northampton who was an Adventurer of the Massachusetts Bay Company and came over to visit the country, returning with the Fleet. His stock in the Company was claimed by members of his family. (Savage, IV, 377). Walker, Robert Boston From Manchester, England. Linen weaver. Born 1601. Deposed 1679, aged 78 years. Member church, No. 131 (Sewall). Freeman 19 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Died 29 May 1687. Walker, Sarah Wife of Robert. Wall, ____ In Winthrop's list. Returned with family (W). Wall, ____ Wife of preceding. ____, ____ Servant of Mr. Wall. Ward, Thomas Dedham Probably from Bedingham, co. Norfolk. Juror 28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Warren, John Watertown From Nayland, Suffolk (Stone Gen., 43). Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Born 1585; died 13 (10) 1667 (W). Warren, Margaret Wife of John. Died 6 Nov 1662. Waterbury, William Boston From Sudbury, co. Suffolk. Member First Church, No. 35. Waterbury, Alice Wife of William. Member First Church, No. 36. p.96 Waters, John Charlestown From Nayland, Suffolk. Member First Church, No. 23. Died soon. Winthrop called him 'my old servant' (Winthrop MSS., W. 7a 47). Waters, Frances Wife of John. Member First Church, No. 24. Died soon. Waters, Mary Daugthter of John. Died soon (L. & L.W., II 54). Waters, ____ Child of John (ibid.). Waters, ____ Child of John (ibid.). Weaver, ____ Sent back to England 1631 (M.C.R., I, 82). Webb, Richard Cambridge From Mayland, Suffolk. Freeman November 1632 (M.C.R., I, 367). Removed to Hartford. Webb, Elizabeth Wife of Richard. Member church, No. 120. Weed, Jonas Watertown Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Wethersfield, 1636, Stamford, 1642 and South- hampton, Long Island, 1657, where he died. Weillust, Joist Boston Probably from Holland. Surveyor of Ordnance and cannonier. In June 1632 he was allowed five pounds towards the cost of transportation 'into his owne country' (M.C.R., I, 97). Weldon, Robert Charlestown Captain in the military service. Died 16 Feb 1630/1 and was given a military funeral (Dudley Letter). Weldon, Elizabeth Wife of Captain Robert Weldon. Member of First Church No. 91. Marked 'gone to Watertown.' Weston, Francis Salem Origin undetermined. Freeman 5 Nov 1633 (M.C.R., I, 368). Became an adherent to Mrs. Anne Hutchinson and was ban- ished. Removed to Rhode Island. Richard Harcourt of Warwick, R.I., called Francis Weston and his wife, 'my uncle and aunt' (Documentary History, R.I.). p.97 Weston, Margaret Wife of Francis. Weston, Lucy Daughter of Francis. Married John Pease of Salem and Edgartown, Mass. (Banks, History of Martha's Vineyard, I, 89-103; II, 91-103). Wilbore, Samuel Boston Perhaps from London. Freeman 3 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368). He became an adherent of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, was disarmed and removed to Rhode Island Wilbore, Anne Wife of Samuel. Wilkinson, Prudence Charlestown A widow. Origin unknow, but probably came with some relative not identified (Charlestown Town Rec.). Her will dated 9 Feb 1655/6. Wilkinson, Sarah Daughter of Widow Prudence. Married William Bucknam. Wilkinson, Elizabeth Daughter of Widow Prudence. Married George Felt (Felt Genealogy). Williams, Thomas Charlestown Origin undetermined. Juror 18 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Ferryman. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). No further definite record. Williams, Thomas alias Harris May be identical with preceding, but nothing further is positively known of him except that he applied for free- man 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). See Harris. Williams, Robert Perhaps son of Thomas; granted ferry license 1641. (M.C.R., I, 341). Wilsby, _____ In Winthrop's list, but no further record. Wilson, John Boston Clergyman (M.C.R., I, 73). Son of Rev. William Wilson, Canon of St George's Chapel, Windsor, but came from Sudbury, co. Suffolk. Pastor of the First Church, Boston. p.98 Wilton, David Mentioned 1632. Removed to Windsor, Conn., where he died 5 Feb 1677/8. Freeman 11 June 1633 (M.C.R., I, 368). Wing, Elizabeth Member church, No. 143. Winthrop, John Boston The Governor. From Groton, co. Suffolk. Winthrop, Henry Son of Gov. Winthrop. Drowned at Salem 2 July 1630. Winthrop, Stephen Son of Gov. Winthrop. (G.R., LXXV, 236). Winthrop, Samuel Son of Gov, Winthrop. (G.R., LXXV, 236). Eight servants of Gov. Winthrop, names unknown) Winthrop Journal, 1853, I. 455). Woods, William Boston Not identified and origin unknown. Freeman 18 May 1631. (M.C.R., I, 366). In Winthrop's list. Woolrich, John Charlestown Probably from London. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630. (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368). Woolrich, Sarah Wife of John. Member of First Church, No. 58. She married (2) William Ayre. Wormewood, ____ Sent back to England 1 March 1630/1 (M.C.R., I, 82). Wright, Richard Boston Probably from Ratcliffe, Stepney, London. Member First Church, No. 89. Servant of John Humfrey (L. & L.W.). Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Wright, Margaret Wife of Richard. Married 8 Jan 1625/6 at Stepney. Member of First Church, No. 99. Wright, Eleanor Daughter of Richard. Testified 29 Dec 1701 aged 80 years that she came over with p.99 her father, Richard Wright, in the first ship, to Boston, when she was 9 or 10 years old. She married Richard Clarke. Wright, Robert Citizen and merchant tailor from London. Sent back under arrest in ship Lyon April 1631 for 'treason' and 'clipping coins'. (Suffolk Court Files, XLV, 12). APPENDIX B PASSENGERS OF THE MARY AND JOHN IN 1630 p.100 Contemporaneously with the sailing of the Winthrop Fleet a party of emigrants embarked at Plymouth, Devon, in the ship Mary and John, on March 20, bound for the same destination in Massachusetts Bay within the bounds of the territory of the Company headed by Winthrop. While not having any defined connection with the Winthrop Fleet, yet their destination pre- supposes a cooperative agreement and a common purpose. In his last letter to his wife, before leaving Southampton, Winthrop notes the departure of this vessel and her passengers, indicating his knowledge of their destination in the limits of the Massachusetts Bay Patent and by inference an approval of them as fellow emi- grants under his jurisdiction. The Mary and John was owned by Roger Ludlow, one of the Assistants of the Massachusetts Bay Company, who sailed in her, as did Edward Rossiter, another Assistant, as leaders of this Company, and thus further confirmation is given to it as an integral, though separated part of the Great Emigration. It seems, therefore, desirable to relate briefly the story of this group which on arrival settled on Dorchester Neck and soon became politically merged in the fortunes of the various groups which reached our shores in that year. The Reverand John White, Vicar of Dorchester, England, who has been generally and rightfully acclaimed as the sponsor of the earliest Massachusetts settlement (Plymouth excepted), was the inspiration of a movement which culminated in the gathering of neary one hundred and fifty persons in the counties of Dorset, Somerset and Devon and their agreement to emigrate in a body to Massachusetts whither he had sent other groups in the previous six years. White was a Conforming Puritan who believed that the religious unrest of the period could be better composed by a liberal attitude of all factions within the Established Church. He was strongly against separation and the creation of independent religious bodies and severely condemned the subsequent action of Winthrop and Cotton who were promoting religious intoler- ance in Massachusetts. His influence in the West Country was widespread and in this, his latest effort to encourage colonization in New England, he not only secured recruits in his own city and county but in the adjoining counties of Devon and p.101 the remote parts of Somerset. In describing this Company he said that scarce a half-dozen of them were personally known to each other prior to their assembling at the place of em- barkation in Plymouth. (Planter's Plea, 37.) There they first came to a personal acquaint- ance with those who were to be their companions on the voyage and neighbors in the New World during the rest of their days. It may be assumed that these people, from many parishes scattered over three counties, were moved by the same urge to emigrate which animated those of the Winthrop Fleet, but it is safe to say that the tales of 'religious persecution' of these people was not a factor in their pilgrimage. The West Country was free from it. With them were two clergymen of the Established Church, one the Reverend John Maverick, at that time, Vicar of Beaworthy, Devon, son of a clergyman and then in his fifty-eighth year. Already his son, Samuel Maverick had been a resident of Massachusetts for seven years and was living in what is now Chelsea. This probably explains his emigration with the Mary and John Company, bringing with him his large family to be near his eldest son. There is nothing in any existing record to indicate that Maverick was unfaithful to his oath at ordination to conduct himself conformably and follow the prescribed ritual of the Church service. Like White he was a conformist, though liberal in his attitude on controverted subjects. The other clergyman, the Reverend John Warham, was fourteen years the junior of Maverick, and of a different quality. He was a native, probably, of Crewkerne, Somerset, born about 1592; had taken holy orders and came under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Laud, then Bishop of Bath and Wells. It is not necessary to state that this famous church official, later to be Archbishop of Canterbury, was a strict disciplinarian in matters of conformity to canon law, and Warham soon fell under his displeasure for some contumacy and was sus- pended. He removed to Exeter, where under the more liberal Bishop Hall he was given the parish of Saint Sidwell, a living which he held until his emigration. He was an agressive theologian. The intending emigrants having assembled at Plymouth were met by White and by courtesy of the Reverend Matthias Nicolls, Master of the New Hospital, an old friend of the 'Patriarch of Dorchester,' they gathered in the chapel where services were conducted and a farewell sermon was preached by him as sponsor of the movement. This was on Saturday, p.102 March 20, and at its conclusion they embarked to set sail for the distant shores of an un- known country. The Mary and John made a good passage and arrived at Nantasket May 30, 1630 without casualty. These one hundred and forty passengers are generally known as the Dorchester Company, from the place chosen for their settlement, and as they remained a dist- inct body of colonists, and there are contemporary records to identify most of them, it has been possible to compile a tentative list of those who came on this pioneer ship. Five years later a great majority of them removed to Windsor, Connecticut, under the leadership of Warham. The following list shows the names of heads of families and the number in each family sail- ing in this ship. It gives the county of origin and the place of settlement after arrival, with other notes of identification. The list shows that fifteen came from Somerset, fifteen from Dorset, six from Devon and three are of undetermined origin. The total number thus listed makes one hundred and thirty-four out of the one hundred and forty who came over. The figures after each name indicated the number of persons in the emigrant's family. KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS Stiles History of Windsor, Conn. Blake History of Dorchester, Mass. Pope Pioneers of Massachusetts M.C.R. Massachusetts Colonial Records Clapp Memoirs of Roger Clapp Baskom, Thomas (1) Dorset. Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Cooke, Aaron (1) Dorset. A minor, stepson of Thomas Ford (see below). Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Clapp, Roger (1) Devon. Settled at Dorchester. Freeman 14 May 1634. (M.C.R., I, 368); Died 2 Feb 1690/1 (Clapp). Denslow, Nicholas (3) Dorset. Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Dyer, George (4) Somerset. Settled at Dorchester; constable 1630. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Died 1672 (Blake). p.103 Drake, John (6) Devon. Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Duncan, Nathaniel (4) Devon. Settled Dorchester. Freeman 6 May 1635. (M.C.R., I, 370); died 1668 (Pope). Ford, Thomas (6) Dorset. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 81). freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Gaylord, William (4) Somerset. Juror 1630. Freeman 18 May 1631. (M.C.R., I, 366). Deacon of church. Removed to Windsor (Blake, Stiles). Gallop, Humphrey (2) Dorset. Settled Dorchester (Pope). Gallop, John (4) Dorset. Settled Boston. Freeman 1 April 1634. (M.C.R., I, 368). Gibbs, Giles (7) Dorset. Freeman 4 March 1632/3 (M.C.R. I, 367). Removed to Windsor where he died 1641 (Stiles). Gillett, Jonathan (1) Somerset. Freeman 6 May 1635 (M.C.R.I, 370) Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Greenway, John (7) Origin undetermined. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Settled Dorchester and died there about 1652 (Gen. Reg., IX, 348; XXXII, 55). Hannum, William (1) Dorset. Removed to Windsor where he died 1677 (Stiles). Hill, William (2) Dorset. Freeman 5 Nov 1633 (Pope). Holman, John (1) Dorset. Settled Dorchester. No record as freeman. Died 1652 (Gen.Reg.). Hoskins, John (4) Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631. (M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Windsor (Pope). p.104 Hull, George (4) Somerset. Freeman 4 March 1632/3 (M.C.R., I, 367). Removed to Windsor (Blake). Lovell, William (2) Somerset. Captain; settled Dorchester (Pope). Ludlow, Roger (6) Wiltshire. Assistant of the Massachusetts Bay Company; Deputy Governor of Massachusetts. Removed to Windsor and later to Virginia (Pope). Maverick, Rev. John (7) Devon. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 180); Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Settled Dorchester. Died 3 Feb 1635/6 (Pope). Moore, John (1) Origin unknown. Settled Dorchester. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Phelps, George (1) Dorset. Freeman 6 May 1635 (M.C.R., I, 371). Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Phelps, William (6) Dorset. Juror 1630. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Pinney, Humphrey (2) Somerset. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Re- moved to Windsor (Stiles). Pomeroy, Eltweed (3) Somerset. Freeman 4 March 1632/3 (M.C.R., I, 367). Removed to Windsor (Pomeroy Gen.). Richards, Thomas (6) Probably Somerset. Settled Dorchester. Freeman 13 May 1640 (M.C.R., I, 377). Removed to Weymouth where he died 1650 (Blake). Rockwell, William (4) Somerset. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Deacon of church. Removed to Windsor (Rockwell Gen.). Rossiter, Brian (1) Somerset. Freeman 18 May 1631. (M.C.R., I, 366). Re- moved to Windsor (Clapp). p.105 Rossiter, Edward (4) Somerset. Assistant of Massachusetts Bay Company. Died 1630 (Pope). Southcote, Richard (1) Devon. Captain. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Returned to England. Sylvester, Richard (1) Somerset. Applied freeman 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Settled Dorchester. Freeman 1 April 1634 (ibid., I, 368). Re- moved to Weymouth. Died 1663 (Pope). Terry, Stephen (3) Dorset. Nephew of Reverend John White. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Windsor (Terry Gen.). Tilley, John (2) Somerset. Settled Dorchester. Freeman 4 May 1634/5 (M.C.R., I, 370). Died soon (Blake). Upsall, Nicholas (1) Dorset. Settled Dorchester. Juror 1630. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Died August 1666 aged about 73. (Pope). Warham, Rev. John (4) Devon. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Removed to Windsor where he died 1 April 1670 (Stiles, Blake). Way, Henry (6) Dorset. Settled Dorchester. No record as to freeman. Died 1667 (Blake). Williams, Roger (2) Somerset. This person is not to be confused with the famous clergyman of the same name. Freeman 18 May 1631. (M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Windsor (Pope). Wolcott, Henry (8) Somerset. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Freeman 1 April 1634 (ibid., I, 368). Removed to Windsor (Stiles). Note: From the above tabulation it appears that of the 40 heads of families who came in this ship 13 remained permanently in Dorchester; 23 removed to Windsor, Connecticut with Warham, in the migration of 1635/36, and four settled elsewhere in Massachusetts. [end Appendix B] The Winthrop Fleet of 1630 by Charles Edward Banks Published Boston 1930 APPENDIX C THE SHIP LYON 1630 p.106 This ship was famous in the history of the early emigration to Massachusetts, and her Master was equally noted for his skillful seamanship and his sympathy with the policy of the Puritan leaders. In 1630, 1631 and 1632 she made four voyages hither in quick suc- cession under his command with the regularity and safety of a ferry, and on one of them saved the settlement from starvation and death by her timely arrival with provisions and anti-scorbutics. The official connection of the Lyon with the Winthrop Fleet is of the same character as related of the Mary and John, as both were doubtless approved by the Governor and Assis- tants. In his letter of March 28, 1630 to his wife, written from the Arbella, off the Isle of Wight, after noting the sailing of the Mary and John, Winthrop wrote: 'and the ship which goes from Bristowe (Bristol) carrieth about eighty persons.' (L.L.W., I, 388). This is the Lyon and she probably sailed from that port to accommodate passengers living in the West Counties - Lancashire, Cheshire, Warwick, Gloucestershire and Somerset. That they were authorized to settle in the limits of the Bay Patent seems assured, as there is no evid- ence to the contrary following their arrival. The date of her departure is not known (probably in March) but her arrival at Salem is reported 'in the latter part of May' (Brad- ford, II, 67), some time before the Arbella reached that port. The identity of this ship is not established as there were several of her name in existence at that period. In view of her valuable services to the Colony it is to be hoped that the necessary search may be made to fix her home port, previous history, tonnage and ownership. Of Captain William Peirse, her Master, more particulars are known. He had sailed to Plymouth in 1623 as Master of the Anne of London, bringing the last lot of passengers to the Pilgrim settlement. He was then a resident of Ratcliffe, parish of Stepney, London, and at that date was about thirty-one years old. He made a voyage to Salem in 1629 as Master of the Mayflower (not the Pilgrim ship) and thereafter he was in constant traffic in passengers and merchandise across the Atlantic. He took up his residence in Boston in 1632 and was admitted Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). His wife, Bridget, joined the church 2 February 1632/3; perhaps a second wife, as a William Peirce, mariner of White- chapel, was licensed in 1615 to marry Margaret Gibbs. Whitechapel and Stepney are adjoin- ing parishes. He became a Town and Colony official and was engaged in coastwise shipping thereafter. He compiled an Almanac for New England p.107 which was the second issue in 1639 from the Daye Press at Cambridge. In 1641 he was killed by the Spaniards while on a voyage to the island of New Providence, Bahamas Group, whither he was taking passengers for settlement. The names and identities of the eighty passengers who sailed in the Lyon from Bristol to Salem have not been investigated, as they were soon amalgamated with the existing settle- ment there and it would require long and special study to segregate them from the 'Old Planters' and the more recent emigrants who came with Endicott. APPENDIX D CAPTAIN PETER MILBURNE OF THE ARBELLA p.108 The Master of the Admiral of the Winthrop Fleet who successfully led this flotilla to its destination deserves particular mention as an actor in the drama of early emigration to New England, as Christopher Jones, the Master of the Mayflower of 1620, has been acclaimed for bringing the Pilgrims in safety to Plymouth. Peter Milburne was a resident of London in the parish of St. Katherine by the Tower, but beyond this, little information about him or his family has come to light. He was probably of London origin, as the family name is found there before 1600, and his residence on the water-front seems to confirm this suggestion. Stepney, the sailors' parish, was the next neighboring one on the east, and there he married on August 3, 1615, the widow Jane Coulter of Wapping, a hamlet of Stepney. Presumably he was master of the Eagle when she was bought for the voyage overseas, and the name changed to Arbella. That he was not only a skillful, but a popular sea-captain is evident from the testimony of Governor Winthrop. In a letter to his son after arrival here he sent this message: 'We had a comfortable passage and I found that love and respect from Capt. Milbourne our master, as I may not forget. I pray (if he be returned before you come hither,) take occasion to see him and remember my kind salutations to him and his wife.' ('Life and Letters of John Winthrop,' II, 40). It is not known whether he or his vessel ever returned to these waters, nor anthing of his later career, but it may be hoped that some future chronicler will be able to add to this brief record the full story of the life of the senior captain of this Fleet, so pleasantly remembered by the senior official of the Massachusetts Bay Company. APPENDIX E MRS. ANNE (____) POLLARD p.109 This passenger, according to her own story, came with the Winthrop Fleet in 1630 in one of the ships that arrived at Charlestown. She was then about nine or ten years of age and de- scribed herself as 'a romping girl' of the type who would be the heroine of the special in- cident which will be her title to enduring local fame. She is credited with being the first female, of all the passengers, to set foot on the pen- insular of Shawmut, now the city of Boston, and for that reason deserves special notice in this story of the Great Emigration. Taking one of the ship's boats, with a party of young people, she went over to Shawmut in search of fresh water, as the springs at Charlestown gave a brackish, unpalatable and in- adequate water supply. As the boat touched the shore, she was the first to leap out, and her claim to priority of landing in Boston has been of record for more than a century. She became the wife of William Pollard, innholder of Boston, by whom she had a large family and at her death, December 6, 1725, she had nearly reached the great age of one hundred and five years. Franklin's 'New England Courant' in a short obituary notice of this centenar- ian stated that shw was born in Saffron Walden, Essex, but with this clue it has not been possible, up to the time of the issue of this volume, to identify her among the many child- ren baptized 'Anne' in the years calculated from her age at death. None of the various parents of all these Annes can be recognized as coming to Boston with her, either by name or connected with her by will here or in England, after extensive in- vestigation by one of the leading genealogists of London. The matter is still being followed up. Her portrait, painted when she became a centenarian, is in the collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society and a reproduction may be seen in Bolton's 'Portraits of the Founders.' ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ INDEXES The Winthrop Fleet of 1630 by Charles Edward Banks 1854-1931 published Boston 1930 Chapter I Setting The Stage - p.3 Chapter II The Background - p. 11 Chapter III Preparing for the Hegira - p.15 Chapter IV Expense of Travel and Supplies - p.24 Chapter V The Voyage Overseas - p.33 Chapter VI The Passengers and their Origins - p.47 Appendix A - p.58 Alphabetical List of Passengers Appendix B - p. 100 Passengers of the Mary and John in 1630 Appendix C - p.106 The Ship Lyon, 1630 Appendix D - p. 108 Captain Peter Milburne of the Arabella Appendix E - p. 109 Mrs. Anne (____) Pollard ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ INDEXES INDEX OF NAMES The Lists of Passengers, pages 57 - 99 and 102 - 105 are alphabetically arranged and are NOT included in this index. Abell, Robert, 57 Adams, James T., 46 Adams, Judith, 92 Agar, Lettice, 58 Alcock, George, 52 Allen, Samuel, 78 Andrews, William, 76 Aspinwell, William, 84 Ayre, William, 98 Banks, John, 89 Barker, James, 60 Barker, John, 92 Barnardiston, Nathaniel, 45 Beauchamp, John, 65 Bendall, Edward, 94 Blackman, John, 87 Bland, Annabel, 59 Bluette, John, 63, 64, 71 Boggus, John, 60 Bolton, Charles K., 8, 109 Bradford, William, 7, 35, 36, 45 Bradstreet, Simon, 52 Brand, Benjamin, 52 Brooks, Henry, 89 Browne, Kellam, 20 Bucknam, William, 97 Bugby, Mrs. Richard, 85 Chambers, Mrs. Thomas, 80 Charles, The King, 13, 20 Clapp, Roger, 88 Clarke, Richard, 99 Coddington, William, 36, 52, 53 Colborne, William, 20, 76 Cole, Samuel, 52 Colson, Christopher, 76 Cotton, John, 35, 51, 57, 75, 100 Coulter, Jane, 108 Cowlishaw, William, 82 Crabb, John, 67 Cradock, Matthew, 23, 33, 35, 37, 61, 69, 70, 88 Cromwell, Oliver, 20, 93 Dexter, Morton, 14 Dillingham, John, 52 Downing, Emanuel, 18, 20, 23, 45, 79 Downing, Mrs. Lucy, 82 Drake, Sir Francis, 3, 29 Dudley, Thomas, 17, 20, 47, 48, 51, 52, 53 Eliot, John, 51, 58, 86 Elizabeth, The Queen, 3, 10, 37 Endicott, John, 44, 72, 100, 107 Feake, James, 69 Felt, George, 97 Fiennes, Arbella, 17 Fiennes, Charles, 51, 53 Fiennes, Susan, 17 Ford, Thomas, 102 Franklin, Benjamin, 109 Franklin, Joan, 93 Freeman, Samuel, 52, 64 Frobisher, Martin, 3 Fuller, Samuel, 35 Gager, William, 28 Gardiner, Henry, 22 Garrett, Richard, 82 Gibbs, Margaret, 106 Gifforth, Anne, 65 Gilbert, Humphrey, 3, 5, 29 Glover, Ralph, 82 Goffe, Thomas, 23 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 5, 6, 7, 17 Gorges, John, 17 Gosnold, Bartholomew, 3 Hall, Bishop, 101 Harcourt, Richard, 96 Harding, Robert, 74 Harris, Thomas, 97 Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 74 Higginson, Francis, 27, 33, 50, 51, 100 Hildersham, Arthur, 51, 57 Hooker, Thomas, 51, 58 Hough, Atherton, 75 Huggins, 61 Humphrey, John, 17, 20, 36, 70, 98 Humphrey, Michael, 17 Huntington, Margaret, 93 Hutchinson, Anne, 59, 74, 87, 96, 97 James, The King, 10, 13 Johnson, Abraham, 77 Johnson, Arbella, 20, 25, 38, 47, 48, 51 Johnson, Edward, 27, 36, 47, 102 Johnson, Isaac, 17, 18, 20, 48, 52, 53 Jones, Christopher, 108 Jones, Edward, 52 King, George, 95 Kirk, Thomas, 43 Laud, Archbishop, 101 Lincoln, Countess of, 47 Lincoln, Earl of, 17, 53, 61, 65, 68, 77 Lockwood, Edmond, 91 Lockwood, Robert, 91 Lothrop, John, 70 Ludlow, Roger, 100 Marrett, Thomas, 67 Mary, The Queen, 10 Masters, John, 52 Mather, Cotton, 22, 68 Mather, Richard, 51 Maverick, Samuel, 101 Mayhew, Thomas, 52 Miasconomo, 44 Milburne, Peter, 41, 108 Nicolls, Matthias, 101 Norton, Walter, 47 Nowell, Increase, 22, 23 Palfrey, John G., 46, 47 Palsgrave, Richard, 28 Parker, Robert, 62 Patrick, Daniel, 44 Pease, John, 97 Peirse, William, 79, 106 Peirse, Bridget, 106 Pelham, William, 17, 37, 52, 59, 72 Peter, Hugh, 51 Phillips, George, 22, 48 Phipps, Solomon, 66 Plaistow, Josiah, 52, 58, 62 Pollard, Anne, 109 Pollard, William, 109 Popham, George, 5 Popham, Sir John, 5 Prince, (Prence) Thomas, 50, 71 Pring, Martin, 4 Pynchon, William, 20, 48, 51, 52, 54 Quick, Elizabeth, 65 Quick, William, 65, 71 Rainsborough, Colonel, 75, 93 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 3, 29 Reade, Thomas, 63 Revell, John, 54 Roe, Sir Thomas, 37 Rose-Troup, Frances, 17 Rossiter, Edward, 100 Rouse, John, 23, 35 Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 20, 52, 53, 68 Sanford, John, 91 Saxton, Giles, 22 Seely, Robert, 93 Sergeant, Richard, 86 Sharp, Thomas, 20 Skelton, Samuel, 18, 51 Smith, Capt. John, 28, 46 Standish, Myles, 44 Stilson, William, 74 Stone, Samuel, 51 Stoughton, Israel, 52, 92 Thompson, Alice, 84 Thompson, Dorothy, 84 Turner, Nathaniel, 52 Tyndale, Arthur, 52 Underhill, John, 44, 63, 82 Vassall, William, 20, 52, 54 Walford, Thomas, 47 Wall, 95 Warham, John, 101, 102, 105 Warr, Lord de la, 17 Webb, Richard, 64 West, Nicholas, 20 Weymouth, George, 3, 4 Whale, Philemon, 63 Wheelwright, John, 87 White, John, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 100, 105 Whitridge, William, 65 Wight, Thomas, 86 Williams, Thomas, 74 Wilson, John, 21, 53, 72 Winthrop, Elizabeth, 69 Winthrop, Forth, 19 Winthrop, Henry, 18, 37, 48, 69 Winthrop, John, 18, 20, 21, 22, 35, 36, 40, 41, 45, 46, 52, 54, 68, 72, 77, 78, 82, 83, 89, 94, 98, 100, 106, 108 Winthrop, John, Jr., 18, 45 Winthrop, Robert C., 19 Wright, Richard, 99 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ INDEX OF PLACES Agamenticus, Maine, 42, 80 Ashby-de-la-Zouch, 51, 57 Assington, Suffolk, 71 Barbados, 18, 83, 95 Barnstable, Mass., 70 Beaworthy, Devon, 101 Bedfordshire, 50 Bedingham, Norfolk, 95 Bembridge, Isle of Wight, 37 Bermondsey, Surrey, 79 Beverly, Mass., 73 Bicester, Oxford, 93 Binfield, Berks, 74 Birmingham, Warwick, 85 Bitteswell, Leicester, 68 Boone Island, Maine, 42 Boreham, Essex, 74 Boston, Lincolnshire, 35, 64, 65, 75 Boston, Mass., 8, 22, 49, 61, 66, 67, 71, 72, 77, 78, 86, 87, 88, 97, 102, 103, 109 Boxford, Suffolk, 22, 89 Braintree, Mass., 8, 64, 85, 86 Brentwood, Essex, 65 Bridgewater, Somerset, 5 Bristol, Gloucestershire, 106, 107 Bromfield, Essex, 87 Buckinghamshire, 50 Bures, St. Mary, Suffolk, 78, 84 Buxhall, Suffolk, 92 Cambridge, England, 20, 33, 72 Cambridge, Mass., 61, 70, 73, 85, 107 Cambridgeshire, 12, 51 Canada, 4 Canterbury, Kent, 83 Cape Ann, Mass., 16, 44 Cape Sable, Nova Scotia, 41, 42 Charlestown, Mass., 35, 45, 48, 49, 64, 72, 74, 109 Chatham, Kent, 75 Chelmsford, Essex, 51, 72 Chelsea, Mass., 101 Cheshire, 51, 106 Chester, England, 77 Clipsham, Rutland, 77 Coggeshall, Essex, 91, 93 Colchester, Essex, 75, 82 Cold Norton, Essex, 95 Combs, Suffolk, 79, 80 Cowes, Isle of Wight, 34, 37 Crewkerne, Somerset, 101 Cuttyhunk, Mass., 4, 9 Damariscove, Maine, 6, 8 Danbury, Essex, 76 Dedham, Mass., 58, 63 Delfthaven, Holland, 36 Derby, Derbyshire, 57 Devonshire, 100, 102, 103,104, 105 Dorchester, Dorset, 16, 18, 100 Dorchester, Mass., 48, 49, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105 Dorsetshire, 16, 17, 59, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105 Dover, New Hampshire, 63, 83 Dunmow, Essex, 92 Duxbury, Mass., 86 Earl's Barton, Northants, 76 Edgartown, Mass., 97 Edwardston, Suffolk, 61 Elizabeth Isles, Mass., 4 Essex, co. of, 50, 51, 58, 62, 63, 67, 85 Exeter, Devonshire, 101 Exning, Suffolk, 90 Fairfield, Conn., 63, 70 Falmouth, Cornwall, 3 Florida, 4 Gibraltar, 18 Glemsford, Suffolk, 90 Gloucestershire, 106 Gornichem, Holland, 94 Gravesend, Kent, 35 Groton, Suffolk, 19, 21, 51, 60, 64, 66, 68, 73, 77, 78, 87, 98 Guilsborough, Northants, 60 Hammersmith, Middlesex, 61 Hampshire, 50 Hartford, Conn., 76, 96 Harwich, Essex, 83 Harwich, Mass., 60 Hatfield, Broadoak, Essex, 63 Haverhill, Mass., 78 Haverhill, Suffolk, 94 Hawkdon, Suffolk, 62 Hemington, Leicester, 57 Hertfordshire, 12 High Ongar, Essex, 90 Hilmarton, Wiltshire, 93 Hingham, Mass., 62 Holderness, Yorkshire, 71 Holland, 85, 88, 94, 96 Horbling, Lincolnshire, 61 Ipswich, Mass., 60, 71, 78, 89 Ireland, 47 Isle of Wight, 33, 34, 35, 106 James River, Virginia, 4 Jamestown, Virginia, 4 Kenilworth, Warwickshire, 94 Kent, co. of, England, 50 Kersey, Suffolk, 90 Kittery, Maine, 93 Lancashire, 50, 51, 106 Lavenham, Suffolk, 81, 90 Lawford, Essex, 85 Leeds, Yorkshire, 22 Leghorn, Italy, 18 Leicestershire, 50, 51, 58 Leyden, Holland, 7, 8 Lincolnshire, 50, 51 Lincoln, Lincolnshire, 59, 93 Lizard, The, 39 London, 12, 22, 23, 27, 34, 35, 50, 51, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 97, 98, 99, 109 London, All hallows, Honey Lane, 79 Cannon Street 23 East Cheap, 23, 30 Fleet Street, 23 Philpot Lane, 23 Soper Lane, 23 St. Andrew, Undershaft, 92 St. Anne, Blackfriars, 71 St. Botolph, Aldgate, 80 St. Bridget, 70 St. Edmund, Lombard Street, 69 St. Katherine by Tower, 108 St. Mary, Abchurch, 80 Trinity the Less, Minories, 83 Whitechapel, 60, 73, 106 Long Island, N.Y., 69 Luffenham, So., Rutland, 77 Lynn, Mass., 93, 94 Nantasket, Mass., 8, 102 Naumkeag, Mass., 8 Navestock, Essex, 66 Nayland, Suffolk, 70, 95, 96 Nazing, Essex, 58, 88 New England, 19, 20 New Haven, Conn., 60, 91, 94 New Jersey, 70 New London, Conn., 84 Newport, R.I., 65, 74, 87 New Providence, Bahamas, 107 Newton Stacey, Hampshire, 93 New York, 91 Norfolk, co. of, England, 12, 50, 59, 84 Northamptonshire, 17, 50, 68, 76 Northampton, Northants, 95 Northampton, Mass., 76 Nottinghamshire, 51 Nottingham, Notts, 66, 82 Oxfordshire, 50 Pemaquid, Maine, 6 Piscataqua, New Hampshire, 47 Plymouth, Devonshire, 5, 39, 47, 100, 101 Plymouth, Mass., 15, 29, 35, 36, 64, 70, 86, 87, 100, 106, 108 Polstead, Suffolk, 61, 64, 71 Portsmouth, N.H., 47 Portsmouth, R.I., 82, 87 Preston, Northants, 84 Prittlewell, Essex, 94 Providence, R.I., 57, 61, 66 Sabino, Maine, 5 Saco, Maine, 6 Saffron Walden, Essex, 73, 86, 109 St John Hackney, Middlesex, 62 Salem, Mass., 18, 49, 60, 62, 72, 74, 77, 86, 97, 98, 102, 106, 107 Salisbury, Mass., 65, 73 Saybrook, Conn., 91 Scilly Isles, 39 Scituate, Mass, 22, 70, 94 Sempringham, Lincolnshire, 18, 20, 61, 65, 68, 77 Settrington, Yorkshire, 69 Shawmut, 8, 109 Shenfield, Essex, 66, 74 Somersetshire, 17, 59, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106 Southampton, Hampshire, 33, 35, 36, 81, 100 Southampton, L. I., 73, 96 Southold, L. I., 73 Southwark, Surrey, 30, 60, 62, 81, 94 Sporle, Norfolk, 59 Springfield, Mass., 63, 88 Stamford, Conn., 93, 96 Stepney, Middlesex, 60, 84, 98, 106, 108 Bethnal Green, 74 Ratcliffe, 98, 106 Wapping, 108 Stoke Nayland, Suffolk, 67, 92 Stonington, Conn., 84 Stowe Langtoft,Suffolk, 79 Stowe IX Churches, Northants, 61 Stratford, Conn., 91 Sudbury, Suffolk, 22, 86, 90, 95, 97 Sudbury, Mass., 85 Suffolk, co. of, England, 12, 50, 65, 68, 71, 75, 80, 91 Sutton-in-Ashfield, Notts, 70 Terceira, Azores, 41, 42 Three Turks Heads, Maine, 42 Tisbury, Wiltshire, 81 Virginia, 104 Wanstead, Essex, 67 Warwick, Warwickshire, 106 Warwick, R.I., 96 Watertown, Mass., 67, 70, 78, 96 Wendover, Buckinghamshire, 72 West Indies, 18, 20 Westmill, Hertfordshire, 89 Wethersfield, Conn., 69, 70, 91, 96 Weymouth, Mass., 8, 57, 64, 104, 105 Wickford, Essex, 87 Wickford, R.I., 89 Widford, Essex, 86 Wiltshire, 104 Windsor, Berkshire, 22, 97 Windsor, Conn., 69, 76, 93, 98, 102, 103, 104, 105 Winnisimmet, Mass., 8 Woburn, Mass., 66 Woodbridge, Suffolk, 67 Woolpit, Suffolk, 84 Writtle, Essex, 57, 88 Yarmouth, Isle of Wight, 35, 36 Yorkshire, 50, 69, 90 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ INDEX OF SUBJECTS Barber Surgeons' Guild, 28 Court of Wards, 18, 19 Daye Press, 107 Dorchester Church, 101 Dorchester Company, 102 Mary and John, Company of, 101 Massachusetts Bay Company, 16, 17, 35, 71, 76, 79, 95, 100, 105, 108 Massachusetts Bay Patent, 100, 106 "New England Courant", 109 New Hospital, 101 "Old Planters" 107 "Pilgrim Fathers" 7 Planter's Plea, 107 Popham Colony, 5, 6 Reformation, The, 10 Salters' Company, 30 Scurvy Grass, 29 Ships Ambrose, 33, 34 Anne, 7, 106 Arbella, 25, 28, 29, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 41, 43, 44, 53, 54, 106, 108 Charles, 33, 45 Discovery, 4 Eagle, 33, 108 Fortune, 7 Goodspeed, 4 Hopewell, 33, 45 Jewel, 33, 34, 44, 54 Little Neptune, 38 Lyon, 29, 47, 48, 106, 107 Mary and John, 47, 48, 49, 100, 102, 106 Mayflower, 7, 24, 33, 35, 45, 106, 108 Sarah Constant, 4 Success, 33, 35, 43 Talbot, 33, 44, 45 Trial, 33, 45 Whale, 33, 35, 45 William and Francis, 33, 45 Wonder Working Providence, 102. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ End Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth, March 2001 - farns10th@aol.com