Groton, Middlesex, Massachusetts Groton During the Indian Wars ************************************************************************ Copyright. All rights reserved. http://www.usgwarchives.net/copyright.htm ************************************************************************ Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS By Samuel Abbott Green, M.D. A message cover page in the book "To Mr. Francis Parkman, with the compliments of Samuel A. Green. October 13, 1883." GROTON, MASSACHUSETTS. 1883. Harvard College Library Bequest of FRANCIS PARKMAN 17 January 1894 Cambridge: Printed by John Wilson and Son, University Press. To THE MEMORY of the BRAVE MEN AND HEROIC WOMEN Whose homes were destroyed, whose kindred were slain, and whose children were carried into captivity during several assaults on the Town by the Indians, THIS ACCOUNT OF THEIR SUFFERINGS IS INSCRIBED By the Author, Dr. Samuel Abbott Green. CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE. I. King Philip's War 7 II. King William's War 51 III. Queen Anne's War 86 IV. Dummer's War 125 V. King George's War 148 VI. French and Indian War 157 VII. Miscellaneous Matters 179 INDEX. 193 CHAPTER I. KING PHILIP'S WAR. The early settlers of Groton encountered many trials and privations in planting the town. The men worked hard in felling trees and breaking ground, and the women toiled faithfully in their rude homes. They were used to hardships, and took them with Christian rsignation. Their daily life taught them the true principles of philosophy. They lived on the rough edge of civilization, and nothing stood between them and an unbroken wilderness. These pioneers were a devout people; and the strength of their religious belief is shown in no way so clearly as in the fortitude with which they met their lot in life. The prowling Indians were their neighbors, whose movements required careful watching. There were fami- lies of savages scattered along the interval land of the Nashua Valley, from Lancaster to the Merrimack River, who at times annoyed the settlers by killing pigs and stealing chick- ens. Judging from the number of stone implements found in the neighborhood, there was an Indian village just above the Red Bridge, on the west side of the river. It probably con- sisted of a few families only, belonging to the Nashua Tribe, as they were called by the English. Like all their race these Indians were a shiftless people, and often p.8 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. JOHN TINKER. changed their abodes, going hither and thither, as they found good hunting-grounds and fishing-places. They bartered skins and furs with the planters; and so much business was carried on in this way, that the government sold to individuals the right to trade with them. As early as July, 1657, Mr. John Tinker, one of the original Selectmen of Groton, appointed by the General Court of Massachusetts, paid eight pounds for the privilege of trafficking with them at Lancaster and Groton. A few of these natives knew a little Eng- lish, which they had picked up from contact with the whites. Daniel Gookin refers to them in his "History of the Christian Indians," when he speaks of "some skulking Indians of the enemy, that formerly lived about Groton, the principal Indian named Nathaniel. He and his party did this and other mischief afterward, in burning several houses at Chelmsford, Mass. CAPTAIN JAMES PARKER OF GROTON. This Nathaniel was taken subsequently at Cocheco, (now Dover), New Hampshire, and was hanged at Boston. Some of these vagrants took an active part in the burning of Groton during King Philip's War. The leader of the savages at this assault was John Monaco, or Monoco, nick- named "One-eyed John," from the loss of one eye. After he had taken by stratagem a garrison-house, he entered into a long conversation with Captain James Parker, who was stationed in another house nearby, and he called him "his old neighbor". From this fact I infer that "One-eyed John" knew Captain Parker and had previously lived in the vicinity. Warfare among the aborigines did not require generalship so much as knowledge of places; and the head of an assaulting party was one familiar with the clearings and the lay of the land in the threatened territory. During the ensuing autumn this leader was brought to the gallows at Boston, where he suffer- ed the extreme penalty of the law. The Indians soon acquired from the English the love of strong drink, which is sure to lead to disputes and quarrels. (see Archaeologia Americans, II. 471) p.9 KING PHILIP'S WAR. The earliest documents at the State House, relating to Groton and the savages, gives an account of a drunken brawl which ended in murder. The affair took place in the Merrimac Valley, and several men of Groton were summoned to appear as witnesses at the investi- gation before the General Court in Boston. In the spring of 1668, Captain Richard Waldron built a trucking or trading house at Penacook (now Concord, N.H.) where a few weeks later one Thomad Dickinson was murdered by an Indian while under the influence of liquor. JOHN PAGE, THOMAS TARBELL, JOSEPH BLOOD & ROBERT PARISH. The homicide created great excitement, and it has been supposed to have delayed the perma- nent settlement of the place for many years. A Warrant was issued directing the Constable of Groton to summon: John Page, Thomas Tarbell, Jr., Joseph Blood and Robert Parish, all of Groton, before the General Court, in order to give their testimony, which they did under oath. It appeared by the evidence that there had been a drunken row, and that Dickinson was killed by an Indian, who acknowledged the crime and expressed great sorrow for it, but pleaded drunkenness in extenuation of the deed. The culprit was tried at once by a council of Indians, who sentenced him to be shot, which was done the next day. INDIAN CHIEF, TOHAUNTO. It is interesting now to note the high temperance stand taken, more than two hundred years ago, by the Chief Tohaunto, which places him abreast of the most earnest opposers of the rum traffic at the present time. Throughout this narration I purpose to give, as far as practicable, the exact language of the men connected with the events; and for this reason many original documents are printed here in full. Some of the papers relating to the affair at Penacook are as follows: To the Constable of Groaten. (Groton) JOHN PAGE. These Require you in his Majesty's name to summon & require John Page & such other of ye towne yt (that) went up to Inquire for yeir (your) cattle at p.10 KING PHILIP'S WAR. at Penicook presently, on the death of the Englishman murthered (murdered) by ye Indians there lately in a drunken fitt, as is sayd - and others that you know, to make theire appearances before the Generall Court now sitting in Boston on the 27th Instant, at eight of ye clocke in the morning to give in their evidences in ye case relating to ye said murder & ye occasion thereof by selling strong liquors & by whom as they know or have heard making your return of this warrant to the Secretary at or before ye time hereof - you are not to faile. Dated in Boston the 15th of October, 1668. By the Court. Edw. Rawson, Secretary. [Endorsed] (note: blanks are illegible places in the documents) These three men namely: John Page - Thomas an Robard (Robert) Tarbell, Junior & Joseph Blood are summoned. ____Parish - to appear at the Generall Court, according to the premises. By Mee, Matthias Farnworth, Constable of Grawton (Groton). To the Constable - Grawton (Groton) [Massachusetts Archives, XXX. 155.] The words "an Robard Parish" appear in the original, in one corner of the writing, as given above. They were evidently put in, after the document was written. The Deposition of Daniel Waldron being called to speak what I know about the death of Thomas Dikison (Dickinson) who was killed by an Indian, as they say: myselfe with many others was sent up by my father to see the corpse and enquire into his death. When we came there we found the man dead and an Indian lying dead by him and examining the Indians - how he came by his death - they said the Indian that lay dead by him killed him with his knife: and en- quiring further why he killed him the Indians told us they asked him and he gave them no answere but bid them shoot him: and further enquiring whether the Indian were drunk they answered that he was not drunk and after this we saw him buried presently - and we returned home the next day. This was taken upon Oath: this 20 of ye 8 month 1668 before us: Simon Willard & William Hathorne. [Massachusetts Archives, XXX. 157.] p.11 GROTON - KING PHILIP'S WAR. "Wee whose names are hereunto subscribed doe testifye that in or aboute ye month of June last past - goeing to Pennycooke to enquire after cattle that were lost, riding to ye fort at the sayd Pennicooke, meeting with some of the Indians belonging thereto, told us, that an Englishman was killed by an Indian and that all our Englishman's Laws they had killed the Indian, we farther enquiring of them how and whether the Indians were drunk when the Englishman was killed, and they answered - all Indians were then drunk or else they had "noe kild Englishmen" and farther wee evidence Tohaunto, a Sagamore being afrayed that wee had brought liquors to sell desired us if wee had any, that wee would pour it uppon the ground for it would make ye Indians all one Devill and farther we, meeting with Thomas Payne, who told us he was Captain Wadren's servant, asking him whether the Indians were drunke when the Englishman was killed, and he answered - not drunk; and after farther dis- course with ye said Payne he sayd that ye person that was killed was Peter Coffin's man and farther sayd that if the killing of the man did not prevent it - his - the sayd Pay Master, Capt. Walderne and Peter Coffin did intend to send carpenters to build there and also to have groun broken up to be improved, and we farther affirme that we saw a Rundlett which would hold at least six gallons, in the Trucking House near the sayd fort; after which we meeting with the Indians there then, and telling them that Thomas Payne told us that they were not drunk when the Englishman was killed - the Indians then said that Payne much lied, for we had divers quarts of liquors the same day that the say Englishman was killed upon and of the Indians commanded his squaw to wash a bladder, wherein the Indian sayd there was a quart of liquors and we do adjudge it to be as much; or using words to the same effect. October 27th 1688. Signed: John Page Rob Parris Thomas Tarball Sworne in Court, 27, October 1688: Joseph Blood [Massachusetts Archives, XXX. 161.] During the series of years before King Philip's War the Indians had been supplied with arms and ammunition, p.12 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. though this was contrary to the laws of the colonies. The French in Canada and the Duth in New York had carried on considerable traffic with the natives in these contraband articles; and occasionally some avaricious settler would barter with them, giving them powder and shot in exchange. The possession of firearms made the Indians bold and insolent, and the tendency of events was toward open hostilities. This tendency was strengthened by a feeling of suspicion on the part of the colonists and by one of jealousy on the part of the Indians. Distrust always grows out of suspicion, and the fears of the settlers began to be excited when they thought of their exposed situation. Groton's Military Company. Under these circumstances, it was wise to prepare for all emergencies; and at an early day, a military company was organized in Groton. The following entry is made in the manuscript records of the General Court, during the session beginning May 6, 1673: - JAMES PARKER & William Lakin. James Parker of Groton having had the care of the military Company there for several years, is Appointed and ordered to be their Lieftenant - and William Lakin to be Ensign to the said Company there. [Records of the General Court of Massachusetts, IV. 718.] The two officers of this organization were each promoted one grade during the next Autumn, which would indicate that the company was filling up in numbers. At the Session of the General Court beginning October 15, 1673, the record reads: CAPTAIN JAMES PARKER, LIEUTENANT WILLIAM LAKIN & ENSIGNE NATHANIEL LAWRENCE. "The military Company of Groton being destitute of military officers, the Court judgeth it meet to choose & appoint JAMES PARKER to be their Captain and William Lakin to be Lieften- ant and Nathaniel Lawrence to be their ensigne. [General Court of Mass. Records IV.726]. Before this time there had been in Middlesex County, Massachusetts, a company of troopers (or cavalry) made up of men living p.13 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. in the frontier towns, of which Groton was one (as mentioned in the Massachusetts General Court Records of October, 1669). MAJOR SIMON WILLARD. One of the prominent men in the history of the Colony, at this period was Major Simon Willard, who had continued one of our Senators, many years, and was the Head of the Massa- chusetts Bands. In April 23, 1676. EPITAPHIUM. (epitaph) Great, Good and Just, Valiant and Wise, New England's Common Sacrifice: The Prince of War - The Bond of Love, A True Heroic Martial Dove: Pardon I crowd his Parts so close Which all the World in measure knows, We envy Death, and well we may, Who keeps him under lock and key. p.14 MAJOR SIMON WILLARD. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. His praises will, or are more largely celebrated; but let this be accepted according to the nature of my writings, which are but brief and general. The first mention of anything in the Town Records, relating to the Indians or the War, is as follows: WILLIAM LONGLEY, CONSTABLE, GROTON. At a meeting of the Selectmen July 2, 1675 - a rat made the defraying of the charge of the war and put in to the hand of William Longley, Constable, to gather the sum of 23.14.4 added 7 shillings more than the Just proportion. CAPTAIN JAMES PARKER. The mutterings of warfare were not beginning to be heard and the colonists were looking for protection. Captain James Parker wrote to Governor Leverett under date of August 25, 1675, that the inhabitants of Groton "are in a very great strait" and "much discouraged in their spirits;" that they want ammunition and twenty good muskets for the pikemen. The letter, itself, with the quaint expressions of two centuries ago (time of the printing of this book) gives a good idea of their narrow circumstances and is as follows: - LETTER WRITTEN BY CAPTAIN JAMES PARKER OF GROTON. "At a meeting of the Selectmen Jully 22 1675 a rat made for the defraying of the charg of the war and put into the hand of William Longley, Constable, to gather the sum of 23.14.4 added 7 shillings more than the just proportion." CAPTAIN JAMES PARKER'S LETTER TO GOVERNOR LEVERETT OF MASSACHUSETTS. .................................................................... The mutterings of warfare were now beginning to be heard, and the colonists were looking for protection. Captain James Parker writes to Governor Leverett, under date of August 25, 1675, that the inhabitants "are in a very great strait" and "much discouraged in their spirits;" that they want ammunition and twenty good muskets for their pikemen." The letter itself, with the quaint expressions of two centuries ago, is as follows: "To the Honoured John Leveret Esquire Governour of the Massachusetts Colony." "Honoured Sir - with the rest of your Counsell I have made bold to enform your worships how the case stands with us that the Indians are approaching near to us - our scouts have discovered several tracks very near the habitable parts of the town and one Indians they discovered - but escaped from them by skulking amongst the bushes and some of the Inhabi- tants of our town have heard them in the night singing and halloing. Which doe determin to us their great height of insolency: we are in a very great strait - our Inhabitants are very much discouraged in their spirits and thereby disuaded from their callings. "I have received 20 men from the worshipful Major (Simon) Willard and Captain Mosselly (s) men to helpl secur(e) our town, but nothwithstanding we are in a very weak capacity to de- fend ourselves against the insolency and potency of the enemy if they should apear in number and with that violence that they did appear at Quabog (Brookfield) the which the good Lord forbid if it be his good pleaure, much honoured and CAPTAIN JAMES PARKER'S LETTER. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. p.15 respected - the good Lord be with you in your consultations that you may understand what to doe for your New England Israel as such a time as this and in particular ourselves and for our dear neighbours at Lancaster upon whom the enemy have made an inroad - 6 persons are already found (dead) and buryed the 72 which they do expect is kild (are killed) is not as yet found - you may be pleased to take notice that we shall want ammunition speedily by reason that we have parted with some to Captain Mosselly's men and some we spent in the fight a Quabog - as also I have supplyed the souldiers with ammunition that was sent to me that was imployed in the service - they having spent their ammunition. If you could help us with 20 good muskets for our pikemen and I will return them again or else give a valluable price for them in such pay as we can produce among ourselves - not else at present but leave you to the guidance of the God of Heaven who is the only wise counsellor - and (I) remain Your servant to command in any service to my power - JAMES PARKER CAPTAIN from Groton - August 25, 1675. [Massachusetts Archives - LXVII.244] A few days before the date of this letter, Captain Samuel Moseley writes from "Nashowah Alias Lankester (Lancaster): 16th August 1675" that, in accordance with instructions from Major General Denison, he had sent "To Groatton: 12 men." These are among the ones alluded to in Captain James Parker's letter, as having arrived to help secure the town. Captain Moseley further says: "also last nightt seven a clocke we marched into Nashowah (Lancaster) wheare we are att presentt but shall as soone as the Constable hath prest us a dozen horses; proceed to Groatton & so to Chenceford (Chelmsford) according to the orders of Major Willard gave me yesterday att Quoahbauge (Brookfield). - Massachusetts Archives, LXVII.239. The letter was written a few days after Major Simon Willard and Captain James Parker, both of Groton, had gone with forty-six men p.16 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. and five Indians, to the rescue of Brookfield, on August 7, 1675, and just in the nick of time saved that town from massacre. An interesting account of this affair, written by Captain Thomas Wheeler, is found in the second volume of the "Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society." Captain Thomas Wheeler. Captain Wheeler was a brave soldier, and was severely wounded in that campaign. Evidently he could fight better than he could spell, judging from the following certificate: "To the honered Governer & Councell of the Massathusets Colony in New England: "These are to signyfie that Cornellius Consert, the Dutchman was uppon the Contryes Service att Quabauge & by the Council of Warre there was sent out Capt of the forlorne and afterward marched to Grotton & Chemsford & According to my best Advice continued in the countryes servis six weekes - Cornellius being reddy to depart the Country & myselfe being here att Boston - the Major Willard being absent I granted this ticket. - Thomas Wheeler, Capt. Boston October ye 13, 1675. Massachusetts Archives, LXVIII.7. In those days there was no physician here to offer his professiional skill to the government in its time of need, and even a small military force was sure to require medical or surgical attendance. If therefore became necessary to impress into the public service a surgeon, as well as a horse with accoutrements, as we find from the following order: - To the Constable of Boston. These Require you in his Majesty's name forthwith to Impresse Mr. William Haukins, Chirurgeon & to dispatch to Marlborough to Captain Mosely & attend his motion & souldiers at Groaten or elsewhere: for which end you are p.17 KING PHILIP'S WAR. also to impresse an able horse & furniture for him: to goe with the post. Dated at Boston 17th August 1675 - making Return hereof to the Secretary. By Ye Council. Edward Rawson, Secretary. [Massachusetts Archives, LXVII. 241] The Constable made the indorsement on the order that Dr. Hawkins was duly warned. According to Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, he was a butcher, but in his Will he is styled a surgeon - a union of callings which is rather suggestive. At this time King Philip's War had begun, and open hostilities had alarmed the inhabitants of the place. The Council passed an order on September 8, 1675, that Cornet Thomas Brattle and Lieutenant Thomas Henchman should take fifty men - of whom thirty were to come from Norfolk, then a different county from the present one - and twenty from Middlesex - and place them in the garrisons at Dunstable, Groton, and Lancaster - in such proportions as they should deem expedient. The order is as follows: For Cornet Thomas Brattle & Leiftenant Thomas Henchman. You are hereby empowered & appointed with a party of horsemen under your command, forth- with to march to Chelmsford to attend & put in execution the instructions following: I. First you are ordered with fifty soldiers that are appointed to meet you, at Leiftenant Henchmans vizt thirty that are to come from the county of Norfolke & twenty out of the county of Middlesex - that are ordered to meet you at Groton - these fifty men you are ordred to sett in garrisons in the frontier townes of Dunstable, Groton and Lancaster, etc. in such proportion as in your discretion shall bee expedient placing them under the comand of the cheefe military officers of each towne: giving those officers direction: to joyne & lyst other meet persons of their owne companyes with them & order them every day to surround the townes that they are to secure; & if they can - to carry doggs with them to search for & discover any enemy that may approach near such towne & p.18 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. at night to repaire unto such corps de guard, as are appointed to them for the security of the said place, and there to keep watch by night; & furthermore you are to declare unto the inhabitants of each towne (you are hereby ordered to garrison) that the Governor & Council do expect there bee meet provisions of victual made for the garrison soldiers hereby ordered, at ye charge of the towne - which is not to bee brought unto the account of the publick; and if any town or person decline so to doe so you are hereby ordered not to leave any soldiers with them. 2ndly. You are further ordered, to use your best endeavor to settle, compose & quiet matters respecting the indians, our neighbors, particularly those that live at Wamesit, Nashubah & Marlborough; that you endever to put in execution the printed order, relating to those Indians & particularly that you procure some English man or men to bee with them or at least, to visit them once a day to be as guardians for securing the English and Indians, that neither the one or the other bee predjudiced or injured & the council are willing to allow such person or persons a meet compensation for their service in that Imploy. And con- cerning the Indians at Marlborough who are ordered to reside at Hassanamesit about twelve miles distant whether you are to order the chief officer of Marlborough to convey them & if you can possibly secure, an Englishman or two to reside with them at Hassanamesit, according as the printed order proude but in case that cannot bee obtained that those Indians must be left at Hassanamesit with express charge punctually to observe the print- ed order. Lastly you are to endeavor either one or both of you (if it may be) to gaine the Indian Sachem called Wannalanset to come in againe and live at Wamesit quietly and peaceably; you may promise him in the Council's name that if hee will returne & his people & live quietly at Wamesit - hee shall susteyne no predjudice by the English: only you are to pose to him that he deliver for a hostage to the English - his sonne who shall be well used by us & in case hee come in and can bee gained - then you are to empower him to in- forme the Pennakooke & Natacook Indians & all other Indians on the east side of the Merrimack River - that they may live quietly & peaceable in their places & shall not be disturbed any more by the English provided they do not assist or join with any of our enemy - nor do any damage or predjudice to ye English: And having put in execution these instructions you are to returne home and give an account thereof to the Council. p.19 King Philip's War. And what ever is necessary for fulfulling these instructions you are hereby empowered by order of the Governor's Council to do it. Past by ye Council 8 September 1675. ERS. [Massachusetts Archives, LXVII. 252.] About this time the question of withdrawing a considerable force from the garrisons seems to have been considered; but a protest against such action was drawn up and signed by Major Simon Willard and three others, who were probably the officers in command. From the representation they made, it is not likely that any troops were taken away. The communicatiion was as follows: Honored Gentlemen - The Governor & Council. This afternoon, we had accordinge to your order, discourse with Captain Hincksman, in reference to his actings in his waye as to the commission he received frome you, he is to take: 80 men from our garrisons, that is all we have or more & we - stand in need of more but we dare not be so bold, our corne - that little we have - is time it were gathered, but if our scouts be taken off here is little be gathered - and many will be hardly kept with us - but will rune awaye from all our townes, you happily may thinke we are afraid, we will not boast therabout, but we dare say, our lives are not dear unto us, in any way that God shall call us to - our thoughts are that it is not advisable to march up to Penicooke where there are many Indians at the present, yet many abroad about all our towns as appears daily, but our present thoughts are that it might be for the present safety for the country, that a Garrison were settled over Merrimack River about Dunstable, that there maye be intercourse between our towns and that Garrison, we have appoyntted Captain James Parker and left Hinchman, who will realate the things to give you real light, much further than is meet now to do, or then time will permit, we are not willing to trouble you any further, but rest your humble servants: Groton - this 25th of July, 1675. Signed: Simon Willard. Salom Adames. James Parker. James Kidder. [Massachusetts Archives, LXVII. 265.] p.20 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. KING PHILIP'S WAR. In the autumn of this year - October 27, 1675, the town was assessed 11 pounds, 10 shill- ings as her rate to carry on the war and, when paid in money, one quarter to be abated. (Archives, LXVIII. 29.) This amount appears to be in addition to the rate made at a general town meeting on July 22 of the previous summer. It is evident, from an entry in the town records, that there was about this time, a slight lull in the local excitement. It is recorded: "At a general towne meeting held November 8, 1675 - it was this day agreed upon and by vote declared tht there should be a committee chosen to treat with Mr. Willard about sending down to the General Court - ti enforme and supplicate to them that we have payed to us what is our due from the country and also that the billit of soldiers may be upon the countrey's account and also agreed upon that if this would not do for to stand it out at law with them. CAPT. JAMES PARKER, LIEUT. LAKIN, WILLIAM LONGLEY, SR. & JOHN PAGE. And the Committee chosen was: Captain James Parker, Lieutenant Lakin, William Longley, Sr. and John Page. It will be seen by this vote that the inhabitants of the town of Groton did not now feel greatly alarmed; but one month later they had become more apprehensive of danger, as the following extract will show: At a General Towne meeting held December 9, 1675, it was this day agreed upon and by vote declared that the soldiers that are still remaining in the towne shall be continued in the towne at the town charge until such time as we heare a returne from the army going against the Narragansett and then the towne to meet againe to consider what is further to be done. The ensuing winter must have been a hard one for the colonists, not only here by through- out New England. The Indians had burned some townes and threatened others, and it was a season of distrust and despair. The time was rapidly approaching when Groton would suffer, and soon the stroke came. It seems from the following "request" now in p.21 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. the possession of Dr. John S. H. Fogg, of South Boston, that the assault was not un- expected: To the Honored, the General Court of the Massachusetts Colony in New England. The humble request of the inhabitants of the Town of Groton, humbly sheweth - "That wheras in this day of calimity & distresse, we are fellow-sufferers with our brethren & neighbors, in the sad & doleful consequences of the present unhappy war; though we have cause to adore and praise that mercy which hath preserved us from such desolation under which our near neighbors are now bleeding; yet our sufferings are such, as, except for the Lord's helpe, wee are sinking under. Reverend Samuel Willard. Esteeming it therefore our duty to apply ourselves to your Honors, whom we account our publicke fathers and trust you will improve your wisdom & abilityes for us: wee doe earn- estly crave our present state to be considered & weighed in a just balance; who are brought neere to utmost straights. The enemye, as we groundedly suppose, waiting an opportunity against us; the season of the year calling to employment, and hasting to pass away from us: ourselves brought into a narrow compass, and ready to undergoe sore sufferings, by reason of necessary arising inconveniences; our provision near consumed and soldiers quartered amongst us hastening the expense of it; our wives and children, some removed, others removing; our cattel lying open to daily hazards of being seized; these things portend to us a famine and poverty, coming upon us with as great fury on the one hand, as the enemy on the other; and wee at the present time are unable to be beneficial to the publicke & private interest incumbent upon us. We humbly, and upon our knees crave your honors' direction and assistance in this case, as the Lord shall direct whither we shall go or stay, or what way we may be set in and whereas we were summoned to send our deputy, we did esteeme our present state required the presence of souldiery at home, especially men in place and office with us: wee therefore, being small in number & daily waiting the approach of the enemy, have (not in any despising of authority) refrained from choosing one: and withal have chosen our Reverend Pastor, Mr. Samuell Willard to present this, our humble request and further to expresse our minds and humble desires, as occasion may present and your honors shall see meet to enquire into. p.22 Groton in King Philip's War. Your humble supplicants, Simon Willard & James Parker. Commending you to the most High and supplicating the God of Heaven to reveal counsel in this day of darknesse and to make you instruments of His glorye and His people's peace; We rest, Your Honors, humble supplicants. Simon Willard. James Parker. From Groton, this February 19, 1675: Superscription. To the Honored, the General Court of the Massachusetts Colonye, Assembled in Boston, New England: The following petition, sent to the Council then in session at Boston, was written four days before the burning of Lancaster, and five week before the destruction of Groton. ______________________________________________ INSERT - DESTRUCTION OF LANCASTER, MASS., 1675. The Indian Attacks on Lancaster - 1675 - John Prescott's Garrison. Subject: Daniel Gookin and Lancaster's Indians. Source: Topographical & Historical Sketches of the Town of Lancaster, Mass. p.36 The tribe of the Nashaway Indians, when the country was first settled was under the chief Sachem of the Massachusetts Indians. Daniel Gookin, who wrote in 1674, says "they have been a great people in former times; but of late years have been consumed by the Maquas Indians in their wars and in other ways, and are now not above fifteen or sixteen families." Gookin probably referred to the settlement at Washacum alone. There were Indians in the various parts of the town, at that time; in fact, so large a part of the tribe, as would, perhaps, swelll the whole number to 25 or 30 families, or from one hundred and fifty, to one hundred and eighty persons. This miserable remnant, that was rapidly wasting away by intemperance, which, at this day, destroys its thousands, was under the influence of the master spirit, the Indian, King Philip. Whilst Gookin, with Wattasacompanum, ruler of the Nipmuck Indians, was at Pakachoog, in September, 1674, he sent the Indian Jethro to Natick, Mass., one of the most distinguished of the converted Indians, who, in general, made but sorry Christians, to Nashaway (Lancaster) to preach to his countrymen, whom Eliot had never visited. One of the tribe happened to be present at the Court, and declared "that he was desirously willing as well as some other of his people, to pray to God - but that there were sundry of that people who were very wicked, and much addicted to drunkeness, and thereby many disorders were committed amongst them;" and he intreated Gookin (Indian Agent for Massachusetts) to put forth his power, to suppress this vice (alcohol). He was asked, "whether he would take upon himself the office of Constable and receive the power to appre- hend drunkards and take away their strength from them, and bring the delinquents before the Court to receive punishment." Probably apprehending some difficulty from his brethren, if he should accept the appointment at the time, Gookin answered, "that he would first speak with his friends, and if they chose him, and strengthened his hand in the work, he would come for a "black staff" and power." It is not known that the Indian, Jethro's exhortations produced any effect. footnote: Gookin gave the Indian Jethro a letter directed to the Indians, exhorting them to keep the Sabbath and to abstain from drunkeness, powowing, etc. At this time and for many years after, Gookin was superintendant of all the Indians under the Government of Massa- chusetts. p.37 TOPOGRAPHICAL & HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF THE TOWN OF LANCASTER. The conspiracy that in the following summer lighted up the flames of War, was secretly spreading and but little opportunity existed, to improve the condition of the Nashaway Indians. At this time, the Indian sagamore, Shoshanim* was at the head of the tribe. He possessed, it appears, a hostile feeling, and a vindictive spirit against the English. He joined heart and hand in the measures of Indian, "King Philip". He probably engaged early in the war and took an active part in the attack upon his former friends. The Indian, James Quanapaug, who was sent out by the English as a spy, in January, 1676 (new dating style) relates that Shoshanim was out with the hostile Indians in the neighborhood of Menuimeseg, about 20 miles north of the Connecticut path. Robert Pepper was his prison- er. King Philip was in the neighborhood of Fort Aurania, (Albany, New York) and was probably on his return to Mennimessag. This circumstance, taken in connection with the positive de- claration of Reverend Mr. Harrington (in his Century sermon) and the frequent mention of him by Mrs. Rowlandson (of Lancaster who became a famous Indian captive) shows pretty conclusi- vely that he had the powerful force that overwhelmed Lancaster. I find in a scarce pamphlet entitled "A Brief and True Narrative of the Late Wars in New England," printed late in 1675, that the report was current - that King Philip had "fled to the French in Canada for succor." Cotton Mather says, that the French from Canada sent recruits to aid in the War. King Philip probably returned early in the winter with the recruits. Whilst Quanapaug was at Mennimesseg, the Indian, "One Eyed John*, told him that in about twenty days from the Wednesday preceding, "they were to attack Lancaster, Groton, Marlborough and Sudbury, and Medfield and that the first thing they would do, would be to cut down the bridge at Lancaster, so as to render the flight of the inhabitants and prevent assistance from coming to them." The war broke out in June, 1675 by an attack upon Swansey, Mass. On the 22nd day of August, that same summer, eight persons were killed at Lancaster. On the 10th (old style dating) of February following, early in the morning, the Wampanoags Indias, led by "King" Philip, accompanied by the Narra- gansetts, who were his allies, and also by the Nipmucs and the Nashaways p.38 whom his artful eloquence had persuaded them to join with him, made a desperate attack upon Lancaster. His forces consisted of 1,500 Indians, who invested the town "in five distinct bodies and places." There were at that time more than fifty families in Lancaster. After killing a number of persons in different parts of the town, they directed their course to the house of Reverend Mr. Rowlandson, the clergyman of the place. The house was pleasantly situated on the brown of a small hill, commanding a fine view of the valley of the north branch of the river and was the ampitheatre of hills to the west, north and east. The attack on Lancaster 1675. Lancaster in Philip's War Source: Source: The Early Records of Lancaster, Massachusetts 1643 - 1725 Edited by Henry S. Nourse, A.M. Lancaster, 1884 p. 98 LANCASTER IN PHILIP'S WAR 1675. ffrom Nashowah Allies [alias] Lankester 16th: Aug'st 1675. "Honoured Sir Last nightt aboutt seaven A Clocke we martched Into Nashowah wheare we are Att Presentt butt shall soone as the Constable hath prest us a dozen Horsses; Proseed for groatton & so to Chenceford; according to the orders Major Willard gave me yesterday Att Quoahbauge; our Major having a Seartayne Intelligence of a Considerable Party of Indians yt [that] have gathered toogather a littell above Chensford which I hope wee shalbe up with this Night or to morrough at furthest & if it pleese God I come up with them God assisting me I will Cloosely ingadge with them & God Spearing my life I shall as oppertunity gives leave Acquaintt yo'r honor off my Actjons; I have wth me butt 60: Men at Present. Samuel Mosley" The above is extracted from a letter of the noted Captain of dragoons to Governor Leverett, in Massachusetts archives LXVII, 239. Six days later, Sunday, August 22d the Indians having warily avoided an encount-er with the dragoons, and got in their rear, made a raid upon Lancaster. INDIAN, ONE-EYED JOE. Gen. Daniel Gookin states that this bloody foray was headed by a one-eyed chief of the Nipmucks, named John Monoco "who lived near Lancaster before the war began," and that he had twenty of Philip's men with him. Mrs. Rowlandson writes: "Those seven that were killed at Lancaster...upon a sabbath day, and the one who was afterwards killed upon a week day, were slain and mangled in a most barbarous manner by One eyed John and Marlboroughs praying Indians, as the Indians told me." The charge against the Christian Indians was maliciously untrue, as proven upon their trial. The scene of the murders was at the north end of the settlement, the house of the MacLouds being in the neighborhood of the North Village cemetery. The names of the slain were: George Bennet William Flagg Jacob Farrar, Jun. Joseph Wheeler Mordecai MacLoud Mrs. Lydia MacLoud Hannah MacLoud aged four years (also) An infant MacLoud Flagg was a soldier detailed for duty here, from Watertown. Wheeler was not a Lancaster man, but probably of Concord. Letter from Ralph Houghton Feb 8th 1675 "ffor the Honoured Countie Court siting at Cambridge. I was desired by a poore widow whose husband was slaine by the Indians here and hath 5 small children left with her; by a law of the countrie shee should have brought in an Inventorie of her husbands estate, but such are the deficulties of the time and alsoe the trouble of her litle children that shee could not posibly with any saftie com downe her name is LYdia Benet, and alsoe a Scotsman Mordicai Mukload [MacLoud] who alsoe was slaine and his wife and children, and his house and goods all burned; he hath a brother surviving, both of them had a desire to have com downe with their Inventories but both of them have Catle in the woods, but know not whether the Indians have killed them or not, and therefore they humbly desire the honoured Court not to looke upon them as contemners of authoritie but give them liberty untill another Court and in soe doing, the honoured will ingage the widow and fatherless children as in dutie they are bound to pray for the honoured Court. Lans 2: 8m: 1675 Subscribed by Ralph Houghton Clarke of the writs" [Middlesex Court Files] The bold incursion of one-eyed John was but the prelude to the fearful tragedy of February 10th. Of the plan for the destruction of Lancaster in all its details, even to the very day assigned for its accomplish-ment, the colonial authorities were fully advised; yet so far as any records show, with a neglect that seems criminally strange, they did almost nothing to ward off or meet the blow. Of the aboriginal poss-essors of Nashaway, none, unless Sholan, better deserves to be honored among us than that Indian scout, whose courage, skill and fidelity should have saved the town from the massacre of 1676, James Quanapaug, alias James Wiser, also Quenepenett or Quannapohit. This Christian Indian was so well known for his bravery, capacity and friendship for the English, that Philip had marked him for martyrdom and given orders accordingly to some of his lieutenants. The Governor of the Colony about the same date, commissioned him and a fellow Christian [Indian] named Job Kattenanit, from Natick, for the dangerous venture of visiting the Indian camps to bring back information of the numbers and plans of Philip's forces. These two men, the historian William Hubbard tells us, "through the woods, in the depths of winter, when the ways were impassable for any other sort of people," sought the Nipnet outposts, and "ordered their business so prudently as that they were admitted into those Indian habitations as friends and had free liberty of discourse with them." They were closely watched, how-ever, threat ened, and but for a powerful friend would have been slain. In Quanapaug's own words: "Next morning I went to One-eyed John's wigwam. He said he was glad to see me: I had been his friend for many years & had helped him kill Mohaugs: and said nobody should meddle with me. I told him what was said of me. He said if any body hurt me they should die. I lay in the sagamores wigwam; and he charged his gun, and threatened any man that should offer me hurt. And this Indian told me they would fall upon Lancaster, Groton, Marlborough, Sudbury and Medfield, and that the first thing they would do should be to cut down Lancaster bridge so to hinder their flight and assistance coming to them, and they intended to fall upon them in about twenty days time from Wednesday next." [James Quanapaug's Information] p.100 Quanapaug finding that he must soon meet Philip, and having effected the the main purpose of his errand, evaded his suspicious foes by a cunning stratagem, and on the 24th, 11th mo., 1675, bought to his em-ployers, the Governor and Council, full knowledge of the hostile forces and their fell intent. The emergency demanded speedy energy; it met inaction. Rumors of coming woe meantime stirred the air in the Nashaway valley. The chief military officer, the minister, and other leading citizens went to the Bay to awaken the Council from their lethargy and beg for help. It was too late. February 9th 1675/6, about ten o'clock at night, Job Kattenanit, the second spy, completely exhausted, dragged himself to Major Gookin's door in Cambridge. He had deserted wife and children, and alone travelled upon snow shoes through the pathless wilderness from New Braintree, a terribly fatiguing march of eighty miles, to save his English friends. James Quanapaug had foretold that on the morrow the blow would be struck at Lancaster. Let Daniel Gookin tell Job's story and the fulfillment of the prophecy. Daniel Gookin: "He brought tidings that before he came from the enemy at Menemesse, a party of Indians, about four hundred, were marched forth to attack and burn Lancaster, and on the morrow, which was February 10th they would attempt it. This time exactly suited with James his information before hinted, which was not then credited as it should have been; and consequently no so good means used to prevent it or at least to have lain in ambushments for the enemy. As soon as Major Gookin understood this tidings by Job, he rose out of his bed and, advising with Mr. Danforth one of the Council that lived near him, they despatched away post in the night to Marlborough Concord and Lancaster, ordering forces to surround Lancaster with all speed. The posts were at Marlborough by break of day and Capt. Wadsworth with about forty soldiers marched away as speedily as he could possibly to Lancaster (which was ten miles distant). But before he got there the enemy had set fire on the bridge. But Capt. Wadsworth got over and beat off the enemy, recovering a garrison house, that stood near another bridge, belonging to Capt. Stevens, and so through God's favor prevented the enemy from cutting off the garrison, God strangely preserving that handful with Capt. Wadsworth, for the enemy were numerous, about four hundred, and lay in ambushment for him on the common road, but his guides conducted him in a private way and so they got safe to Cyprian Stevens, his garrison house very near the other only bridge and a little ground parting them. This house burnt was the minister's house Mr. Rowlandson wherein were slain and taken captive about forty persons, the minister's wife and children amongst them. [Daniel Gookin's History of the Praying Indians] p.104 London 1676. News from New England being a True and Last Account of the present Bloody Wars, etc. "In a town called Nashaway which they set Fire to, and burnt to the Ground, taking no less than 55 Persons into their Merciless Captivity, of these 55 Captives, the Minister of the Towns Relations made no less than 17 of them: viz. Mrs. Rowlandson, the Ministers Wife, and three of his children, her Sister [Elizabeth Kerley] and seven Children and her Sister Drew [Hannah Divoll] and four Children. Another pamphlet published in London late in the same year, entitled "A new and further Narrative of the State of New England," copies its facts from the preceding. A List of the Casualties - Feb'y 10 1675/6 Compiled from all Known Sources of Information KILLED IN ROWLANDSON GARRISON Ensign John Divoll Josiah Divoll, son of John, aged 7 Daniel Gains Abraham Joslin aged 26. John MacLoud Thomas Rowlandson, nephew of the minister, aged 19. John Kettle, aged 36 John Kettle, Jr. Joseph Kettle, son of John, aged 10. Mrs. Elizabeth Kerley, wife of Lieut Henry Kerley William Kerley, son of Lieut Henry Kerley, aged 17 Joseph Kerely, son of Lieut Henry Kerley, aged 7 Mrs. Priscilla Roper, wife of Ephraim. Pricilla Roper child of Ephraim, aged 3. CARRIED CAPTIVE FROM ROWLANDSON GARRISON Mrs. Mary Rowlandson wife of the minister - ransomed. Mary Rowlandson, dau of the minister - aged 10, ransomed. Sarah Rowlandson, dau of the minister - aged 6, wounded & died Feb 18. Joseph Rowlandson, son of the minister, aged 13, ransomed. Mrs. Hannah Divoll, wife of Ensign John Divoll, ransomed. John Divoll, son of Ensign John Divoll, aged 12, died - captive? William Divoll, son of Ensign John Divoll, aged 4, ransomed. Mrs. Ann Joslin, wife of Abraham Joslin, killed in captivity. Beatrice Joslin, dau of Abraham Joslin, killed in captivity. Joseph Joslin, brother of Abraham Joslin, aged 16 Henry Kerley, son of Lieut Henry Kerley, aged 18 Hannah Kerley, dau of Lieut Henry Kerley, aged 13 Mary Kerley, dau of Lieut Henry Kerley, aged 10 Martha Kerely, dau of Lieut Henry Kerley, aged 4 A child Kerley, name & age unknown Mrs. Elizabeth Kettle, wife of John Kettle, ransomed Sarah Kettle, dau of John Kettle, aged 14, escaped. Jonathan Kettle, son of John Kettle, aged 5. A child Kettle, daughter of John Kettle. Ephraim Roper alone escaped furing the assault. Mrs. Rowlandson writes: "Of thirty-seven persons who wer in this one house, none escaped either present death or a bitter captivity save only one." (Most authorities are united, however, in stating the number of the garrison as 42. Seven persons are therefore unaccounted for in above list. KILLED OUTSIDE OF ROWLANDSON GARRISON, BEING ALL OF SOUTH LANCASTER: John Ball Mrs. Elizabeth Ball, wife of John An infant child of John Ball Jonas Fairbank Joshua Fairbank, son of Jonas, aged 15. Ephraim Sawyer, aged 26 Henry Farrar Richard Wheeler CAPTIVE Two of John Ball's family, names unknown The whole number of casualties being 55, nine remain not ascertained. A soldier from Watertown aged 20, named George Harrington, was killed near Prescott's Mills a few days after the massacre and John Roper was killed the day the town was finally abandoned by all its inhabitants, March 26, 1676. p.106 So gret was the terror inspired throughout the Bay towns by the quick succeeding Indian raids of this period that it was seriously proposed to abandon and fence out Lancaster, Groton and other outlying towns by a stockade eight feet high and twelve miles in length, from Watertown to Wamesit [Massachusetts Archives, LXVIII 174.] "Three pounds per head bounty was voted by General Court for the killing or capturing of "sculking Indians." p.107 Lancaster March 11, 1675/6 - Letter to the Governor and Counsell -"A humble Petition of the poor distressed people of Lancaster (excerpt) "...many of us heare in this prison, have not bread to last us one month & our other provisions spent & gone, for the genrallyty, our Town is drawn into two garisons - sixteen soulders.... we areseartaynly a bayt (bait) for the enemy. We are sorrowful to leave the place but hoplesse to keep it unlesse mayntayed by the Cuntrey....our women cris dus daily... which dus not only fill our ears but our hearts full of Greefe and makes us humbly Request yo'r Hon'rs to send a Gard of men & that if you please so comand we may have Carts about fourteen will re-move the whool eight of which has presed long at Sudbury but never came for want of a small gard of men, the whooll that is, all that are in the Garison, Kept in Major Willards house which is all from y're Hon'rs most humble servants & suplyants - Lancast'r March 11, 1675/6 Jacob FFarrar John Houghton Sen'r John Moore John Whittcomb Job Whittcomb Jonathan Whittcomb John Houghton Jun'r Cyprian Steevens JOHN Prescott. The other garrison are in like distresse & soe humbly desire yo'r like pitty & ffatherly care, having widows & many fatherless children - the number of carts to Carey away this garison is twenty carts. Yo'r Hon'rs Humble pettisioners John Prescott Sen'r Tho. Sawyer Sen'r Tho. Sawyer Jun'r Jonathan Prescott Tho Willder John willder Sarah Wheeler, Wid. Widow Ffarbanks John Rigby Nathaniell Wilder John Rooper Widow Rooper The whole is in the handwriting of Cyprian Steevens. [Massachusetts Archives, LXVII, 156.] Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth Back to: GROTON DURING THE INDIANS WARS. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ p.22 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. SIMON WILLARD AND CAPT. JAMES PARKER. Commending you to the high & supplicating the God of Heaven to reveal council in this day of darkness and to make you instruments of His Glory & and peoples peace, we rest - Your humble suppliants: Simon Willard and James Parker. February 19, 1675. Superscription. To the Honored, the General Court of the Massachusetts Colony Assembled in Boston, New England. The original paper, in the handwriting of Reverend Samuel Willard, is now among the Shattuck Manuscripts in the Library of the New England Historic & Genealogical Society. Wamesit Indians suddenly leave Lowell. Reverend Mr. Samuel Willard was the minister of Groton, at this time, and he was the son of Major Simon Willard. The perilous condition of the frontier towns in the neighborhood is well portrayed in this document. Allusion is made to the sudden removal of the Wamesit Indians, a friendly tribe living near the present site of the City of Lowell, Massachusetts, which created considerable alarm, as it was then feared that they had joined the enemy. It turned out, however, to be groundless, as they had gone into the wilderness for only a short time, in order to keep clear of the intricacies of King Philip's War. To the honored Council of the Massachusetts sitting in Boston. The humble petition of us whose names are subscribed, humbly sheweth, that wheras it seem- eth meet to your Worships to commend to our Honored Major Simon Willard & impose upon him the maintaining a continued scout of fourty troopers and Dragoons to range between Groton p.23 GROTON IN KING PHILIPS' WAR. and Lancaster and Marlborough, for the securing of the interest of the Country in these parts; we make bold humbly to present our conceptions upon that account: For Marlborough we conceive the present supply left there in garrison does answer the end more fully and also will render our scout an unnecessary burden, for Lancaster and Groton, we find by experience that our safety is little advanced in this way, by reason of so long absenc, and so great distance of this Scout necessary in this method: besides the incumbrance lying upon us for quarters for horse and men, besides, the drawing up of our men from several towns, to such a limit, seems to carry inconvenience with it, the towns from whence our forces are raised, especially Chelmsford and Billerica, being weake and in want of more strength at home and danger accrueing to them, by the sudden and suspicious removal of the Wamassuk Indians, whose troopers do hereupon desire a release; moreover the conceptions of the towns related conceive humbly, that a Scout of garrisoned sold- iers, though of a less number, and those footmen, whom the towns may, out of themselves, make Dragoons. By order from authority, as occasion may present; would be more for the security of the townes, besides the hazard in which so small a number must needs go go in, as wee have sufficient ground to suspect by experience, and many emergencies which may suddenly fall out before address bee made to your Worships; we humbly present to your Honours to consideration and if it seem rational, to alter, or adde to this matter accord- ing to your discretion. Your Honorable Humble Suppliants: James Parker. Thomas Wheeler. Henry Woods. Groton: February 6, 1675. Endorsed. Captain Parker, Wheeler and Woods letter to ye Counsel, received February 8, 1675. Superscription. To the honored, the Council of the Massachusetts, sitting in Boston. The following order, signed with the initials of Daniel Gookin and Thomas Danforth, the two members of the Council, living in Cambridge, was issued during an emergency and p.24 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Major Simon Willard's Quarters. subsequently approved by a majority of that body. The town was threatened, and there was no time for delay. Major Simon Willard's quarters were at Nonacoicus, and it was to that place that Captain Cook and his command were ordered to go. It is highly probable that these Essex and Norfolk men formed a part of the force that came under Major Willard, to the relief of the town, as mentioned by Mr. Hubbard in his Narrative. To Mr. Joseph Cooke. You are hereby ordered and impowered to take ye command of the Dragoons & Troops, now impressed out of Essex and Norfork, for the service of the Country, you are to conduct them up to Major Simon Willard, taking special care that they make no waste of their ammunition and demeane themselves silently and vigilanty, so as may be for their owne security and gaining an opportunity, if Providence put any, for distressing the enemy, and securing the English interest, all which you are carefully to intend, and all the said soldiers, you are to take their names in a list, who are hereby required to obey you as their commander and when you shall come to the Major's quarters, you are re- quired to attend his further order, and in so doing, this shall be your warrant, making return to ye Council of what you shall do herein. By order of the Council: D.G. T.D. Date in Cambridge. 16.1.1675/6 The Council met on the 16th of March, 1675/6. Essex. 48. And approved of this Act of Norff. 40. Major Gookin & Mr. Danforth, as Attest: E.R.S. Present Governor Mr. Bradstreet Mr. Daniel Gookin Mr. Danforth Mr. Stoughton Mr. Tyng. [Massachusetts Archives, LXVIII. 162.] p.25 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Nearly one and twenty years had pass since the little settlement in the wilderness was begun, and Groton was fast approaching its majority. The new town had enjoyed a moderate share of prosperity, and was slowly working out its destiny. The founders were poor in this world's goods, but rich in faith and courage. They had now tasted the hardships of frontier life, but not as yet felt the horrors of savage warfare. The distant thunders of a threatening storm were beginning to be heard, and the occasional flashes put the early settlers on their guard. King Philip's War had broken out during the summer of 1675, and the outlying settlements were exposed to new dangers. The inhabitants of this town took such precautions as seemed needful and trusted in Providence for the rest. They were just beginning to prepare for the work of another season, when a small band of prowling Indians alarmed the town by pillaging eight or nine houses and driving off some cattle. This occurred on March 2, 1676, and was a sufficient warning, probably, to send the inhabitants to their garrison-houses, whither they were wont to flee in time of danger. These places of refuge were usually houses surrounded by a strong wall of stone or timber, built up as high as the eaves, with a gateway and portholes for the use of musketry. In Groton there were five such garrison-houses, and under their protection many a sleep- less, anxious night was passed by the inmates. Four of these houses were very near each other and the fifth was nearly a mile away. The sites of some of them are well known. One was Mr. Willard's house, which stood near the (now) High School; another was Captain Parker's house, which stood just north of the Town Hall; and a third was that of John Nutting's house, on the other side of James's Brook. The fourth was probably north of John Nutting's house, but perhaps south of Mr. Willard's. There is a tradition that one stood near the house formerly owned and occupied by the late Eber Woods, which would make the fifth garrison-house "near a mile distant from the rest." RICHARD SAWTELL. p.26 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Richard Sawtell, the first Town Clerk of Groton, was living on this site at that time and his house would have been a convenient rallying point for the neighbors. He probably was the Richard Sawtell who was a member of Major Appleton's Company in this war. TIMOTHY COOPER OF GROTON It is recorded in the Inventory of his estate, on file in the Middlesex Probate Office at East Cambridge, that Timothy Cooper of Groton, was "Slain by the Indians, the Second day of March 1675-6." Cooper was an Englishman by birth, and lived, probably, somewhere be- tween the present site of the Baptist Meeting-House and the beginning of Farmer's Row. It is not known that there was other loss of life at this time, but the affair was seri- ous enough to alarm the inhabitants. They sought refuge in the garrison-houses, as the Indians were lurking in the vicinity. On March 9, the savages again threatened the beleaguered town and, by a cunningly contrived ambush, managed to entrap four men at work, of whom one was killed and one captured, while the other two escaped. This second assault must have produced great alarm and consterna- tion among the people of Groton. The final and principal attack, however, came on the 13th when the enemy appeared in full body - thought to be not less than four hundred in number. The inhabitants at this time all were gathered into the several garrison-houses for pro- tection. During the previous night the savages scattered throughout the neighborhood, and the first volley of shot on the morning of the 13th was the signal for the general burning of the town. And in this conflagration, the first meeting-house of Groton, was destroyed, together with about forty dwelling-houses. This building, erected at the cost of many and great privations, was the pride of the inhabitants. With its thatched roof, it must have burned quickly; and in a very short time nothing was left but a heap of smoking embers. footnotes: 1. John Cooper of Weston Hall, England, in his Will, written November 21, 1654, and proved the next year, mentions his "brother Timothy Cooper, now in "New England," with children. The Will is on file in the Registry of Probate, London. p.27 KING PHILIP'S WAR. John Nutting's Garrison. Although it had never been formally dedicated to religious worship, it had been con- secrated in spirit to the service of God, by the prayers of the Minister and the devot- ion of the congregation. In this assault, John Nutting's garrison was taken by strata- gem. The men defending it had bee drawn out by two Indians, apparently alone, when the savages, in ambush arose and killed one of the men, probably John Nutting himself, and wounded three others. At the same time the garrison-house, now defenceless, was attack- ed in the rear and the palisades pulled down, allowing the enemy to take possession. Captain James Parker's House. The women and children, comprising those of five families, escaped to Captain James Parker's house, situated between James's Brook and the Town Hall. There is a tradition which is entitled to credence, that John Nutting was killed while defending his log-house fort during King Philip's War. His wife's name appears a few months later in the Woburn town-records, as "Widow Nutting" which is confirmatory of the traditon. II. Several printed accounts of King Philip's War appeared very soon after it was ended, and these furnish nearly all that is known in regard to it. At that time there was no special correspondent on the spot to get the news; and, as the means for communication was limited, these narratives differ somewhat in the details, but they agree substantially in their general statements. With the exception of Hubbard's Narrative, the contemporary accounts of this assault on the town are all short; and I purpose to given them, in the words of the writers, for what they are worth. The first is from "A Brief History of the War with the Indians in New- England by Increase Mather, p.28 KING PHILIP'S WAR. published in the year 1676. This account, one of the earliest in print, is as follows: March 10th. Mischief was done and several lives cut off by the Indians this day at Groton and at Sudbury. An humbling Providence, inasmuch as many Churches were this day Fasting and Praying. (p.23) March 13. The Indians assaulted Groton and left but few houses standing. So that this day also anotheer Candlestick was removed out of its place. One of the first houses that the Enemy destroyed in this place, was the House of God, which was built and set apart for the celebration of the publick Worship of God. When they had done that, they scoffed and blashemed, and came to Mr. Willard, the worthy pastor of the Church there - his house, which being fortified, they attempted not to destry it, and tauntingly said, "What will you do for a house to pray in now we have burnt your Meeting-house?" Thus hath the enemy done wickedly in the Sanctuary - they have burnt up the Synagogues of God in the Land; they have cast fire into the Sanctuary; they have cast down the dwelling place of his Name to the ground. O God, how long shall the Adversary reproach? Shall the Enemy blaspheme thy Name forever? Why withdrawest Thou thine hand, even thy right hand? Pluck it out of thy bosome. (p.24). Several accounts of the war appeared in London, England, in 1676, only a few months after the destruction of this town. They were written in New England and sent to Old England, where they were at once published in thin pamphlets. The authors of them are now unknown, but undoubtedly they gathered their materials from hearsay. At that time Indian affairs in New England attracted a good deal of attention in the mother country. One of these pamphlets is entitled: "A True Account of the most Considerable Occurrences that have happened in the War between the English and the Indians in New England, as it hath been communicated by Letters to a Friend in London." This narrative says: On the 13th of March, before our forces could return towards our parts, the Indians sent a strong party and assaulted the Town of p.29 Groton in King Philip's War. Groton, about forty miles north-west from Boston, and burned all the deserted houses; the garrisoned houses which were about ten - all escaped but one, which they carried, but not the English in it; for there was but one slain and two wounded. (p.2) Another account, entitled "A New and Further Narrative of the State of New Enland, being a continued account of the Bloody Indian War," gives the following version: - The 14th of March the savage enemy set upon a considerable town called Groughton (Groton) and burned Major Willard's House first, who with his family removed to Charlestown, and afterwards destroyed sixty-five dwelling houses more there, leaving but six houses standing in the whole town, which they likewise furiously attempted to set on fire; but being forti- fied with arms and men as garrisons, they with their shot, killed several of the enemy and prevented so much of their designe; nor do we hear that any person on our side was here either slain or taken captive. (p.4). A few pages further on it says, "Grantham and Nashaway all ruined but one house or two." (p.14) Few persons would recognize this town under the disguise of "Grantham". A third one of these London pamphlets, bearing the title of "News from New England," says: The 7th of March following, these bloddy Indians marched to a considerable town calle Groton, where they first set fire to Major Willard's house and afterwards burnt 65 more, there being seventy-two houses at first so that there was left standing but six houses of the whole town. (p.4) The details of the burning of the town are found in "A Narrative by the Reverend William Hubbard, and printed in the year 1677. It is the fullest history of the events relating to Groton appearing near the time; and very likely many of the facts were obtained from the Reverend Mr. Willard. The p.30 Groton in King Philip's War. account is not as clear as might be desired, and contains some glaring discrepancies. It is as follows: Watertown Sends Help. March 2. They assaulted Groton: the next day overnight Major Simon Willard with seventy Horse came into the town; forty foot(men) also came up to their relief from Watertown, but the Indians were all fled, having first burned all the Houses in the Town, save four that were garrisoned - the Meeting-house being the second house the fired - soon after Captain Sill was sent with a small party of Dragoons of 8 files, to fetch off the inhabi- tants of Groton and what was left from the spoil of the enemey, having under his conduct about sixty carts - (Matthias Farnsworth of Groton, stood on his hilltop overlooking the town of Groton - awaiting the arrival of those carts); being in depth from front to reer above two miles in length: when a party of Indians lying in ambush, at a place of eminent advantage, fired upon the front and mortally wounded two of the vaunt carriers, who dyed both the next night; and might (had God permitted) have done eminent damage to the whole Body, it being a full hour before the whole body could be drawne up, which was done with care and courage: but the Indians after a few more shot made without doing harm, retired, and made no further assault upon them, being the same party of Indians which the day before had burned some part of Chelmsford. Soon after this village was deserted and destroyed by the Indians - yet it was a special providence, that though the carts were guarded with so slender a convoy, yet there was not any considerable loss sustained. The Surprisal of Groton was after this manner. On March 2. The Indians came in the night and rifled eight or nine houses and carried away some cattle and alarmed the Town. On March 9. About ten in the morning a parcel of Indians, having for two days lurked in the town and taken possession of three out-houses and feasted themselves with corn, divers swine and poultry which they there seized, laid an ambush for two carts, which sent from their garrison to fetch some hay, attended with four men - two of which, espying the enemy, made a difficult escape - the other two were set upon and one of them slain, stript naked, his body mangled and dragged into the highway, and laid on his back in a most shamefull manner: the other taken captive; and afterwards sentenced to death, but the enemy not concurring in the manner of it, execution was deferred, and he, by the providence of God escaped by a bold attempt the p.31 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. night before he was designed to slaughter, and fled to the garrison at Lancaster, the cattle in both towns wounded and five of them slain outright. March 13. Was the day when the enemy came in a full body, by their own account, 400. And thought by the inhabitants to be not many fewer. The town was at this time (having been put into a fright by the sad Catastrophe of Lancaster, the next bordering town, gathered into five garrisons, four of which were so near together as to be able to command from one to the other, between which were the cattle belonging to those families driven into pastures, which afterward proved their preservation; the other was near a mile distant from the rest. This morning the Indians having in the night placed themselves in several parts of the town, made their onset; which began near the four garrisons - for a body of them having placed themselves in ambuscade, behind a hill, near one of the garrisons, two of them made discovery of themselves, as if they had stood, upon discovery. At this time divers of the people, nothing suspecting any such matter, for the day before, many had been upon discovery many miles, and found no signs of an enemy being so near - were attending their occasions, some foddering their cattle, some milking their cows of whom the Enemy might easily have made a seizure, but God prevented; they having another design at hand, as soon after appear- ed - These two Indians were at length espyed and the alarm was given - whereupon the most of the men in the next garrison and some also of the 2nd (which was about eight or nine pole distant) drew out and went to surprise these two Inians, who kept their station till our men reached the brow of the hill, then arose the ambush and discharged a volley upon them, which caused a disorderly retreat, or rather a rout, in which one was slain and three others wound- ed: meanwhile another ambush had risen and come upon the back side of the garrison so des- erted of men, and pulled down the palizadoes: The soldiery in this rout, retreated not to their own, but passed by to the next garrison - the women and children meanwhile exposed to hazard, but by the goodness of God made a safe escape to the other fortified house without any harm - leaving their possessions to the enemy, who made a prey of it and spent the residue of the day in removing the corn and household stuff (in which loss five families were impoverished) and p.32 KING PHILIP'S WAR. firing upon the other garrison; here also they took some cattle. No sooner was the signal given by the first volley of shot, but immediately in several parts of the town, at once, did the smoke arise, they setting fire to the houses. In the afternoon they used a stratagem not unlike the other, to have surprised the single garrison, but God prevented it. An old Indian if an Indian passed along the street with a black sheep on his back, with a slow pace, as one decrepit: They made several shot at him, but missed him, at which several issued out to have taken him alive, but the watchman, seasonably espying an ambush behind the house, gave the signal, whereby they were prevent- ed. Captain James Parker's Garrison. The night following the enemy lodged in the town, some of them in the garrison they had surprized, but the body of them in an adjacent valley, where they made themselves merry after their savage manner. The next morning they gave two or three volleyes at Captain James Parker's garrison & so marched off, fearing, as was thought, that help might be nigh on hand. This assault of theirs was managed with their wonted subtlety, and barbar- ous cruelty: for they stripped the body of him, whom they had slain in the first onset, and then cutting off his head, fixed it upon a pole looking towards his own lands. The corpse of the man slain the week before, they dug up out of his grave - they cut off his head and one leg and set them upon poles and stript off his winding-sheet. An infant which they found dead in the house first attacked - they cut into pieces, which after- ward they cast to the swine. There were about forty dwelling houses burnt at that time, besides other buildings. This desolation was followed with the breaking up of the town, and the scattering of the in- habitants and the removal of the candlestick, after it had been there seated for 12 years. Concerning the surprizing of Groton on March 13th. There was not anything much more material, then what is already mentioned, save only the insolency of John Monaco (or, One-Eyed John), the chief captain of the Indians in that design: who, having by a sudden surprizal early in the morning, seized upon a garrison house in one end of the town, continued in it, plundering what was there ready at hand - all that day; and at night did very familiarly in appearance, call out to Captain Parker, who was lodged in another garrison house, and entertained a great deal of discourse with him, whom he called "his old neighbour" dilating upon the cause of the War, and putting an end Insert: (Monoco alias One-eyed John, Sachem of the Nashaways, hanged at Boston Sept 26, 1676.) One-eyed John. This Christian Indian was so well known for his bravery, capacity and friendship for the English, that Philip had marked him for martyrdom and given orders accordingly to some of his lieutenants. The Governor of the Colony about the same date, commissioned him and a fellow Christian [Indian] named Job Kattenanit, from Natick, for the dangerous venture of visiting the Indian camps to bring back information of the numbers and plans of Philip's forces. These two men, the historian William Hubbard tells us, "through the woods, in the depths of winter, when the ways were impassable for any other sort of people," sought the Nipnet outposts, and "ordered their business so prudently as that they were admitted into those Indian habitations as friends and had free liberty of discourse with them." They were closely watched, how-ever, threatened, and but for a powerful friend would have been slain. In Quanapaug's own words: "Next morning I went to One-eyed John's wigwam. He said he was glad to see me: I had been his friend for many years & had helped him kill Mohaugs: and said nobody should meddle with me. I told him what was said of me. He said if any body hurt me they should die. I lay in the sagamores wigwam; and he charged his gun, and threatened any man that should offer me hurt. And this Indian told me they would fall upon Lancaster, Groton, Marlborough, Sudbury and Medfield, and that the first thing they would do should be to cut down Lancaster bridge so to hinder their flight and assistance coming to them, and they intended to fall upon them in about twenty days time from Wednesday next." [James Quanapaug's Information] p.100 Quanapaug finding that he must soon meet Philip, and having effected the the main purpose of his errand, evaded his suspicious foes by a cunning stratagem, and on the 24th, 11th mo., 1675, bought to his em-ployers, the Governor and Council, full knowledge of the hostile forces and their fell intent. The emergency demanded speedy energy; it met inaction. Rumors of coming woe meantime stirred the air in the Nashaway valley. The chief military officer, the minister, and other leading citizens went to the Bay to awaken the Council from their lethargy and beg for help. It was too late. February 9th 1675/6, about ten o'clock at night, Job Kattenanit, the second spy, completely exhausted, dragged himself to Major Gookin's door in Cambridge. He had deserted wife and children, and alone travelled upon snow shoes through the pathless wilderness from New Braintree, a terribly fatiguing march of eighty miles, to save his English friends. James Quanapaug had foretold that on the morrow the blow would be struck at Lancaster. Let Daniel Gookin tell Job's story and the fulfillment of the prophecy. Daniel Gookin: "He brought tidings that before he came from the enemy at Menemesse, a party of Indians, about four hundred, were marched forth to attack and burn Lancaster, and on the morrow, which was February 10th they would attempt it. This time exactly suited with James his information before hinted, which was not then credited as it should have been; and consequently no so good means used to prevent it or at least to have lain in ambushments for the enemy. As soon as Major Gookin understood this tidings by Job, he rose out of his bed and, advising with Mr. Danforth one of the Council that lived near him, they despatched away post in the night to Marlborough Concord and Lancaster, ordering forces to surround Lancaster with all speed. The posts were at Marlborough by break of day and Capt. Wadsworth with about forty soldiers marched away as speedily as he could possibly to Lancaster (which was ten miles distant). But before he got there the enemy had set fire on the bridge. But Capt. Wadsworth got over and beat off the enemy, recovering a garrison house, that stood near another bridge, belonging to Capt. Stevens, and so through God's favor prevented the enemy from cutting off the garrison, God strangely preserving that handful with Capt. Wadsworth, for the enemy were numerous, about four hundred, and lay in ambushment for him on the common road, but his guides conducted him in a private way and so they got safe to Cyprian Stevens, his garrison house very near the other only bridge and a little ground parting them. This house burnt was the minister's house Mr. Rowlandson wherein were slain and taken captive about forty persons, the minister's wife and children amongst them. [Daniel Gookin's History of the Praying Indians] Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth p.33 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. One-eyed John. putting an end to it by friendly peace: yet often mixing bitter sarcasmes, with several blasphemous scoffs and taunts at their praying and worshipping God in their meeting-house, which he deridingly said he had burned. Among other things which he boastingly uttered that night, he said he burnt Medfield (though it be not known whether he was there hims self). and Lancaster, and that and that now he would burnt the town of Groton, and the next time, he would burn Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, Cambridge, Charlestown, Roxbury, Boston - adding at last in his dialect: "What me will - will do" not unlike the proud Assyrian (if his power had been equal to his pride) sometime threatened against Jerusalem, but was by remarkable providence of God, so confounded within a few months after, that he was bereft of his four hundred and fourscore (of which he now boasted) and only with a few more bragadozio's like himself, Samagmore Sam, old Jethro, and the sagamore of Quoboag, were taken by the English and was seen (not long before the writing of this, marching towards the gallows, through Boston streets, which he threatened to burn at his pleasure, with a halter around his neck, with which he was hanged at Boston's end, September 26 in the year 1676. So let thine enemies perish, O Lord, and such contempt be poured on them all that open their mouths to blaspheme thy Holy name. Things looked with a pretty sad face about those parts at this time; "yet though the righteous fall seven times, let not their enemies rejoyce, for the righteous shall rise again, but their wicked enemies shall fall into misery and rise no more." It was ebbing water with New England at this time and a while after; but God shall turn the stream before it be long, and bring down their enemies to lick the dust before them. Capt. James Parker kills two Indians. After this April 16, Captain Sill, being appointed to keep a garrison at Groton, some Indians that came to hunt for swine - three Indians drew near the garrison house, suppos- ing it to have been deserted - and two of them were slain by one single shot made by Captain James Parker's own hands and the third by another shot made from the garrison. (pp. 72-76) The following paragraph is take from "A Table" in Hubbard's Narrative and is found on the 4th page after p.132: p.34 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. "Groton, surprised March 2nd as is related p.60 & p. 61. (72-76?) the place consisting of about 60 families, was soon after deserted, yet are there 14 or 15 houses left standing to this day, though not inhabited for the present. Insert: The Original Proprietors of Groton & Acre Rights. Source: The History of Groton by Caleb Butler. pp.26-27. Capt. James Parker 50 acre right William Martin 20 Sargeant John Lakin 20 Lieutenant William Lakin 20 Robert Blood 20 Richard Blood 60 James Blood 20 Joseph Blood 10 Timothy Allen 20 John Page 20 William Longley, Sen'r. 30 John Longley 10 Samuel Davis 20 Matthias Farnsworth, Sen'r. 20 Thomas Tarbell, Sen'r. 20 Richard Sawtell 20 James Fiske 20 John Lawrence 20 Richard Holden 18 Simon Stone 18 p.27 John Nutting 17 James Knap 15 John Clary 15 Ralph Read 15 Elias Barron 15 Joseph Parker 20 John Morse 12 Nathaniel Lawrence 10 Daniel Pearce 10 William Green 14 Samuel Woods 11 Thomas Boyden 7 John Barron 7 James Robinson 7 Benjamin Garfield 10 Christopher Hall 10 Joseph Morse 5 William Ellis 5 Jonathan Sawtell 5 Jonathan Crisp 8 Joshua Whitney 8 Jacob Ong 6 Thomas Tarbell, Jun'r 6 Joseph Lawrence 5 John Parish 5 Joseph Gilson 9 Thomas Williams 5 Justinian Holden 7 Zachariah Sawtell 10 Rev. Samuel Willard 20 ____ Total 755. p.34 Continued - Groton In King Philip's War. I (author) am inclined to think that the first paragraph in this account was written soon after the occurence of the events, before the details were fully known, and that the remainder of the narrative was made up from more trustworthy sources. All, after the 2nd paragraph, beginning with "The Surprisall of Groton," is presumeably accurate and may have been written after conference with persons knowing the facts. At any rate, the first paragraph is very confusing, and it is impossible now to explain the incon- sistencies. Caleb Butler, in his "History of Groton," has endeavored to reconcile them. He says: "In order to make this narrative consistent with itself, as to time and a regular success- ion of events, as they happened, conjecture and explanations are necessaryl - it seems there were three attacks on Groton - one on the 2nd of March, one on the 9th and the 3rd and principal one on the 13th. On the 2nd of March the Indians rifled houses, carried away cattle, etc. On the 9th, feasted on swine, poultry, etc., killed one made and made another man captive, who afterwards escaped to Lancaster; and on the 13th the Indians burned the town, killed one man, and wounded three men. After this, the inhabitants re- moved to Concord. The words in the first paragraph, under date of March 2nd, "the next day over night," are evidently a misprint. Major Simon Willard with seventy horse and forty foot from Watertown, could not have come to the relief of the town upon such short notice. Besides, it is said, "the Indians had all fled, having burnt all the houses in Groton, except four garrisons." Now, this did not happen until the 13th. Suppose we read instead of "next day over night," next day fort- night; then Major Simon Willard would have arrived on the 17th, when, to be sure, the Indians had all fled. The first paragraph gives only the general result of the principal attach, and the particulars of the removal of the inhabitants. Then, in the second para- graph, the author gives p.35 GROTON IN KING PHILIPS wAR. the account of the first attack, and in the third paragraph, under date of March 9th, the particulars of the second attack; the last clause in this paragraph seems to have no conn- ection with the rest. Then follow the particulars of the third attack, on the 13th, and the departure of the enemy on the 14th. The "place of eminent advantage," where the Indians fired on the teams which were carrying off the inhabitants under Captain Sill, is said to be "The Ridges." (pp. 81, 82) The ambush mentioned by Hubbard - "Ambuscado" as he calls it, lay probably back of the hill behind Governor Boutwell's house and it was on the hill that the two Indians were discovered. The valley where the savages made themselves merry on the night after their assault, may have been easterly of the cemetery. The savages fired shot at Capt. James Parker's house. They carried off as prisoner, John Morse, the Town Clerk of Groton. The Indians were a cowardly set and never attacked in open field. They never charged on works in regular column, but depended rather on craft or cunning, to defeat their adversary. The red Hellhounds - as they were sometimes called by our pious forefathers, were always ready to attack women and children, but afraid to meet men. The main body of the savages passed the night following the final attack in "an adjacent valley," which cannot now be easily identified but some of them lodged in the garrison-house which they had taken; and the next morning, after firing two or three volleys at Captain James Parker's house, they departed. They carried off a prisoner - John Morse, the Town Clerk, who was ransomed a short time afterward. The following reference to John Morse, in an undated letter, written by the Rev. Thomas Cobbet, to Rev. Increase Mather, shows very clearly the time of his release from captivity: "May ye 12th 1676 - Good wife Divoll and Good wife Kettle upon ransom paid, came into Concord & upon like ransom, presently after John Moss of Groton & Lieut. Kerley's dau. of Lancaster were set at liberty and 9 more, without ransom. (Mather Manuscripts in the Prince Collection at the Boston Public Library. I.76) p.36 King Philip's War. The ransom for John Morse was paid by John Hubbard, of Boston, and amounted to "about five pounds." Morse's petition to the Council, to have Hubbard reimbursed, is as follows: "To the Honored Council at Boston, August 17th, 1676. The humble Petition of John Morse. Sheweth that your petitioner being an inhabitant of Groton; hath together, with many others, been deprived of his Estate by the calamity of the warr; and himselfe carried away captive by the Enemy and about five pounds in money laide down by Mr. John Hubbard of Boston for his ransom, and understanding that there hath been some stock raised by a contribution towards the ransoming of the captives - your petitioner doth humbly pray that he may be considered in the distribution of the said stock and that Mr. Hubbard may be reimbursed thereout; he having not his own wherewith to pay him and your petition- er shall be ever thankfully ackowledge your Honors ffavor therein and for ever prayer. This petition is Granted - 17 August 1676: per Council: E.R.S. Massachusetts Archives, LXIX. 48. Date the Town of Groton was Abandoned. A few days passed after the final assault on the Town before it was abandoned altogether by the settlers. Hubbard says that when the inhabitants, under convoy of some dragoons, left the place, they were attacked by a small party of Indians who the day before had burned a part of Chelmsford. The date of the affair at Chelmsford was, according to Hubbard's Narrative (p.83, verso), about March 18, and this fact helps to fix the time when the town was abandoned; although in another place, in "A Table" on the fifth un- numbered page after page 132, he says that it occurred in the beginning of April. A garrison, however, was still maintained here for some weeks later, under the command of Captain Joseph Sill of Cambridge; and from it three Indians were killed on April 17th - two of them by a single shot made by p.37 KING PHILIP'S WAR. the Captain himself, and the third by one of his men. Soon afterward it was given up as a military post. The following orders relate to supplying it with ammunition: It is ordered that twelve pounds of powder with shot answerable be delivered to the Committee of Militia of Chelmsford for so much lent by them out of their store, to Capt. Sill at Groton. And it is further ordered that the Commisary's Mr. Jno. Faireweather convey over to ye Constable at Charlestown, half a barrel of powder & propoytionable shot to be delivered to the persons appointed: to carry the same, to Captain Scyll at Groton: together with twelve pounds of powder with shot answerable to be conveyed & delivered to ye Committee of militia of Chelmsford for so much lent by them to Captain Scyll for the Country's Service. Edward Rawson, Secretary. 22 Aprill 1676. To the Constables of Charlestown. These require you, in his Majesty's name forthwith on sight hereof to impresse two able men completely armed with four days provision and two very substantial horses, bridles and sadles & well shod, to convey & carry the ammunition to Chelmsford & Groton & deliver the same to Captain Scill: as Commissary Faireweather shall direct, making your returne hereof dated in Boston the 22nd of April, 1676. By ye Council. Edward Rawson, Secretary. Deacon Elliot. You are ordered to deliver two of the country's horses the best you have in your hands, to Constable Mousall for ye ends above expressed. 22 April 1676. By ye Council. Edw. Rawson, Secretary. Ye substance of this as to horses was delivered to ye Constable of Malden & Woburn for its end. E.R.S. [Massachusetts Archives, LXVIII.221.] p.38 Groton During the Indian Wars. The following petition and depositions are found among the Shattuck Manuscripts and refer to this period. "Alse" Woods was Alice, the wife of Samuel Woods. To the Right Honorable, the Governor & Council sitting in Boston. DANIEL ADDAMS. The Petition of Daniel Addams humbly sheweth that your Petitioner went out as a volunt- eer: upon the scout: from Concord, in company with some of Concord and some of Lancaster: and they, coming to Groton, your petitioner there killed an Indian: and hath received no wages from the country for any service that he hath done: notwithstanding he hath been out upon the same account several times, both the last summer and the last winter and is now goeing out againe under the Command of Lieut. Curtis. Your petitioner therefore humbly requests the favor of your Honors to consider the premises and to grant him an order to the Treasurer for his satisfaction according as the Law allows in that case - so shall he be ever engaged to pray, etc. Daniell Addams. (Endorsed) The Petition of Daniell Addams. Aprill 21, 1676. Att Groton the 14th of March 1676 there was Daniell Adams whoe was very helpefull to the towne of Groton with some others of Lancaster and the said Daniell Adams did kill one Indian at Mr. Willard's garrison. Witness: John Cadye and Samuel Woods we whoe see him fall to the ground and not rise againe. As witness Nicholas Cadye. Samuell Woods of Grotten, aged about forty years, witness that he saw two Indians standing upon Captain James Parker's land at Groton and Daniel Adams shot at them - one of them fell downe and the other ran away. 17: day of 2nd month: 1676. The mark - T of Samuell Woods. Also, Woods, aged about forty years testified and sayeth that at Groton upon the day that the most of the Town was burned by the p.39 Groton in King Philip's War. Indians - she heard severall say that Daniell Adams had killed an Indian, and she went up presently into Mr. Willard's Garritt & saw two Indians standing over a dead Indian about halfe an hour & then they carried him away and further saith not. The mark O of Alse Woods. The spring of 1676 was a critical season for the frontier towns of Massachusetts. During the war some of them had been destroyed, others threatened and all had been alarmed. A proposition was brought before the Council for the better protection of the towns in Middlesex County, and referred to a special committee. It will be noticed that the order of the Council was dated two days after the burning of Groton, though it was probably under consideration before the destruction of the town. But the report made by the committee was written a fortnight later. The particulars of this proposition are not now known, but they can be learned inferentially from the report, which is as follows: Cambridge - January 28, 1676. In obedience to an order of the Honored Council, March 15th, 1675/76: appointing us whose names are under written, as a Committee to consult ye several townes of ye County of Middlesex, with reference to ye best means of the preservation of our out-townes, remote houses and farmes, for their planting and security from ye common enemy. We, having sent to ye several townes to send us their apprehensions by some meat per- son of each towne, this day we consulted concerning ye same, and have concluded to propose the followeth: 1. That ye townes of Sudbury, Concord and Chelmsford be strengthened with forty men apiece, which said men are to be improved in scouting between towne and towne, who are to be commanded by men of prudence, courage and interest in ye said townes and ye parties in each towne are to be order- ed to keepe together in some place commodious in ye said townes, and not in garrison houses: and these men to be upon ye towne charge of ye country. Billerica. 2. That for ye security of Billerica there be a garrison of a number competent at Weymessit, who may raise a thousand bushels of corn p.40 King Philip's War. upon ye land of ye Indians in that place may be improved daily in scouting and ranging ye woods between Weymissitt & Andover and on ye west of Concord River on ye east and north of Chelmsford, which will discover ye enemy before he comes to ye townes, and prevent lurking Indians about our townes. Also they shall be in a readyness to your succour of any of the three townes at any time when in dis- tress. Also shall be ready to joyne with others, to follow ye enemy, upon a sudden, after their appearing. 3. That such townes as Lancaster, Groton & Marlborough that are forced to remove: and have not some advantage of settlement (peculiar) in ye Bay, be ordered to settle at ye frontier townes that remain for their strengthening, and ye people of ye said townes to which they are appoint- ed, are to see to their accommodations, in ye said townes. 4. That ye said townes have their owne men returned, that are abroad, and their men freed from impress, during their present state. 5. That there be appointed a select number of persons in each towne of Middlesex who are upon any information of the distress of any towne, forth- with to repaire to the relief thereof and that such information may be seasonable, the townes are to dispatch posts - each towne to ye next towne, til notice be conveyed over ye whole County, if need be. And in reference to ye line of stockades or stone works, proposed to or serious consideration, after our best advice upon it, it is conceived by ourselves and by all ye persons sent by ye several townes, that it is not advisable, for ye following reasons: 1. The excessive charge to effect it, maintain and keep it, the line being conceived by those that know it best, to be longer than is proposed, neither can several ponds fall in ye said line, unless it be run so crooked that it will be more disadvantage than profit. 2. The length of time before it can be accomplished, in which time it is to be feared that many of ye towns included, will be depopulated, unless other means prevent. 3. The damage it will be in taking off laborers, which in this season of ye year had need be improved in sowing and planting, help in many places being very scarce. Ult: Ye uselessness of it when it is done, it being so easy a matter to break through it, and ye Rivers which are to fence a great part of these townes are fordable, in several places, and in all other places passable p.41 Groton During the Indian Wars. by rafts, etc., which is much in use with ye Indians at this day, we might add ye great discontent and murmuring of ye people in general so far as we have had opportunity to discourse, concerning it. That we fear that imposing such a thing, would effect an ill consequence. These things considered, besides several reasons of weight that might be added, cause us to present our apprehensions as in the first place, we did that the drawing of this line at this time is not advisable. But all with humble submission to your Honors in this case. Your humble servants: Hugh Mason Jonathan Danforth Richard Lowden Endorsed. Return of Middlesex Committee January 28, 1676. There was another proposition at this time before the Council, somewhat wider in its scope and later by a few days in its date, which may have been akin to the one just mentioned and considered by this Committee, although it relates in no way to Groton. It was proposed to build a stockade or stone wall eight feet high, form the Charles River to Concord - a distance of twelve miles, more or less - as a defence against the Indians. This line, in connection with the Concord and the Merrimack Rivers, it was thought, would form a barrier against the savages and protect all the towns lying within the district. This complicated system of defence was favor- ed by the Council and deemed sufficiently feasible to be referred to a Board of twenty commissioners, appointed respectively by the towns most interest in the matter. The document giving the details of the affair is as follows: At a Council held in Boston, March 23, 1675/6. Wheras several considerable persons, have made application to us and proposed it as a very necessary expedient for the public welfare, and particularly for the security of the whole County of Essex and a great part of Middlesex, from in- roads of the common enemy, that a line or p.42 KING PHILIP'S WAR. fence of stockades or stones, as the matter best suiteth, to be made about eight feet high; extending from the Charles River, where it is navigable, unto Concord River, not far from George Farley's house, (living in Billerica) which fence (as ye Council is informed) is not in length above twelve miles; a good part whereof is already done by large ponds, that will conveniently fall in the line and upon this fence several inhabitants of Watertown, Cambridge, Woburn & Billerica, are already seated; as is judged about halfe the distance, and upon Merrimack River on the west side are planted the towns of Andover, Wamesit, Bradford & Newbury, unto the sea, and upon Charles River are planted a part of Watertown, Cambridge & Charlestown unto the Bay; by which means the whole tract will be environed, for the security and safety, under God, of the people, their houses, goods and cattle; from the rage and fury of the enemy. For the prosecuting this proposal, to effect, (which the Council apprehends is of great concernment. It is ordered that the several towns falling within this tract above mentioned, viz: Salem, Charlestown, Cambridge, Watertown, Ipswich, Newbury, Rowley, Lynne, Andover, Topsfield, Redding, Woburn, Malden, Billerica, Gloucester, Beverly, Wenham, Manchester, Bradford and Medford - doe each of them choose one able and fit man as their commission- er which commissioners are all ordered to meet at Cambridge upon the last day of March, at eight of the clock in the morning and from thence proceed, taking such guides and helpers as are necessary and take an exact survey of the place proposed for this line and to offer unto the Counsel in writing an expedient how the same may be prosecuted and effected and what proportion will fall unto every towne included within the same (wherein respect is to be; and to the quality of estates and number of inhabitants, within the said townes, and also to propose ways and methods how the said line or fence shall be made, maintained, defended - for the ends intended, and that the returne to be made to the Counsel as soon as may be. And the council do further declare and promise that they are and will be ready at all times to promote and encourage this affair, and to make such further orders and give such other directions as may best conduce to the effectual prosecution and finishing the said worke: providing all ways & it is hereby intended that all charges respect- ing this affair be defrayed, the the inhabitants included within this line p.43 King Philip's War. according to a due and equal proportion; as the said Commissioners or the greater number of ye shall determine; and this Order is to bee forthwith printed and sent by the Secretary; to the Constables and Selectmen of any of ye townes above named to be put in execution accordingly. By ye Council. Edward Rawson, Secretary. [Massachusetts Archives, LXVIII. 174.] Groton's Population. The population of Groton at the time of its destruction was about three hundred inhabitants. The Reverend Mr. Hubbard, in his narrative, estimates the number of families at sixty, and five persons to a family may be considered a fair average. The same authority says that there were forty dwelling-houses, besides other build- ings, burned in this Indian assault, and only fourteen or fifteen houses left stand- ing. JOHN NUTTING AND TIMOTHY COOPER KILLED. JOHN MORSE, RANSOMED. Fortunately the loss of life or limb on the part of the inhabitants of the town was small, and it is not known that more than three persons were killed - of whom one was Timothy Cooper, and another without doubt was John Nutting, and three wounded; two were made prisoners, of whom one escaped from the savages and reached Lancaster, and the other, John Morse was ransomed. The lot of these early settlers was indeed hard and bitter; they had seeen their houses destroyed and their cattle killed, leaving them nothing to live on. Their alternative now was to abandon the plantation, which they did with much sadness and sorrow. The settlement was broken up and the inhabitants scattered in different directions, among their friends and their kindred. According to Reverend Elias Nason, in his "History of the Town of Dunstable, Mass.": Hound Meadow Hill, the northwesterly section of the town (of Dunstable) is said to have received its name from the circumstance that when Groton was assaulted by the Indians during King Philip's War, a pack of hounds, owned by the English, pursued a party of the savages to this eminence, on which two of them were slain. (p.69) p.44 Groton in King Philip's War. In the autumn of 1879, the town of Groton erected a monument to commemorate the site of the Meeting-House, which was burned during the assault. It bears the follow- ing inscription: Near This Spot STOOD THE FIRST MEETING HOUSE OF GROTON Built in 1666 AND BURNT BY THE INDIANS March 13, 1676. The monument, in connection with two others, was dedicated by appropriate exercises in the Town Hall, on February 20, 1880, when an historical address was delivered and subsequently printed. The following list of soldiers who served in the garrisons at Groton during King Philip's War, is given in "A Journal pertaining to the Colony of Massachusits" kept by John Hull, Treasurer of the Colony, and is now in the Library of the New England Historic Genealog- ical Society. The respective dates refer to the time when the men were paid in Boston, and not necessarily to the time of their service. The figures within the parentheses in- dicate the page of the Journal where the name is found. List of soldiers who served in the garrisons at Groton during King Philip's War. November 9, 1675. £ s d Samuel Read (54) 01 16 00 John Bush (54) 03 07 08 Samuel Bull (54) 02 04 06 John Largin (Lakin?) (54) 02 02 00 Timothy Forgly (54) 00 04 04 Samuel Whitney (54) 00 04 04 November 30, 1675. Thomas Chamberlain (62) 02 09 08 Jeremiah Morse (62) * * * p.45 Thomas Bancroft (62) * * * John Wood (62) 01 10 * Josiah Wheeler (62) 02 12 02 Hugh Taylor (62) 03 01 08 Jacob Dane (62) 03 00 00 David Church (62) 04 10 00 Shuball Sternes (62) 03 00 00 Thomas Wood (62) 03 01 00 William Gill (62) 03 07 08 John Hawes (62) 01 10 00 Onesiphorus Stanley (62) 03 05 02 John Damon (62) 03 01 08 Daniel Starling (62) 03 03 04 Jonathan Sprague (62) 03 00 00 Thomas Dunnell (62) 03 00 00 Jacob Winslow (62) 03 06 00 Pelatiah Smith (62) 03 00 00 Thomas Micheson (63) 03 05 02 December 20, 1675. John Codington (101) 01 15 02 Jonathan Parker (101) 03 08 00 Ephraim Bemish (101) 03 08 04 Timothy Frogly (101) 01 16 00 John Tedd (101) 03 06 00 Samuel Hagar (101) 03 06 00 Israel Hill (101) 02 06 02 Daniel Canada (101) 04 10 00 Nathaniel Domton (101) 03 00 00 Seabread Taylor (101) 03 00 00 Thomas Frost (101) 03 12 00 Samuel Allen (101) 03 09 04 William Doule (101) 03 00 00 William Halford (101) 03 18 00 January 25, 1675-6. Benjamin Simons (130) 02 08 00 Lot Johnson (130) 03 00 00 p.46 Groton in King Philip's War. Samuel Bull (130) 02 02 00 Samuel Cleaveland (130) 02 08 00 Daniel Canada (130) 00 18 00 Jacob Dane (130) 00 18 00 Jeremiah Moss (130) 00 06 00 Simon Stone (130) 03 18 00 Samuel Hager (130) 00 18 00 Ephraim Bemis (130) 00 12 00 Subaell Stearnes (130) 01 10 00 Thomas Frost (131) 01 10 00 Timothy Frogly (131) 00 07 00 David Church (131) 01 06 06 February 29, 1675-6. Nath Hill (154) "Under Capt. Wheeler & at Groton Garrison" 01 12 10 Jonathan Hill (154) 01 12 10 Joseph Foster (154) 01 12 10 John Waldo (154) 01 12 10 Francis Dudly (154) 01 12 10 Samuel Fletcher, Sr. (154) 01 04 05 Samuel Fletcher, Jr. (154) 01 12 10 Eleazer Brown (154) 01 19 04 Cyprian Stevens (154) 00 14 03 Benjamin Graves (154) 01 19 04 John Bates (154) 01 12 10 Stephen Goble (154) 01 12 10 April 24, 1676. Thomas Foster (216) 03 00 00 Eleazer Ball (216) 00 06 00 Jonathan Crisp (216) 02 10 06 Daniel Adams (216) 00 06 10 June 24, 1676. Zachary Crispe (239) 02 15 08 Matthias Smith (246) 01 06 06 Nathaniel Green (246) 01 12 06 p.47 KING PHILIP'S WAR. William Clough (246) 01 06 06 John Goff (246) 01 11 00 John Cheever (246) 01 11 00 Edmund Gage (246) 01 06 06 William Bordman (246) 01 02 03 Benjamin Graves (246) 00 10 00 John Hands (246) 01 06 06 Morris Trulove (246) 01 06 06 Joseph Pollard (246) 01 11 00 Moses Wheat (262) 02 08 00 Humphry Millard (262) 00 06 10 Thomas Region (262) 02 14 00 Timothy Cutler (262) 02 08 08 Richard Griffeth (262) 01 16 00 July 24, 1676. Richard Pasmore (338) 04 04 00 John Bush (338) 01 02 00 John Potter (338) 01 04 00 Major Simon Willard (338) 00 19 03 SPRING, 1678 - THE OLD SETTLERS RETURN TO GROTON. In the early spring of 1678, just two years after the attack, the old settlers returned to re-establish the town of Groton. Undaunted by their bitter experiences, they came back to begin life anew in the wilderness, with all its attendant hardships. It does not appear that the inhabitants were molested by the Indians during this period, to any great degree, but they were by no means living lives of ease or security. The following Petition to the General Court, one year after their return to the old settlement at Groton, gives a good idea of the situation and circumstances: The humble petition and request of the greater number of the former inhabitants of ye Towne of Groton: JAMES PARKER'S LETTER TO THE GENERAL COURT after the burning of Groton, Indian Wars. 1679. Humbly sheweth to the Honored General Court sitting in Boston: as followeth, viz: We who have been great sufferers, in the late p.48 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. wars by our heathenish enemyes, as is well knowne to all: etc by which we have been en- forced to flye before our enemies; to our great & grievous loss, and trouble. By ye good hand of God to us, have had muchrepreaue & respitt, as we have many of us had ye liberty and oppertunity to returne to the places, though not ye houses of our former abode. And now being under & exercised with many & great difficultyes; apprehending it our duty, to address ourselves; not only to our heavenly Father; but earthly fathers also, in this our need: do humbly begg our case may be seriously considered and weighed & that some direct- ion and releife may be afforded unto us. Some of us, ye inhabitants have ventured: our lives, some while since, to returne againe, and many others have followed us, whose welcome company is rejoycing unto us. Yet our poverty & the non-residence of others, doth occasion us great unavoidable trouble. We have, through God's goodnesse & blessing our endeavours & attempts - procured & obtained the ministry of ye Word among us; & have been at some considerable charge about it. And are willing (God please) to keep, & maintaine it among us. But there is some discouragements, upon sundrey accounts. We have had several towne meetings to consult the good & the wel- fare of the towne & place and how things may be carried on, as to defraying publique charges, and it hath been, voted in our meetings (our visible estate being small) to lay it on ye hands, that so an equality in some respect might be reached unto. This by ye most judged to be the present best, yea, ye onley present possible way for us to proceed in which we de- sire your honoured selves to put the countenance of authority upon. As also that our late dreadfull suffering ruines, and impoverishments may by your honoured selves be so far mind- ed and considered, that we may for the present (until we a little recover ourselves) be released from Country charges. We would be rightly understood, as to our first request that the way by lands accomodations for the levying towne charges may be stated but for ye pres- ent few years, till God, by his providence may alter our capacity & condition. Thus craving pardon for this boldnesse - that successe & a blessing may attend you in all your affaires; That God will accomplish his promises and build ye waste places, set up His House & Ordinances, whence they have been removed - delight to build & plant us againe and not to pull us downe & p.49 JAMES PARKER'S LETTER TO THE GENERAL COURT pluck us up that we may yett see this, our Jerusalem, a quiet habitation. Thus prayeth your humble & unworthy petitioner: James Parker, Selectman & Clarke (clerk) in ye name of ye rest. At a Towne Meeting at Groton May 20th, 1679 - There read & voted by the Inhabitants. [Massachusetts Archves, LXIX 224] p.50 Groton, King Philips War. Letter from Captain James Parker. ye other side of the Merrimack River; hunting with his daugher with him, up the river over against Southegan, on the 22nd day of this instant, about ten of the clock in ye morning; he discovered 15 Indians on this side of the river, which he supposed to be Mohawks by their speach - he called to them - they answered but he coult not under- stand their speach - and he, having a canoe there on the river, he went to went to break his canoe that they might not have the use of it, in ye meantime they shot about thirty guns at him and he, bening much frightened, fled and went home, forth- with with to Nahamcook where their wigwams now stand - Not else at present, but I remain your servent to Command. James Parker. Received the 9th night - Answered the 24 - March 1676. Subscription: To the Honored Governor and Council at Boston Hast Post Hast. p.51 CHAPTER II. GROTON IN KING WILLIMAS WAR. I. After King Philip's War, the colonists were at peach with the Indians, but it was a suspicious kind of peace. It required watching and a show of strength to keep it; there was no good-will between the Indians and the white intruders. The savages, at best, made bad neighbors; they were threacherous and were addicted to drink. The following entries in the town records show that they were a shiftless and drunken set. January 31, 1681. It was agreed upon, by the Selectmen that the Indian shall be warned out of the Town forthwith and if they shall neglect the warning and if any of them be taken drunk or in drinke or with drinke, then these persons are to be seized and brought to before the Selectmen - either by the Constable or by any other person, and punished accord- ing as the Law doth direct, and the informer shall be satisfied for his pains. March 28, 1682. Sargent Lakin. Two Indian sqaws being apprehended in drinke & with drinke brought to ye Selectmen, one sqaw, Nehatchechin, being drunk, was sentenced to receive and did receive ten stripes and the other Indian, John Nasquuns was sentenced to pay three pounds & four shillings cash and loose her two quart bottle, and the liquor in it was award- ed Sargent Lakin, who seived them. p.52 GROTON IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR. Capt. Francis Nicholson. Captain Francis Nicholson, writing from Boston to London, England, August 31, 1688, speaks of the feelings here at that time. He says: "Att night, August 19th, I came to Dunstable, about 30 miles from hence, from thence I sent two English men and an Indian to Penecooke, being sixty miles up the river Merrimack; the men told me they should be three days in the doing of it; so the next day I went to Groton and Lancaster, where the people were very much afraid (being out- towns) but I told them, as I did at other places, that they should not be so much down- cast, for that they had the happiness of being subjects of a victorious King, who could protect them from all their enemies." [Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, III. 551.] DUNSTABLE. Dunstable was formerly a very large township and it original territory now incluses several towns, mostly in New Hampshire. The earliest settled parts of it come within the present limits of Nashua. The following letter is preserved among the (Lemuel) Shattuck Manuscripts, and shows that the condition of the town was still unsettled. It gives, in a few words, a good insight of the situation of affairs at Groton at that time: Groton. July 16, 1689. To the Honored Governor and Council and Representatives: These lines show the Request of your humble servants, the inhabitants of the Towne of Groton, and over present un- settled and almost deserted condition; we nake bold to trouble you once more; craving your advice and assistance if it may be obtained, that we may go on with our busi- ness; to get in our harvest and do other necessary work: the barers hereof: James Knop and James Parker, Jun'r, are full able to aquaint the Honored Council over conditions both in military and other cases; in the Towne; our officers are bby the new choice: (Military Officers at Groton at that time:) James Parker, Sr., Captain. Jonas Prescott, Lieutenant. John Lakin, Ensign. per Order of the Towne of Groton. By Josiah Parker, Town Clerk. p.53 GROTON IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR. James Parker and James Knapp. July 17, 1689. The Commissioned Officers nominated as above, are allowed & confirmed by God and Council. And they do order Captain Prout to deliver unto James Knapp and to James Parker for ye use of said Town, forty pounds of powder and one hundred weight of lead (ammunition), their bill to repay it again into ye store, in some convenient time. And do also appoint the Major of ye Lower Regiment of ye Command, to order ye impress- ing of ten soldiers in a meet proportion out of ye severall Companies under his comm- and. To be sent as soone as may be, for their relief. By Order of ye Governor's Councill. Israel Addington, Secretary. [Endorsed] Groton Military Officers. past July 17, 1689. Groton's Military Co. under Command of Capt. Jacob Moore. James Parker, Captain Jonas Prescott, Lieutenant. John Lakin, Ensign. The military company of Groton was still kept up, and was known as "the Foot Company" and, during a part of the year 1689, was supported by some cavalry - the command of Captain Jacob Moore, Captain James Parker (senior) was appointed its Captain; Jonas Prescott, Lieutenant, and John Lakin, Ensign. And these appointments were confirmed by the Governor and Council at a convention held in Boston, July 13, 1689. A month later, on August 10, 1689, Captain James Parker was ordered to supply Hezekiah Usher's garrison at Nonacoius, with "three men of the men sent up thither, or of Groton's town people, for ye defence of ye garrison being of publique concernment." Groton was one of the four towns that were designated, August 29, 1689, as the headquarters of the forces detached for the public service against the common enemy - Casco, Maine, Newichewanick, Maine (Berwick) and Haverhill, Mass., being the others. The Middlesex Upper Regiment and the Suffolk Horse Company, were stationed here; and soon afterward is recored as an order to send "to the head quarters at Groton for supply of the garri- son there, one thousand weight of bread, one barrell of salt, one barrell of gun powder, three hundred weight of shot and three hundred flints - six quire of paper." CORNET JOHN CHUBBUCK. p.54 Eleven troopers were sent to this post, September 17, 1689 under Cornet John Chubbuck, in order to relieve Corp. Ebenezer White & his command. A fortnight later, Cornet Chubbuck was succeeded by John Pratt. [Archives, LXXXI. 24, 60, 63, 67, 74, 81.] The commissary of the post at this time was Jonathan Remington, who seems to have had but little duty to perform. Shortly afterward, the order came from the Governor and Council to discharge him, as well as Captain Moore and his company of cavalry, from the public service. The records is as follows: Upon information there is but little work for a Commissary at Groton - the Representa- tives do agree to order that the Commissary there, be discharged from said employment: Ordered by the Representatives that Captain Jacob Moore with his Company at Groton be forth with drawne off and discharged desiring the Honorable Governor's Council consent. November 6th, 1689: Ebenezer Prout, Clerk. Consented to by the Governor & Council. Israel Addington, Secretary. [Massachusetts Archives, XXXV.71,73.] Jeremy Sweyne writes, from "Berwick at Salmon Falls. October 15, 1689.": Captain Wiswell with ye biggest part of his part of his company, scouted up westward into ye chestnut woods, four dayes, but found none of ye enemy nor yet where they have been, it is supposed that small party of Indians may be in ye Chestnut country beyond Groton ... [Massachusetts Archives, XXXV. 56.] JOHN PAIGE. John Paige of Groton, went in the expedition to Canada in the year 1690, under Major Wade; he was wounded in the left arm, and did not entirely recover for two years. His surgeon's bill, amounting to seven pounds, was paid out of the public treasury. The petition in his behalf, now among the Shattuck Manuscripts, is as follows: p.55 GROTON IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR. To his Excellency Sir William Phips, Knight, Captain Generall and Governor in chiefe of their Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, and Honored Council and Representatives thereof, now assembled in General Court, sitting at Boston, ffebruary 23d 1693/4. The petition of John Paige of Groton, for himself and in behalf of his son John Paige, who was a soldier under the command of Major Wade in the late Expedition to Canada against ye common enemy - Humbly sheweth that your Petioner's son, the said John Paige att Canada received a grevious wound in his left arme, of which after his returne home, he lay lame under the Chyurgeons hand for the space of twelve months and upwards, before he gatt cure, and after he gatt cure, was a twelve months more before he could doe or performe any reasonable bodily labour to procure himself a Lively hood. That your petitioner's sons cure came to Seven pounds which your petitioner undertooke the payment of to the Chyrurgeon, and of which he hath only received from the country thirty shillings, witch was soe much allowed and ordered by the Committee formerly appointed to inspect ye affaires of Canada wounded men - his son being att that time under cure, but was not cured till a very considerable time after and soe had said thirty shillings allowed him for payment of ye Chyrugeon for what he had done, to that time. Now, for asmuch as your Petitioner hath formerly made application to your Excellency and this honored Court, referring to ye premisses but nothing hither haveing therein been done, yet hopes you will not deal by his son worse then by others of ye wounded men. Your petitioner therefore, for himself and in behalf of his said son humbly entreats your Excellencies and this Honored Court to take ye presmisses into consideration and that you will please to allow and order unto your petitioner the remainder of said money for the cure of his son, as also that you will please to allow unto his son such compensation for the loss of his time and for payment of his diet during the continuance of his aforesaid lame- ness, as to your wisdoms shall seeme most meet & requisite. And your Petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray, John Paige. p.56 GROTON IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR. This may certify that John Paige, son of the Petitioner was under the hands of me, Jonathan Prescott, chyrurgeon, above a twelve months time, and that his cure performed by me came to seven pounds. (signed) Jonathan Prescott. Voted that John Page, Jr., son of the Petitioner shall for the payment of the Chirurgion and (his) diet during the time of his cure, receive out of the Public Treasury of this Province - twelve pounds deducting out of said sum, what he has already received. Passed in the Affirmative by the Massachusetts House of Representative. Nathaniel Byfield, Speaker. [Endorsed] John Paige of Groton - His Petition. 1693. February 27. Voted in Council £12 to be paid - deducting etc. Anything relating to the brave men who suffered in the Indian Wars is now of interest, and I offer no apology for giving incidents that may, to some persons seem trivial. Cotton Mather mentions, in his Magnalia, a few instances of "mortal wounds upon the English not proving mortal," and gives the case of an inhabitant of Groton who was in a garrison at Exeter, New Hampshire, when that place was assaulted, July 4, 1690. He says: "It is true that one Simon Stone, being here wounded with shot in nine several places, lay for dead among the dead. The Indians coming to strip him, attempted with two several blows of an hatchet at his neck to cut off his head - which blows added, you may be sure, more enormous wounds unto those portals of death, at which the life of the poor man was already running out as fast as could be. Being charged hard by Leiutenant Bancroft, they left the man without scalping him - and the English, now coming to bury the dead, one of the soldiers perceived this poor man to fetch a gasp; whereupon an Irish fellow then present, advised them to give him another dab with the hatchet and so bury him in rest. The English, destest- ing this barbarous advice, lifted up the wounded man and poured a little fair water into his mouth at which he coughed; then they poured a little Strong Water after it, at which he opened his eyes. The Irish fellow was ordered now to hale a canoo ashore p.57 GROTON IN KING PHILIP'S WAR. to carry the wounded men up the river unto a Chirurgeon; and as Teague was foolishly pulling the canoo ashore with the cock of his gun, while he held the muzzle in his hand, his gun went off and broker his own arm, whereof he ramains a cripple to this day but Simon Stone was thoroughly cured and is at this day a very lusty man; and as he was born with two thumbs on one hand, his neighbors have thought him to have at least as many Hearts as thumbs." (Book VII. p.74) SIMON STONE. Many families who have lived in Groton, Massachusetts trace brack their line of descent to this same Simon Stone, who was so hard to kill - and to whom, fortunately, the finish- ing "dab with an hatchet" was not given. (he survived being butchered by the Indians). Occasionally the early settlers gave Christian names to the savages living in their neigh- borhood, perhaps with some baptismal rite. These names were used in connection with their Indian names, though sometimes followed by the word "Indian" as a surname. Instances of this custom are not uncommon. JOSIAH PARKER. Indian Jacob Nonantinooah - or, "Jacob Indian" The following certificates of Josiah Parker, the Town Clerk of Groton, relate to Jacob Indian, who had been living in the vicinity. From the official position of the writer, they were of considerable authority: Command of Noah Wiswell. Josiah Parker of Groton testifies that he is very well aquainted with ye Indian now in prison, named Jacob Nonantinooah and that he can say of his certain knowledge that he hath seen him every month since ye last Indian War began, except that it was when he, ye said Jacob Indian was in ye Country's service under ye command of Captain Noah Wiswall in the years 1689 and 1699: also if he be required, he can produce several that can testi- fy the same. He further saith that as far as it is possible to know an Indian, he is a friend to the English and hath manifested the same both in word and in Action & whereas several of ye inhabitants of Groton have been out in the woods hunting, they have taken this said Jacob Indian with them, who in ye night hath shown his care more than any of the Indians, in his watchfullness, expressing himselfe to them, that it did concerne him to do so, for if they were surprized by the enemy Indians - he should be worse dealt with then the English: also, many other instances might be mentioned: (signed) Joshiah Parker. p.58 GROTON IN KING WILLIAMS WAR. JOSIAH PARKER (aged 36 yrs) Joseph Parker (aged 40 yrs) Thomas Tarball (aged 25 yrs) Groton, December 8th, 1691. The testimonies of Josiah Parker, aged 36 years: and of Joseph Parker, aged 40 years and Thomas Tarball aged 25 yrs or thereabouts; testify concerning Jacob Indian, now in prison, that the two winters last past the said Jacob Indian had been generally in our towne with his family, except when he was out hunting, and then the said Joseph Parker or said Thomas Tarball were out with him or some other Englishmen who have given said Jacob Indian a good comment as to his care and watchfulness as to ye enemy, both by night and by day and by the best inquiry that we can make, said Jacob Indian has never been out a hunting above once, without some English company with him and then he was not gone above a fortnight and that was about two years since; the which, if called to I am ready to testify upon Oath by me. (Signed) Josiah Parker Groton: December 8th, 1691. Lieut. Bowers. Mr. Summers. Concerning the man that has accused the Indians in prison, he is a man little to be credited for on the 2nd day of this instant, at evening: Leftenant Boweres (Bowers) and I at Mr. Summer's at Charlestowne discoursing him, namely, Abraham Miller, about ye said Indians: and, telling him that he was mistaken, for these Indians were not at Canada at that time when he charged them; said Miller, said Zoundes that if ever he saw them Indians again out of prison, he would kill them: and being a little cautioned to be sober-minded, he broke out with an oath that if he were out of ye country himself, he wished the Indians would knock out ye brains of every person in New England. This was spoke before Mr. Summers and his wife and several others; ye said person being asked whether he were not in a passion sometime after, he replied 'no, he was of ye same mind still that if he were out of ye country, he did not care if all the rest were knocked their brains out - to which, if called to, am ready to testify upon oath. Per me, Josiah Parker. [Massachusetts Archives, XXX.323.] Thirteen chapters of a history of Groton were published in the "Groton Herald" between December 12, 1829 and July 3, 1830, of which Mr. Caleb Butler wrote the first seven chapters and Lemuel Shattuck wrote the other two chapters. The following p.59 GROTON IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR. extract is taken from the last one, which appeared in the issue of July 3rd: For many years subsequent to this period, the system which had been followed in 1675 and 1676, of settling in garrisons for protection against the Indians, was continued. From an account of the "settlement of the garrisons in the west regiment of Middlesex, the following, relating to Groton is extracted and is valuable. Groton, March 17, 1691-2. Ensign Jno. Lakin and Jno Paris, Widow Blood, Jun'r. William Sanders Jno. Lakin 10 men. Nathaniel Blood Jno. Alexander Benjamin Palmer and their families. Captain James Parker Samuel Parker James Parker Zac. Parker William Longley Jno Nutting Thomas Tarbell James Robinson (son in law of Matthias Farnsworth) James Nutting and their families 11 men. Enosh Lawrence Lieut. Lakin & 3 sons Joseph Lawrence Samuel Walmer James Blood 13 men. Jno. Shattuck Samuel Kemp Daniel Barney and their families. p.60 GROTON IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR. Lieut. Jonas Prescott Nathaniel Lawrence James Knapp Elias Barnes Samuel Scripture Ephraim Filbrook Daniel Pierce Jno Barnes Steven Holden Jno Perrum Samuel Davis and their families. Widow Sawtell with them Jno Davis Nicholas Cade Cornelius Church Jno. Cade Joseph Cade Joshua Whitney Joshua Whitney, Jun'r. Peleg Lawrence Jonathan Lawrence James Fisk Samuel Fisk Robert Robin and their families - In all, 31 men. Jonathan Farnsworth Matthias Farnsworth Benjamin Farnsworth Samuel Farnsworth widow Farnsworth Simon Stone Jno. Stone Nicholas Hutchins and their families. In all, ten men. p.61 At Mr. Hezekiah Usher's farm (which later was bought by Major Simon Willard.) Samuel Bennet and five men. Three soldiers. 91 men. The Whitney families and many other families were from Watertown, Massachusetts. Ruth Whitney, a sister, and the widow of John Shattuck, who was drowned in Charles- town ferry in 1675, and the mother of the Shattuck families at Groton and Pepperell, married Enosh Lawrence. Several curious facts might be related concerning many of these families, were it consistent with the time and object of this communication. Could not the location of each of these eight garrisons be ascertained? Enosh Lawrence & Jonas Prescott's Garrison. Caleb Butler prints this list of garrisons in his History of Groton, p.91, and gives an additional one between Enosh Lawrence's and Jonas Prescott's, as follows: William Green John Lawrence Abigail Parker, widow. Joshua Wheat Samuel Church Joseph Parker John Greene Daniel Cady John Page & sons Samuel Woods, Sr. Thomas Woods and their families. 11 Men. This garrison was omitted from Mr. Shattuck's list, probably by an oversight and the "eleven men" are needed to make up the sum total of "91 men." It would gratify curios- ity to know the sites of these several garrison-house and where each family lived but this can be stated only in a general and imperfect manner. p.62 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Location of some of the early settlers: Ensign John Lakin and the families named with him, are believed to have lived in that part of Groton known as Nod - and the outlying district. Captain James Parker's land lay, in part, on both sides of the present Main Street. *note: the present day Groton has relatively large metal engraved signs along the highway indicating the whereabouts of Captain James Parker's lands at Groton. Captain James Parker's house stood near the site of the Town Hall. The persons with him, lived mostly, in the northerly part of the village. Enosh Lawrence. Enosh Lawrence, and those associated with him, occupied the northerly part of the town. Lieut. Jonas Prescott (son of the founder of Lancaster, John Prescott) Lieut. Jonas Prescott's house lot was at the southerly end of the village and those in the garrison with Prescott, lived nearby. John Davis. John Davis and his associates dwelt in the southeasterly part of the town, on the "Great Road" to the Ridges. John Farnsworth. John Farnsworth and others with him, in the south part of the town. Hezekiah Usher's farm was at Nonacoicus (later owned by Major Simon Willard) now in- cluded in the town of Ayer. Usher's Will, on file in the Suffolk County Probate Office is dated Nonacoicus, April 17, 1689. Hezekiah Usher married the widow of President Hoar, of Harvard College, who was a daughter of John Lisle, one of the Commissioners of the Great Seal, under Oliver Cromwell; but the marriage was not a happy one. She left him and went to England in the year 1687 and did not return until after his death, which took place at Lynn, Mass., July 11, 1697. In his Will he refers very plainly to domestic troubles and bitterly blames his absent wife. William Green. William Green lived near the site of the Lawrence Academy; and those with him, southerly and easterly of this neighborhood. During this period the Indians began again to be troublesome and for the next fifteen or twenty years continued their occasional depredations by murdering the inhabitants, burning their houses, destroying their crops or killing their cattle. Into these garrison-houses, the neighboring families gathered at night, where they were guarded by armed men, who warned the inmates of any approach of danger. p.63 GROTON IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR. David Jeffries, writing from Boston, September 16, 1692 - to Lieut. Gov. John Usher, writes: "Ye 14th Instant at night a post come to towne from Major Hinksman, which gave an account of about 80 or 100 Indians, that our scouts had made discovery of, in ye night, sitting at theire fires, hammering of slugs for theire guns. Our scouts were so neare them that they could see ye Indians & heare them talk. Yesterday morning we had news that ye Indians had killed two men at Groton. Jeramiah Bowers is gone out with about 100 men after them. (This letter is now in the possession of Mr. William Lloyd Jeffries of Boston). James Blood killed by French & Indian Enemy. A few weeks later, James Blood was killed by the "French and Indian Enemy" on October 13th, 1692, according to Mr. Lemuel Shattuck in his Shattuck Memorials (p.78). Caleb Butler (History of Groton) mentions the fact but didnt give the date. Possibly there is an error in regard to the time and Blood may have been one of the men killed, as mentioned, by David Jeffries. At times troops were stationed here by the Colonial authorities, for the protection of the town; and the orders and counter-orders to the small garrison tell too well that danger was threatening. In the mean-while, King William's War was going on; and the Indian enemy had material and sympathetic aid from the French in Canada. The second attack on Groton came in the summer of 1694, and the accounts of it I prefer to give in the words of contemporary writers. Sometimes there are discrepancies, but in the main, such narratives are trustworthy. The attack was made on Friday, July 27, 1694 and Cotton Mather, in his Magnalia, thus refers to it: "Nor did the storm go over so: some drops of it fell upon the town of Groton, a town that lay, one would think, far enough off the place where was the last scene of the tragedy." The home of Lieut. Lakin attacked. Indians kill more than 20 Groton people. p.64 On July 27, 1694, about the break of day, Groton felt some surprizing blows from the Indian hatchets. They began their attacks at the house of Lieutenant Lakin, in the out-skirts of Groton; but met with a repulse there and lost one of their men. Nevertheless, in other parts of the plantation of Groton, when the good people had been so tired out as to lay down thier military watch, there were more then twenty persons killed, and more than a dozen carried away. Reverend Gershom Hobart. Rev. Gershom Hobart, minister of Groton, with part of his family, was remarkably preserved from falling into their when they made themselves the masters of his house; though they took two of his children - whereof one was killed and the other some time after happily rescued out of his captivity. (Book VII. p.86). Charlevoix, a French missionary in Canada, gives from his own standpoint another version, as follows: "The Abenqui Chief, Taxous, already celebrated for many exploits, and commendable attach- ment to our interests. This brave man, not satisfied with what he had just so valiantly achieved, chose forty of his most active men and after three days' march, by making a long circuit, arrived at the foot of a fort at Groton, near Boston, and attacked it in broad daylight. The English made a better defence than the did at Piscataqua. Taxous had two of his nephews killed by his side, and himself received more than a dozen musket balls through his clothes, but he at last carried the place and then continued his ravages to the very doors of the capital. (History of New France, IV. 257, Shea's Edition). The following reference to the assault is found in the report made October 26, 1694 by M. Champigny to the Minister Pontchartrain. The original document is in the Archives of the Marine and Colonies at Paris, and I am indebted to Mr. Francis Parkman, the distinguished historian, for a copy of it: "These Indians did not stop there - four parties of them have since been detached who have been within half a day's journey of Boston (that is, at Groton) where they have killed or captured more than sixty persons, ravaged and pillaged everything they found, which has thrown all the people into such consternation that they are leaving the open country to seek refuge in the towns. p.65 GROTON IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR. A French "relation" of an expedition by Villieu also mentions the assault. A copy of the paper is found in the Massachusetts Archives at the State House, in the volume marked "Documents collected in France," IV. 251. The writer gives the date of the attack some days later than is usually assigned. He says: "On the 30th, the Indians of the Penobscot, not having taken as many prisoners and as much booty as those of the Kennebec Indians, because they did not found enough to employ themselves; at the solicitation of Villieu and of Taxous, their Chief, some fifty of them detached themselves to follow this last person, who was piqued at the little that had been done. They were joined by some of the bravest warriors of the Kennebec, to go on a war party above Boston to break heads by surprise (casser des tetes a la surprise) after dividing themselves into several squads of four or five each, which cannot fail of pro- ducing a good effect. (pp. 260, 261.) Judge Sewall, in his diary, printed in the "Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society," writes: - "Friday, July 27. Groton set upon by the Indians - 21 persons killed, 13 captivated and 3 badly wounded. At about 9 o'clock at night, Mr. Lodowick comes to Boston. Between 10 and 11, there is an alarm through the town, kept up till near day-break. Mr. Brattle was arrived at Colonel Shrimpton's, there he told me of Mr. Lodowick's unhappiness in coming just then. During the alarm, Mr. Willard's little daughter, Sarah Willard died, buried on Sabbath day, a little before sunset. (V. Fifth Series, 391). The child, Sarah Willard, mentioned by Sewall, was a daughter, but a few months old, of the Reverend Samuel Willard, the minister of Groton, when the town was previously burned; but at this time, he was settled over the Old South Church in Boston. The Reverand John Pike makes the following reference to the assault in his Journal, printed in the Proceedings of the same Society, for September, 1694: "July 27. The enemy fell upon Groton about day-break, killed 22 persons and captivated 13. (XIV.128.) p.66 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. Governor Hutchinson, in his "History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay," published during the following century, writes: Lakin's Garrison House at Groton. "Having crossed the Merrimack River on the 27th of July, 1694, they fell upon Groton about 40 miles from Boston. They were repulsed at Lakin's garrison house, but fell upon other houses where the people were off their guard and killed and carried away from the vicinity about forty persons. Toxus's two nephews were killed by his side and he had a dozen bullets through his blanket, according to Charlevoix, who adds that he carried the fort or garrison and then went to make spoil at the gates of Boston. In both of which the French account is erroneous. (II.82.) Insert: Garrisons of Groton, Mass. 1691-1692 Ensign John Lakin and John Paris Widdow Blood Jun'r William Sanders John Lakin Nathaniel Blood John Alexander Benjamin Palmer & their families - 10 Men II. In the assault of July, 1694, the loss on the part of the inhabitants was considerably greater than when the town was destroyed in the attack of 1676. It is said that the scalps of the unfortunate victims were given to the Count de Frontenac, the governor of Canada. A large majority, and perhaps all, of the prisoners taken at this time were children. The Indians had learned that captives had a market value and children, when carried off, could be more easily guarded than adults. It was more profitable for the savages to ex- change prisoners for a ransom, or sell them to the French, than it was to kill them. LIEUTENANT WILLIAM LAKIN'S HOUSE. It is now too late to give the names of all the sufferers, but a few facts in regard to them may be gathered from fragmentary sources. The families that suffered the severest lived, for the most part, in the same general neighborhood, which was near the site of their first Meeting-house. Lieut. William Lakin's house, where the fight began, was situated in the vicinity of Chicopee Row. p.67 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. The following list of casualties, necessarily incomplete and in part conjectural, is given as an approximation to the loss sustained by the town: John Longley's family 7 killed 3 captured. Rev. Mr. Hobart's family 1 killed 1 captured. John Shepley's family 4? killed 1 captured. James Parker, Jr's family 2 killed 3? captured. Alexander Rouse's family 2 killed 1 captured. Reverand Gershom Hobart, the minister of Groton, whose house was captured in this assault, lived where the Baptist Meeting-House now stands. One of his boys was killed and another son, Gershom Hobart, Jr. was carried off. There is a tradition extant that a third child was concealed under a tub in the cellar and thus was saved from the fury of the savages. Judge Sewall writes in his diary, under the date of May 1, 1695: "Mr. Hobart's son, Gershom is well, at a new fort, a days' journey above Norridgewock, (Maine), and master's name is Nassacombewit, a good master and a good mistress. Master is chief captain, now Bambazeen is absent. Massachusetts Historical Collections, V. Fifth Series, 403, 404. Captive, John Sheple - from whom all Sheples Descend. It is not known exactly when he was rescued from captivity, but probably not long after- wards. The inscription on the Shepley monument says that "the Indians massacred all the Sheples in Groton, save a John Sheple, 16 years old who they carried captive to Canada and kept him for four years, after which he returned to Groton and from him descend all the Sheples or Shepleys in this vicinity." But there is no record to show how many there were in his family. Caleb Butler, in his History of Groton, p.97, makes substantially the same statement, but does not mention any number. In my list it is placed at five, which is conjectural; of this number probably four were slain. John Shepley lived near where the Martin's Pond road starts off from the North Common. The knowledge which the boy p.68. John Shepley John Shepley obtained of their language and their customs, while a prisoner among the Indians, was of much use to him in later life. Tradition relates that when buying furs and skins from the Indians, he used to put his foot on one scale of the balance instead of a pound weight. In the summer of 1704, while he and thirteen other men were reaping in a field at Groton, they were attacked by about twenty Indians. After much skirmishing, Shepley and one of his comrades, Butterfield, by name, succeeded in killing one of the assailants, for which act they were each allowed four pounds by the government. He was the direct ancestor of the late Honorable Ether Shepley, of Portland, Maine, formerly the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of Maine and of his son, the late General George Foster Shepley, formerly a Justice of the Circuit Court of the First Circuit of the United States. JOHN SHEPLEY'S REPORT OF THE INDIAN ATTACK. John Shepley's petition to the General Court of Massachusetts, which gives the particulars of the Indian attack, is as follows: "To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over her Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay Colony in New England - To the Honorable her Majesty's Council in said Province and to the Honorable the House of Representatives now convened in General Assembly & for said Province. October 25th, 1704. The Humble Petition of John Shepley of Groton Showeth that when Major Taylor was at Groton, having drawn off most of his men from the place, and marched to Colonel Tyngs - your Petitioner and thirteen men more, being some reaping and the rest warding in a ffield at Groton, aforesaid, the Indians to the number of about twenty came upon them when your Petitioner and the rest betook themselves to their arms, and three others being along with your Petitioner - the Indians ran round the field and met them and said Indians made several shot at the English, but amongst the rest one lusty stout Indian with a holland shirt on ran about 8 or 10 rods side by side with your Petitioner and the other three men in his company, about 10 rods to the right hand of them when he fired upon us and as soon as he had fired, your Petitioner fired, being loaded with a slug & another of the company at the same p.69 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. by Caleb Butler. time fired a bullet at him, whereupon the said Indian fell down and cried out. There were three of our first company killed or carried away, afterwards ye said Indian was found dead and a slug & bullet in his body - his scalp being sent up to his Excellency by Major Taylor. "Your Petitioner therefore humbly prays your Excellency & Honors to take the premises into your Consideration and he may be allowed such encouragement for his service herein as the Law allows, or as to your Excellency & Honors, in your Wisdom shall seem meet. And your Petitioner shall pray, etc. (signed) John Shepley October 26th, 1704. In Council Read and sent down. On the back of the Petition is written: In the House of Representatives October 27, 1704. Read and Resolved that the sum of four pounds be allowed and paid out of the publick Treasury to the Petitioner and the like sum of four pounds to Samuel Butterfield, who this House is Informed did assist in the killing of the Indian mentioned in the Petition, and that no other or further sum be allowed for the killing of the said Indian. (signed) James Converse, Speaker Sent up for concurrence in Council. Die pdict. Read and Concurred. Israel Addington, Secretary. [Endorsed] John Shepley's Petition. October 1704. [Massachusetts Archives. XXX. 496, 497.] While it was resolved, in connection with this petition, that no further sum be allowed for the killing of the Indian, Butterfield subsequently obtained an additional sum of five pounds p.70 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. from the public treasury in consequence of his services and the loss of his accoutrements. The application for help, dated April 10, 1706, is printed on page 95; and from this docu- ment it appears that Butterfield was captured with another man at this time, and a third one was killed. The attack occurred in the month of August, 1704. JOSIAH PARKER AND JAMES PARKER, JUN'R. Killed. A petition to the General Court dated May 31, 1699, and signed by Josiah Parker, says that "James Parker, Jun'r, brother to your humble petitioner, was killed with his wife, several of his children also were then carried away Captive." In the list of casualties I have place the number of these children at three, which is conjectural on my part. The site of Parker's house is unknown. The petition for the relief of the family is as follows: Province of Ye Massachusetts Bay - May 31, 1699. To his Excellency The Right Honorable Richard Earle of Bellmont, Governor in Chief of his Majesties Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England and to ye Honorable ye Council and Representa- tives in General Court Assembled: THE PETITION OF JOSIAH PARKER OF CAMBRIDGE Phinehas Parker humbly sheweth that whereas in the year 1693 (1694?) the Indian enemy made an assault upon the Town of Groton in which, among others, James Parker, Jun'r, brother to your Petitioner, was killed, with his wife, several of his children also were then carryed away captive, one of which was named Phinehas Parker, something less than a year ago was (by a Master of a vessell be- longing to Ipswich) redeemed from the Indians at ye Eastward. Which said Master has been reimbursed by your Petitioner which is to the value of about six pounds in money. The earnest request of your humble Petitioner, to your Excell- ency & to this Honorable Court is that you would please to con- sider him & that allowance may be made him out of the publick treasury for what he has disbursed. Also he desires humbly that you would please, something to consider the said Phinehas Parker who is a poor Orphan now, about twelve years old, and is like wise lame of one of his legs occasioned by ye cruelty of ye savages and it is very questionable whether ever he will p.71 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. be cured, & has little or nothing left him of his father's estate for his support. If therefore what has here been suggested by your humble Petitioner, may be accordingly considered and granted, it will greatly oblige him, as in duty bound, Ever to Pray, etc., Josiah Parker. June 3, 1699. Read 1st tyme. June 6th. 1699 - read a 2nd time, June 7th. Read a 3rd time and voted that the Petitioner be allowed six pounds money out of the publick Treasury. Sent up for Concurrence. James Converse. [Massachusetts Archives, LXX.401.] REVEREND JAMES DELAP FARNSWORTH The late Rev. James Delap Farnsworth, in a *manuscript account of William Longley, now in the Library of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, says that "two of his neighbors named Rouse" were killed in the same massacre. Alexander Rouse lived in the vicinity and this reference by Mr. Farnsworth is to him and to his wife. There was one "Tamasin Rouce of Groton" received January 17, 1698-99 on board the Province Galley at Casco Bay (Maine) and she, doubtless was a daughter. (Archives, LXX. 399.) *insert MANUSCRIPT ACCOUNT. William Longley by James Delap Farnsworth. William Longley, supposed to be a son of Richard, removed with his family from Lynn to Groton and was a resident proprietor of the extensive territory that bore that name. When the land was equitably divided among the shareholders, he became the owner of a large amount of native forest, which was eventually divided into farms, and occupied by his descendants. According to a manuscript record left by the late Rev. James Delap Farnsworth, William Longley settled in Groton as early as 1659. His name is found in the records of the town in 1663 and in 1665 he was chosen Selectman. He died at Groton, Nov 29, 1680. How many children he had does not fully appear, but he had one son: William Longley, Jr. who was probably born at Lynn and married at Groton and had five children; or, as one tradition has it, eight children. He held a reputable position among his fellow-townsmen, and was appointed town clerk in 1666, and was continued in that office until his death in 1694. At this period he and his family became the victims of Indian depredation and all were slain but three of the children, who were carried into captivity. The home was was rifled and burned and near where it stood the mutilated remains of the murdered family were buried and a small stone, even with the surface of the ground, was the only monument to mark the place of their interment for almost two centuries. Recently however, a more imposing structure has been erected to hallow the spot of such sad historical interest." Two commissioners had been sent to Casco Bay in order to make a treaty of peace with the Indians, and to bring away the prisoners. One of the Commissioners "took certain Minutes of "Remarkable Things" from some of the captives," and Cotton Mather, in his "Magnalia" gives his readers what he calls "a taste of them." Mather speaks of the little girl, and says: "Assacombuit sent Thomasin Rouse, a child of about ten years old, unto the waterside to carry something. The child cried: he took a stick and struck her down - she lay for dead - he took her up and threw her into the water: some Indians not far off ran in and fetched her out. This child we have now brought home with us." (Book VII. p.95). p.72 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. Lydia Longley & Jonathan Shipley. Among the "Names of those Remaining still in hands of the french at Canada," found in a document dated October, 1695, are those of "Lydey Langly, gerl" (Lydia Longley, female) and "Jno. Shipley, boy." In this list the residences of both these children are incorrectly written - Lydia's being given as Dover, New Hampshire and Jonathan Shipley's as Oyster River. They both belonged at Groton and were taken at the assault of July 27, 1694. THOMAS DREW. The name of Thomas Drew appears in the same list as being of Groton, which is a mistake as he was of Oyster River. (Archives, XXXVIII. A 2.) Fort Amsaquonte, Maine. Indians kill ninety at Oyster River. This expedition against Groton was planned, in part, by the Indians at a fort called Amsaquonte, above Norridgewock in Maine. It was arranged also in the plan of operations that Oyster River (now Durham, New Hampshire) should be attacked on the way; and the assault on that town was made July 18, nine days before the attack on Groton, Mass. At Oyster River, more than ninety persons were either killed or captured; the prisoners from the two towns appear to have been taken to Maine where they were brought frequently together during their captivity. On January 21, 1695, Lieutenant Governor William Stoughton issued a proclamation in which he refers to the "tragical outrages and barber- ous murders" at Oyster River and at Groton. He says that several of the prisoners at these places "are now detained by the said Indians at Amarascoggin and other adjoining places."1 Hezekiah Miles, alias Hector, a friendly Indian. Hezekiah Miles, alias "Hector", a friendly Indian, at one time a captive in the enemy's hands, made a deposition before the Lieutenant Governor and Council at Boston, May 31, 1695, stating that: "In the month of July, 1694. There was a gathering of the Indians at the said Fort (Amsaquonte) and preparations to go forth to war, and that two or three days before they intended to set out, they killed and boiled several dogs and held a feat, where was present..... footnote: 1 Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, IX. 613, 614. p.73 GROTON, MASSACHUSETTS IN THE INDIAN WARS. ....Egeremet, Bomaseen, Warumbee & Ahasombamet with divers others, of the chief among them, they discoursed of falling upon Oyster River and Groton; and Bomaseen was to command one of the company and the day before they intended to set forth, myself with four Indians more were despatched away to Canada with a letter from the Friar and upon our voyage thither and back again about ffour days and brought down about two barrels of powder, shot proportionable & some fire arms. About the time of our return, the Indians came in after the mischief done at Oyster River and at Groton, and in particular, I saw Bomaseen in his canoo, which was well laden - there was two English captives, some scalps, and a large pack of plunder brought in that canoo, and Bomaseen two or three days after his return home, went away to Canada. [Massachusetts Archives, VIII. 39.] ANN JENKINS. Ann Jenkins, in a deposition given June 11, 1695, testifies that she was taken prisoner on July 18, 1694, at Oyster River, and that she, - "with nine Captives more were carried up to Penecook and were left with three Indians & that party went to Groton - Bomazeen being their commander. In nine days they returned & brought twelve captives and from thence with their canoes sometimes afloat and some- times carried untill that we came to Norridgewocke - which took us fifteen dayes and stay- ed about two months there then dispersed into the woods - two or three families in a place and kept removing to and fro, staying about a week in a place until they brought us down to Pemaquid and delivered us to Captain March. [Massachusetts Archives, VIII. 40.] WILLIAM & DELIVERANCE LONGLEY. The story of William and Deliverance Longley's family is a sad one to relate. They were living with their eight children, on a small farm, perhaps a mile and a quarter from the village (Groton), on the east side of the Hollis road. Their house was built of hewn logs, and was standing at the beginning of the present century. The old cellar, with its well-laid walls, was distinctly visible forty years ago and traces of it could be p.74 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. seen even to very modern times. The site of this house has recently been marked by a monument bearing the following inscription: HERE DWELT WILLIAM AND DELIVERENCE LONGLEY wITH THEIR EIGHT CHILDREN. On the 27th of July, 1694, THE INDIANS KILLED THE FATHER AND MOTHER AND FIVE OF THE CHILDREN, AND CARRIED INTO CAPTIVITY THE OTHER THREE. It was erected in the Autumn of 1879, at the expense of the Town of Groton, on land generously given for the purpose by Mr. Zechariah Fitch, the present owner of the farm. Indians attacked the home of Lieut. William Lakin. On the fatal morning of July 27, 1694, the massacre of this family took place. The savages suddenly, coming from the other side of the Merrimack River, and began the attack at Lieutenant William Lakin's house, where they were repulsed with the loss of one of their number. They followed it up by assaulting other houses in the same neigh- borhood. They made quick work of it, and left the town as speedily as they came. With the exception of John Shepley's house, it is not known that they destroyed any of the buildings; but they pillaged them before they departed. They carried off thirteen prisoners - mostly children, and perhaps all - who must have retarded their march. There is a tradition that early in the morning of the attack, the Indians turned Longley's cattle out of the barnyard into p.75 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. the cornfield, and then lay in ambush. The stratagem had the desired effect. Longley rushed out of his house, unarmed, in order to drive the cattle back, when he was murdered and all his family either killed or captured. The bodies of the slain were buried in one grave, a few rods northwest of the house. A small apple-tree growing over the spot and a stone lying even with the ground, for many years furnished the only clue to the final resting place of this unfortunate family, but these have now disappeared. WILLIAM LONGLEY. William Longley was Town Clerk of Groton in the year 1687 and also from 1692 until his death in 1694; and only one week before he was killed, he had made entries in the Town Records. His father, William Longley, Sen., also had been Groton's Town Clerk, during the years 1666 and 1667, and died November 29, 1680. The father was one of the earliest settlers of Groton, as well as the owner of a thirty-acre right in the original Groton plantation. Lydia, John and Betty Longley were the names of the three children carried off by the savages and taken to Canada. Lydia Longley was sold to the French in Canada and was placed in the congregation of notre dame, a convent in Montreal, where she embraced the Roman Catholic faith and died July 20, 1758 at the advanced age of 84 years. Betty perished soon after her capture, from hunger and exposure. John Longley, the 3rd child, remained with the savages for more than four years, when he was ransomed and brough away, much against his will. At one time during his captivity he was on the verge of starving when an Indian gave his a dog's foot to gnaw, which for the time appeased his hunger. He was called by his captors "John Augary". After he came home, his sister, Lydia wrote from Canada, urging him to deny the Protestant religion but he remained true to the faith of his early instruction. Their grandmother, the widow of Benjamin Crispe, made her Will April 13, 1698, which was admitted to Probate in Middlesex County on the 28th of the following December, p.76 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. and in it she remembered these absent children as follows: "I give and bequeath unto my three grand-children, that are in captivity, if they re- turne viz three books - one of which is a bible, another a sermon booke treating of faith, and the other a psalme book." The old lady, herself, doubtless, had read the "Sermon booke treating with faith;" and it must have strengthened her belief in Divine wisdom and been a great consolation in her trials. She did not know at this time that her grandaughter was a convert to the Roman Catholic faith. The knowledge of the fact would have been, to her, an affliction scarcely less than the massacre of her daughter's family. JOHN LONGLEY RETURNS. John Longley returned about the time that his grandmother died; and subsequently he filled many important offices in the church and the town of Groton. Like his father and his grandfather, he was the town-clerk during several years. The following paper signed by him is now in the possession of the New England Historic and Genealogical Society: "John Longley of Groton, of about fifty-four years of age, testifyes & saith that he was taken captive by the Indians at Groton in July, 1694 and lived in captivity with them more than four years and the last two years and a half at Penobscot, as servant to Madocawando of said Penobscot and he was always accounted as chief or one of ye chief sachems or captains among the Indians there, and I have often seen the Indians sitting in council when he always sat as chief: and once in particular I observed a present was made him of considerable value as an acknowledgement of his superiority. John Longley. Middlesex Manuscripts. Groton, July 24th, 1736. Deacon John Longley, above named, personally appearing, made oath to the truth of the above written testimony.* *Before me, Benjamin Prescott, Justice of the Peace - Groton. [Knox Manuscripts, Waldo Papers, L. 13.] p.77 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. KING WILLIAM'S WAR. In the month of July, 1877, I was in Montreal where I procured, through the kindness of the Mother Superior at the Congregation of Notre Dame, a copy of the French record of Lydia's baptism, of which the following is a translation: On Tuesday, April 24, 1696, the ceremony of baptism was performed on an English girl, named Lydia Longley, who was born April 14, 1674, a few miles from Boston in New Eng- land. She was the daughter of William Longley and Deliverance Crisp, both Protestants. She was captured in the month of July, 1680 (1694?) by the Abenaqui Indians and has lived for the past month in the house of the Sisters of the Congregation of Notre Dame. The godfather was M. Jaques Leber, merchant - the godmother was Madame Marie Madeleine Dupont, wife of M. de Maricourt, Ecuyer, Captain of a company of Marines: she named this English girl Lydia Madeleine. (Signed) Lydia Madeleine Longley. Madeleine Dupont Leber, M. Caille, acting curate. [The date of capture in this record is written out in full, and the ommissions of one word would cause the mistake; i.e., "mil six cent quatre-vingt," omitting quatorse.] After this attack of July 27 the town was left in straitened circumstances and the in- habitants found it difficult to meet the demands made on them. In this emergency they petitioned the General Court for relief, which was duly granted, as appears by the following document: Groton - October 15th 1694. The humble petition and earnest request of the Inhabitants of Groton humbly sheweth; that whereas we, the present survivers of this Towne do understand that ourselves either without invoice, or according to some former or according to your honours pleasures are willed & domed for a rate or levy, a considerable sum of money amounting to 50 pounds; we therefore being feelingly apprehensive of our utter incapacity, in present circum- stances without apparent wrong to p.78 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. us; to pay said sum, humbly make bold under God to addresse this honored Great Generall Court with both our humble petition and a discovery of our condition: out Petition is that we may, if it be your honourable pleasure to remitt us our assessment and not put us upon further inevitable straights & miseries, this we humbly petition, and that we may not be thought unjustly to withdraw ye shoulder from putting our strength & help to support and carry on the government of their, our Majestyes, in this part of their dominion, and be unwilling to bear our part with the rest of their Majestyes subjects on this New England shore as we have constantly & proportionably hitherto done and as arguments and Reason to prevail in this case. We make bold to spread our condition be- fore your Honored selves: not to run back very farr. I. It pleased God the disposer of all men & human affairs to place us upon ye outward borders of ye inhabited land on this side ye country which by some is alledged as an argument against us, yet let reason but speak & the union and communion not only of naturall, but Christian societies have its argument and it will tell us of bearing one another's burdens and of that sympathetic property that is a natural body & ration- ally ought to be both in civil and politic also: and therefore whatever our alledged privileges are, or have been, we ought not to be grudged them, for indeed our out edge & distant living hath been in these times of late awfull - dealing our hurt & damage both as to persons & estates beyond parrelell with any inward Townes, as plain & un- deniable reason & argument is ready to be given. 2. The Providence of ye wise God, did order it that very grievous troublesome and mortal sicknesse, was amongst us the last year by which we were not only lessoned considerably in our numbers, but deminished in our estates - it being so general that one could not help ye other by which great charge of Doct's came upon us, losse of ye seasonable labor of our inhabitants, to the indamaging the estates of ye most, unrecovered by many to this day. 3. We might add our constant (in these late times) standing upon our guard and consider- able charge, of building & repairing forts, for our owne and the country's safety, & securing their majestyes subjects, both here and in the inmost places. 4. This year's sore and awfull troubles by ye late deaths, captivityes p.79 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. and consequent miseries, whereby we lost several able and valuable persons, whose estates are either much lessened or removed by others, out our reach: beside by inevitable loss of corne, it is judged by many of our towne that a third part at least of our Indian corne is wholly lost; and now of late persons have been hindered much in their corne, & hay harvest, beside the hand of God upon our husbandry, as to rye much blasted, not halfe a usual crop and by early frost, Indian corne much hurt & damnifyed that severall familyes will be at a losse for corne, not having for halfe ye year through: Thus leaving our petition & condition to your honours serious consideration hoping you may see reason to indulge us in that matter, praying to God, who sits amoung ye god to direct & preside and blesse, your persons & consultations to conclude & determine what may be for your present & future weal & prosperity, of this plantation, we rest and remaine yours in all duty & Service. James Parker, Sen'r. William Laken, Sen'r. Selectmen in the name of ye Selectmen by ye vote of ye Towne of Groton. Upon reading this Petition of the Inhabitants of Groton setting forth their great distress and impoverishment by reason of the desolations made upon them by the Enemy, praying to be eased and abated of their proportion to the last publicke tax or assessment amounting to the sum of fifty pounds. Voted: That the said town be abated one halfe of the aforesaid sum of fifty pounds and that Mr. Treasurer do suspend the calling for the other halfe until the fifteenth day of December next. The Assessors forthwith to proportion the same upon their Inhabitants and to commit the List thereof unto their Constables, so that they may be collecting. October 22d 1694: Past in the affirmative by the House of Representatives and sent up to his Excellancy and Council for Consent. Voted a concurrence in Council, die pdict. Israel Addington, Secretary. [Endorsed] Vote for abatement to Groton. October. 1694. [Massachusetts Archives, CXIII. 97.] p.80 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. CAPT. JAMES CONVERSE. Lieutenant-Governor William Stoughton writes from Boston, September 5, 1695 to Captain James Converse: I order That at your next passing over Merrimack with your Company towards Dunstable etc. that you advise with Major Henchman and Mr. Jonathan Ting concerning your men in the several frontiers of: Dunstable, Billerica, Chelmsford, Groton, Lancaster and Marlboro for the better enforcement of the garrisons & maintaining a good brisk scout for the discovery of the Enemy to prevent annoying of those Towns during the harvest season, .... [Massachusetts Archives, LI.44.] CAPTAIN JAMES CONVERSE OF WOBURN. In accordance with this order, eight men were posted at Groton; soon afterward there were nine, of whom seven were inhabitants of the town. Captain James Converse from Woburn: "Wooburne (sic) (7br ye 7th 1696.) May it please your Honor. The Subscriber receiving a letter from your Honor of ye first courant, and therein, a command to wait upon your Honor ye next day in order to receive some further instructions, referring to a journey to Groton, to speak with some volunteers etc: I was also ordered to take Capt Bowers & Lieut. Crosby with me to Groton, but I, hearing their scouts had dis- covered sundrey track of the enemy, I suppose those men might be in ye woods with their scouts, and so it proved, for this reason I took with me Capt. Thomas Bancroft of Redding and only one soldier, vs. we came to Groton on fryday morning - the time that I was ordered to be there - where I mett with Mr. Daniel ffitch & his second, and ye rest of their volun- teers all but two or 3 Indians that left them by force in ye morning, pretending to returne home.... [Massachusetts Archives, LI.68] John Haywood, in his "Gazetteer of Massachusetts" (Boston, 1849) under Groton - says that one man was killed here, May 20, 1697 and three wounded (p.162) The same p.81 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. statement is made in George Wingate Chase's "History of Haverhill, Massachusetts" p.201; though I find no other authority for it. Perhaps it is the same affair mentioned in the next sentence. Cotton Mather says that one man was killed at Groton, in the year 1697 and another, with two children, carried into captivity. (Magnalia, Book VII. p. 91.) He does not give the date clearly, but inferentially, it is June. The prisoner was Stephen Holden, who was captured, with his two oldest sons, John and Stephen, Jr. John was released in January, 1699, at which time the father and the other boy were yet remaining in the hands of the savages. It was not long, before they too were freed; for, in the following June, the House of Representatives voted three po Holden's petition to the General Court to be reimbursed for buying his own freedom is as follows: To The Honored & Great Assembly now sitting in Boston - The humble petition and Request of Stephen Holden of Groton - Honored Sirs - It having pleased the Almighty God to order it that myselfe & my two biggest sons tho small were taken captives by the Indian enemyes from our towne of Groton and being with the Esterne enemy & my two sons about one year & ten months when, tho it was my portion to escape with my life through Gods mercy beyond what I did expect or look for & I think fared better than some other English that great hardship and difficulties I underwent - but being very desirous with one of my sons that was there to gitt home - if it might before the English vessells came I was necessitated to give my promise to my Indian pilates whom I satisbyed att Richmans Island by English that I borrowed of there three pounds & twelve shillings. If I might have ye boldnesse I would humbly crave that it might be payed out of Public stock I should take it thankfully att your hands. Thus he hath graciously returned to our home againe - commend your honours p.82 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. and concernments into your hands & wishing ye presence & benediction of your sovereign God I take leave & subscribe myselfe your humble servant & suppliant - Stephen Holden. Groton May 27th 1699. June 6, 1699 once read & Voted by the House of Representatives that the above Peticoner, Stephen Holden of Grotten be paid out of the publick Treasury three pounds & twelve shillings money. Sent up for concurrence, James Converse, Speaker 19 July 1699. Read and past in Counsel. Israel Addington, Secretary. Consented to Bellomont. [Massachusetts Archives, LXX.400.] Among the names of the captives received on board the ship the Province galley, Jan. 17, 1698-9, at Casco Bay, were "John Houlding (Holden) of Grotten" and "Tamasin Rouce" of of Grotten." It is recorded, a week later that "Steven Houlding (Holden) of Groton" and "Steven Houlding Jun'r of Grotten" are "yet in the Indian hands." (Archives, LXX. 398, 399.) Insert: Holden Family Source: Bond's Watertown Subject: Richard Holden (Holdin, Holding, Houlding) a first proprietor of Groton, Mass. & his son, Justinian Holden. Source: Genealogies of the Families & Descendants of the Early Settlers of Watertown, Massachusetts, by Henry Bond, M.D., Boston, (published by NEHGS) 1860. p.301 Richard Holden (Holding) aged 25 years,(b.1609) embarked for America at Ipswich, England April 1634 on the ship, Francis. His wife, Martha, died at Watertown, Dec. 6, 1681 and he died at Groton, Mass., March 1, 1696 "aged, infirm & widower." (see also Middlesex Deeds, Vol. VII., p. 154, etc.; also Caleb Butler, History of Groton, p.407.(only notes his date of death) See also, Barry, p.291). *Torrey, p.380 names his wife, Martha Fosdick. Children: 1. Justinian Holden of Groton, wife Mariah ____. Note: Torrey, p.380 has Justinian Holden (b. 1611, d. 1691) (Savage says this Justinian Holden was brother to Richard.) & 1st wife Elizabeth _____ who died 1673, no issue, Cambridge/Groton. Torrey has Justinian Holden (1611-1691) & 2nd wife, Mary (Rutter) (1647-1714+) m. 1673, Cambridge, Groton. Torrey also has Justinian Holden b. 1644 & 1st wife Mary (Freeman?) who died 1691; m. before 1680; Groton/Woburn. Justinian Holden & 2nd wife, Susannah (Dutton) Durant, widow of John Durant; m. Justinian Holden Dec. 6, 1693; Billerica/?Cambridge. See Savage (below) Torrey has Justinian Holden b.1644 & 1st wife, Mary [Freeman?] (-1691); m. before 1680; Groton/Woburn. Justinian Holden & 2nd wife, Susannah (Dutton) Durant, widow of John; they m. Dec 6, 1693; Billerica/?Cambridge. 2. John Holden. 3. Stephen Holden, b. July 19, 1642, of Groton. 4. Martha Holden b. Jan 15, 1645/6; m. Thomas Boyden (also a first proprietor of Groton.) 5. Mary Holden who m. Thomas Williams. 6. Sarah Holden who m. Gershom Swan. 7. Samuel Holden of Groton; wife Anna. 8. Elizabeth Holden 9. Thomas Holden. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth (end insert) GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. It is evident that the early settlers were still having a hard time during this period. All the records go to show that between the assaults of the savages and the short crops, they found it difficult to obtain a livelihood. Again they were obliged to ask the General Court for an abatement of their taxes, which they did, in a petition as follows: CAPTAIN JAMES PARKER "To the Honored Lieut. Governor - the Honored Councill and Representatives in the Court assembled: The humble petition of the towne of Groton by orderly warning met upon October the 4th, 1697 then voting (after serious discourse upon the present times & awfull cir- cumstances of them and our particular immergencys) our dislike of the present help granted to us as we are grieved at ye management & oversight of it: and voting that Captain James Parker JOHN FARNSWORTH p.83 and John Farnsworth should be our Agents and promote this petition of ours by such dis- course as might be needful in our behalf at the Court. Honored Sirs: We being in some measure necessitated by the constancy and long continuance of the righteous hand of Almight God upon us, to know more experimentally the troubles concomitant and con- sequent of bloody and cruel warr. Then by sympathy it can be possibly knowne by others: and that by Reason, our stages and dewllings appene to be upon ye very dint, brink & in ye mouth of more unavoidable difficulties, fears and dangers & death by the cruel sword of the wildernesse, then may others are or can be - therefore as we apprehend the case to stand with us, being diminished in our numbers, and greatly impoverished in our outwards, desirous as we hope in measure we have done to be constantly putting up our petitions to the Lord of Hosts and God of armies to afford us conduct & assistance every way - so we would not wanting to cry to and humbly call upon our Moses & Aaron (Bible reference) to give us advise & to extend their helping hand who if any are, we are in the wilderness where there is scorpions and subtle finny serpents mortally wounding and killing of us as your Honored selves hear by rumour upon rumour - but we do not only hear, but feel, see and woefully experience the same. Honored Sirs - we desire with all gratitude and thankfulness to acknowledge your fatherly care of us hitherto, butt yet for our parts if still we must abide in the Front. We beg if it may seem good in your eyes that we may be released from country charges to his Majesty or in plain words - country rates, and that we may be pleasured with some proportion of soldiers not of ourselves which, if we may be worthy once more to obtain, we have agreed not to sell them away for men of ourselves as we wickedly did. The way of a changeable scout we thought might do us a kindnesse, which , if it had been good inspection & management attended it might have done. It hath appeared to us more ways than one, that gitting the money hath been more aimed at the careful ordering, or doing the worke to earn it hath been; we beg that if for this autumn and winter season you may soe meet to order ye chargeable scout that it may be no less than twelve & that it may be putt into a (more) careful and (more) honester hand than it hath been both for the place & benefit of this poor towne, we are able, if called upon to alledge sufficient argument that if we have the same or other soldiers - it is a thing requisite that some other person might inspect them. p.84 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. Thus craving pardon for our boldness wishing ye Lord to be your president in all publicke matters that may be before you - we humbly subscribe ourselves in all obedience and loyalty: Simon Stone Thomas Tarbell Samuel Parker (Selectmen) Eliezar Parker, Constable of Groton. Insert: John Farnsworth Source: Farnsworth Memorial p.183 John Farnsworth, 2nd son & 3rd child of Matthias Farnsworth & Mary Farr of Groton, was born 1651-2. He was, in general estimation, the ablest as he certainly was the most prominent, of Matthias Farnsworth's sond. John Farnsworth married Dec 8, 1686, Hannah Aldis b. July 4, 1666 at Dedham, Mass. a dau. of John Aldis and his wife, Sarah (Eliot) Aldis. Sarah Eliot was the dau. of Philip Eliot, Jr. of Roxbury whose father, Philip Eliot was the brother of the Reverend John Eliot, known as "The Apostle to the Indians." Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth. p.84 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. October 15, 1697. Read. [Endorsed] October, 1697. Voted in ye House of Representatives in answer to said petition. That they are Eased in this last tax as they desired: & as to ye Scout that they judge it needful - that six of their owne souldiers be imployed dayly: & that ye commander in chief put in a suitable person to inspect ye same. Sent up for Concurrence: Penn Townsend, Speaker. [Massachusetts Archives, LXX. 360, 361.] It is said, on the authority of Judge Sewall's Diary that there were three persons badly wounded in the assault of July 27, 1694. One of them, undoubtedly was Enoch Lawrence, whose given name is sometimes written Enosh. His petition to the Governor for help is as follows: PETITION OF ENOcH LAWRENCE. "To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq. Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over her Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. To the Honorable Council and Representatives of ye said Province in Court assembled. The humble Petition of Enoch Lawrence humbly sheweth that your petitioner is a very poor man and by reason of wounds in his hand, received in a fight with the Indians in the former Indian War - is almost wholly disabled following his labour upon which he depends for a livelyhood both for himself and his family. Your Petitioner therefore prays that he may have freedom from taxes, and something allowed him for a maintainance granted by your Excellency and this honourable Court and your Petitioner shall ever pray, etc. Enoch Lawrence. Insert: Enoch Lawrence Source: Bond's Watertown - Volume II. p.822 Enoch Lawrence of Groton, Mass., married at Watertown March 6, 1676, Ruth Shattuck, the widow of John Shattuck of Watertown and the daughter of of John Shattuck and Ruth Whitney of Watertown. He died at Groton, Mass., September 28, 1744 aged about 95 years. Children: 1. Nathaniel Lawrence b. at Watertown Feb 21, 1677-8. 2. Daniel Lawrence b. at Groton, March 7, 1681. 3. Zechariah Lawrence b. July 16, 1683; of Pepperell, Mass. 4. Jeremiah Lawrence b. May 1, 1686. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth p.85 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. In Council. October 16, 1702. Read and sent down: Israel Addington, Secretary. October 17th, 1702. Read in the House of Representatives. In answer to ye prayer of Enoch Lawrence, ye Petitioner. Resolved that the said Petitioner be freed from publick taxes & be allowed and paid our of the Publick Treasury of the Province as a Pension during his life: three pounds per annum. Sent up for Concurrence: James Converse, Speaker. October 19th, 1702. In Council. Read and voted a concurrance. Israel Addington, Secretary. [Massachusetts Archives, LXX, 583.] CHAPTER III. QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. I. Queen Anne's War, as it is commonly called in America, broke out in the year 1702, when England declared war against France and Spain; and the American colonies were drawn into the contest. The Indians in New England were in sympathy with the French; and they kept the frontier settlements continually on the alert. Strict vigilance on the part of the colonists, was the price of their safety. Military companies were still held under dis- cipline and drill and from time to time were reviewed by the proper officers. In the year 1702, Chief Justice Samuel Sewall accompanied Governor Joseph Dudley through Middlesex County on a tour of inspection; and in his Diary, under date of October 28, he writes: "Went to Groton, saw Captain Prescott and his Company in arms." (Governor had sent to them from Dunstable that he would visit them). Lancaster is about 12 miles southward from Groton. Concord is 3/4 and ten rods from Groton. [Massachusetts Historical Collections, VI. 5th Series, 67.] JONAS PRESCOTT. The captain of this company was Jonas Prescott, an active man in the affairs of the town of Groton. He was a blacksmith p.87 GROTON IN QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. Colonel William Prescott. by trade, and the ancestor of a long line of distinguished families. He was the grand- father of Colonel William Prescott, the commander of the American forces at the Battle of Bunker Hill; who was himself the father of William Prescott, the lawyer and jurist, and the grandfather of William Hickling Prescott, the historian. After these alarms there was a short respite, which continued until 1704; when the frontier towns were again exposed to savage warfare, and this town suffered with the others. Samuel Penhallow in "The History of the Wars of New England" (Boston, 1726) thus refers to the attack on this place in August, 1704: "The Indians afterwards fell on Lancaster and Groton, where they did some spoil, but not what they expected, for that these towns were seasonably strengthened... And yet a little while after they fell on Groton and Nashaway (Lancaster), where they killed Lieutenant Wilder, and several more. (pp. 24, 25.) In the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society is a manuscript diary by John Marshall of Braintree, which has the following entry: "The beginning of this month of August (1704) the indians did mischief at Lancaster - killed 3 or 4 persons - burnt their Meeting House: and did some harm also to Groton. The same week. Killed one or more: about 200 men went out after them who were gone 20 days, under Major Taylor, but returned without any spoil on them." The attack on Lancaster was on July 31 and that on Groton probably within a day or two of the same time. There were two regiments in Middlesex County at this period; one made up of men living in towns of Boston, called the Lower Regiment, and the other of men living in the more distant sections of the county, known as the Upper Regiment. The following letter, from Major James Converse, p.88 GROTON IN QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. is printed in the Reverend Samuel Sewall's "History of of Woburn" (pp.543,544), and re- fers to "ye towns in ye lower regamt," meaning the towns from which the Lower Regiment was raised. There were some prowling Indians in the neighborhood at this time, and the outlying settlements were alarmed: [Superscription] For His Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General Governor in Chiefe, etc. These. Woburn, August 14th, 1704. May it please your Excellency. I received your Excel's Order of ye 10th courant, I rec'd it ye same day about 4 in ye afternoone, for the detaching 45 soldiers etc: and to post them in 3 squadrons under ye command of a Sargent to each, viz., Groton, Lancaster and Marlborow. I forthwith sent out my warrants to all ye towns in ye lower regamt; the soldiers were all impressed that night and ye 11th day and began to march the 12 day. I went and posted them accord- ing to Order, giving the sargent written orders to observe till further Orders, directing them to take advice of the Captain of the respective towns: At Marlboro, John Benjamin, Sargent - 15 men At Lancaster, Benjamin Wilson, Sargent - 14 men At Groton, Joseph Child, Sargent - 16 men. Total: 45 men. Here is ye whole number your Excellencey sent for, posted according to order. I think there are too many garrisons in every towne. If these men are reposted, one at a garri- son and two at another, I shall account my labour lost and ye men next to thrown away, saving always, what is in obedience to your Excellancy's Command, there is nothing lost or thrown away. Excellancy Sir - I pray for a gracious pardon and am your very humble, ready and obedient servant: James Converse. A party of Indians, numbering about thirty, made their appearance in town, and killed a man on the night of October 25, 1704. Pursuit was at once made for them, but it was un- successful. p.89 GROTON IN QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. "The Boston Newsletter," October 30, 1704, gives the following account of the affair: "On Wednesday night (October 25) an English man was killed in the woods at Groton by the Indians which were afterwards descryed in the night by the light of their fires, by per- sons travelling from Groton to Lancaster and judged they might be about thirty in number; pursuit was made after them but none could be found." Davis killed and scalped. From Marshall's Diary we learn the name of the man who was slain. It is there recorded: "on the 25 day (October, 1704) Mr. Breck was ordained at Marlborough. The next day a man was killed and scalped by the indians - his name was Davis - a very useful man and much lamented: It has been a tradition that Samuel Davis was killed by the Indians but the date of his death is unknown; this entry, however, seems to fix it. It is said to have happened in the early part of the evening, while he was taking in some clothes which had been washed and hung out to dry. He lived near the present "community," where W. Dickson resided when the map in Mr. Butler's History was made; and Davis's Fordway in the river nearby, named after him, is still remembered by the older people of that neighborhood. It is not surprising that the inhabitants, upon the renewal of hostilities, were obliged to ask for help from the General Court. They had already suffered much in life and prop- erty, and were little able to bear new burdens. They represented to the Governor that they had been greatly impoverished by their loss of horses and cattle, of corn and hay, and that they were scarcely able to hold out much longer; but the crowning calamity of all, was the illness of their minister, Mr. Hobart, which prevented him from preaching. Their means were so limited that they could not support him and supply his place besides. They were obliged to earn their living at the peril of their lives; and some were thinking of leaving p.90 GROTON IN QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. the town. They spent so much time in watching and guarding, that they seemed to be soldiers rather than farmers. Under these discouraging circumstances they asked for help, and were allowed, out of the public treasury twenty pounds to assist them in procuring another mini- ster, besides ten pounds to be divided among those who were the greatest sufferers in the late attack upon them. The Petition was in the handwriting of Jonas Prescott. January 2nd 1704. Their petition to the General Court is in the handwriting of Jonas Prescott, and gives a pathetic account of their situation. (Jonas Prescott was a son of John Prescott, founder of Lancaster). It is as follows: "To his excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General Commander in and over our Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England and to the honorable Counsil and Repre- sentatives in General Court assembled at Boston, this Instant - December, 1704: "The humble petition of the Inhabitants of the Town of Groton in the county of Middlesex aforeaid humbly sheweth 1. That whereas by the all desposing hand of God who orders all things in infinit wisdom it is our portion to live in such a part of the land which by reason of the enemy is become very dangerous as by woeful experience we have falt both formerly and of late to our great damage & discoridgmant and speshally this last yere having lost so many persons - some killed - some captureated and some ramsomed and allso much corn & cattell and horses & hay whereby wee are greatly impoverished and brought low & in a very poor capacity to sub- sist any longer. As the barers hereof can inform your honors. 2. And more then all this our Pastor Mr. Hobart is & hath been for above a year uncapable of despensing the ordinances of God amongst us & wehave advised with the raurant Elders of our nayboring churches and they advise to hire another minister and to support Mr. Hobart and to make our address to your honors. We have but little left to pay our dues with being so poor and few in number ather (either) to town or country & we being a frantere (frontier) town & liable to danger there being no safety in going out nor coming in but for a long time we have got our brad (bread) with the parel (peril) of our lives & also brought very low by so great a charge of building garrisons & fortefycations by order of authority & thar is saural (several) of our inhabitants removed out of town & others are p.91 Letter by Jonas Prescott, continued. providing to remove. Except something be done for our incoridgment for we are so few and so poor that we cannot pay two ministers, neither are we willing to live without any - we spend so much time in watching and warding that we can doe but little else & truly we have lived almost 2 years more like soldiers than otherwise & except your Honors can find out some better way for our safety and support we cannot uphold as a town either by remitting our tax or to allow pay for building the several forts alowed and ordered by authority or else to allow the one half of our own inhabitants to be under pay or to grant liberty for our remove into our neighboring towns to take care for ouselves - all which if your honors shall see meet to grant - you will hereby gratly incorridge your humble pateceners (petition- ers) to conflect with the many troubles we are ensadent unto. Wherefore your humble petioners humbly prays your excellency & this honored court to take this matter into your seares (serious) consideration and grant relief accordingly and your pationars (petioners) shall as in duty bound forever pray: By order of the town of Groton Jonas Prescott James Nutting Joseph Laken Samuel Parker January 2d, 1704 Read. January 3: 1704. In the House of Representatives. In answer to the Petition on the other side. Resolved that there be allowed and paid out of the Publick Treasury, the sum of twenty pounds to the Town of Grotton to encourage & assist them in procuring another Minister, to help them under the present disability of their Pastor, Mr. Hubbard (Hobart) & ten pounds more be allowed & paid out of the publick Treasury, to Jonathan Tyng, Esq., & Mr. Nathaniel Hill, to be by them proportionably distributed to such of the said town, as in their judgement have been greatest sufferers, in the late outrages upon them by the Enemy. Sent up for concurrence. James Converse, Speaker. In Council. Read and concurred. Israel Addington, Secretary. January 4th, 1704. [Massachusetts Archives, LXXI. 107, 108.] p.92 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS BY CALEB BUTLER. Two years later, another assault was made on the town, though with little damage. I again quote from Penhallow's History of the Wars of New England: July 21, 1706. Several strokes were afterwards made on Chelmsford, Sudbury and Groton, where three soldiers as they were going to public worship, were way-laid by a small party, that killed two and made the other a prisoner (p.36) A few additional particulars of these "strokes" are found in the Rev. John Pike's Journal, printed in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for September, 1875: Blood's House. "June 21, 1706. Sabbath: 2 souldiers slain and one carried away by the Indian enemy at Groton. They were all New Cambridge (Newton, Mass.) men & were returned to their post from Blood's house, who had invited them to dinner. (XIV. 143.) Marshall in his Diary, briefly alludes to this affair thus: "On the 21 (July) they killed two and took one captive at Groton" The Reverend Jonathan Homer, in his History of Newton, as published in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, V.273, gives the names of these men as: John Myrick Nathaniel Healy Ebenezer Seger and says they were all three killed by the Indians. This statement, however, is inaccurate, as John Myrick was not one of the three soldiers, and furthermore was alive after this date. It is sufficiently clear the following contemporaneous petitions that two of these men were brothers by the name of Seager, and the third one was Nathaniel Healy. It was one of the Seager brothers who was taken prisoner. "To his Excellency Joseph Dudley Esq., Captain General and Governour in Chief in and over her Majesties Province of the Massachusetts Bay & the Honorable ye Council & Representatives in General Court Assembled: The humble Petition of Nathaniel Healy of Newton in said Province - p.93 GROTON IN QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. Captain Josiah Parker - Groton. "May it please your Excellancy, your humble Petitioner having at his own proper cost armed his son Nathaniel Healy into her Majesties' Service under the Command of Captain Josiah Parker at Groton on the 21st day of July, 1706. Your Petitioners said son was slain and his gun carried away by the Enemy who waylaid him and others as they were going to Meeting on the Sabbath day. Your Petitioner humbly prays that he may be supplied with another gun at the Province charge for another of his sons, or be otherwise allowed as your Excellency shall think meet. And your petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray, etc. Nathanael Healy. In the House of Representatives. June 5th, 1707. Read. Resolved that the sum of twenty shillings be allowed & paid out of the publick Treasury to Nathaniel Healy the Petitioner - in full for the gun above mentioned. Sent up for concurrence. John Burrill, Speaker. Endorsed. 5. June. 1707. In Council. Read and Concurred. Israel Addington, Secretary [Massachusetts Archives, LXXI. 345.] To His Excellency the Governour and the Honorable Councill & to the Representatives, the humble Petition of Henry Seager of Newtown. Sheweth That your Petitioner, the summer before last, two sons pressed out into ye Country's Service at Groton, and were whilst in the Service by the Providence of God - one of them killed by the enemy ye other taken captive; so that both of them lost their Arms which I think were justly valuable at five pounds, and four powder horns, half a pound of powder, twenty bullets & a napsack, p.94 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. Your Petitioner therefore humbly prays that he may be considered herein, out of the country Treasure as shall be your good pleasure and your Petitiner shall ever Pray etc. Henry H. Seager [his mark] 4th November 1707. In Council. Read and Recommended to the House. [Endorsed] In the House of Representatives November 14, 1707. Read. In answer to the Petition on the other side - Resolved that the sum of forty shillings be allowed & paid out of the publick Treasury to Henry Seager, the Petitioner. Sent up for concurrence. John Burrill, Speaker. 15th November 1707. In Council Read and Concurred Israel Addington, Secretary. [Massachusetts Archives, LXXI. 419.] Penhallow in his History, gives several instances of extreme cruelty to the prisoners on the part of the savages and mentions the following case of a man who was captured in this town (Groton): Samuel Butterfield. A third was of Samuel Butterfield who being sent to Groton as a soldier, was with others attacked, as they were gathering in the harvest, his bravery was such that he killed one and wounded another but being overpowered by strength, was forced to submit and it happen- ed that the slain Indian was a Sagamore and of great dexterity in War, which caused a matter of lamentation and enraged them to such degree that they vowed the utmost revenge; some were for whipping him to death - others for burning him alive; but differing in their sentiments, they submitted the issue to the squaw widow, concluding she would determine something very dreadful but when the matter was opened, and the fact considered, her Spirits were so moderate as to make no other reply than, "Fortune L'guare" upon which some were un- easy; p.95 GROTON IN QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. to whom she answered, "If by killing him, you can bring my husband to life again, I beg you to study what Death you please; but if not let him be my servant; which he accordingly was during his captivity, and had favour shown him." (pp. 38, 39). The account of Butterfield's case was in substance originally printed in a pamphlet en- titled "A Memorial of the present Deplorable state of New England" (1707) - now of great rarity - which appeared twenty years before Judge Penhallow's History was published. This pamphlet has since been reprinted in the introduction to the sixth volume, fifth series, of the "Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society." The account is as follows: A man had valiantly killed an Indian or two before the savages took him. He was next morn- ing to undergo a horrible death, whereof the manner and the torture was to be assigned by the widow squaw of the dead Indian. the French priests told him they had endevoured to divert the Tygres from their bloody intention but could not prevail with them; he must prepare for the terrible execution. His cries to God were hard and were heard - when the sentence of the Squaw, was demanded, quite contrary to everyone's expectation, and the revengeful inclination so usual and well-known among these creatures - she only said, "His death wont fetch my husband to life - Do nothing to him ! So nothing was done to him. (p.58.*) Captain Jerathmel Bowers. Butterfield remained a captive for more than a year. It is not known how he obtained his release. His Petition to the General Court sets forth the fact that he was an inhabitant of Chelmsford and was sent by Capt. Jerathmel Bowers to Groton in order to help Colonel Taylor in August, 1704, when the enemy came upon the place. It is as follows: To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General and Governor in Chief and to the Honored Council and House of Representatives now in General Assembly convened at Boston within and for her Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay. April 10th, 1706. PETITION OF SAMUEL BUTTERFIELD OF CHELMSFORD. The humble Petition of Samuel Butterfield sheweth that your Petitioner is an inhabitant of the town of Chelmsford p.96 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. and in the month of August, 1704, when the enemy came upon Nashoway and Groton - your Petitioner, with others, was sent out by Capt. Jerathmel Bowers to Groton to assist Colonel Taylor - when your Petitioner being ordered out with some others to guard a man who was going to work in the field, the enemy came upon them - killed one man and took your Petitioner and one other, prisoners - though your petitioner made all resistance possible, killed one and knocked down two more, after they had seized him, for which your Petitioner was cruelly used by them afterwards & threatened to be burnt, several times. May it please this Great and Generall Assembly - your Petitioner was very well accoutred in all respects when he was taken - and then was stript of all and was between fourteen and fifteen months a captive, exposed to great hardships and has sustained great loss and damage. Your Petitioner therefore humbly prays the favor of this great and General Assembly to take the premises into your serious consideration and grant him such recompense for his losses and sufferings as aforesaid as to your wisdom and goodness shall seem meet. And your petitioner as in duty bound, shall ever pray, etc. SAMUELL BUTTERFIELD. [Endorsed] April 10, 1706 - Read. In the House of Representatives Resolved that the sum of five pounds be allowed and paid out of the Publick Treasury to Samuell Butterfield the petitioner, in consideration of his losse & service. Sent up for concurrence. Thomas Oakes, Speaker. April 11, 1706. In Council. Read & Concurred. Israel Addington, Secretary. [Massachusetts Archives, LXXI. 195, 196.] Butterfield had previously received, October 27, 1704, a bounty of four pounds for killing the Indian mentioned in this petition - but the present award was for his services and personal loss. p.97 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. The following petition to the Governor was presented in the year 1706 - probably in the summer, as at that time the town was engaged in settling the Rev. Mr. Bradstreet as the minister: To his Excellency, Joseph Dudley Esq., Captain General and Governor in Chief and and over her Majestyes Province of the Massachusetts Bay, etc. and to the Honorable the Council and Represenatives of said Province. Wee the inhabitants of the Towne of Groton cannot but with all thankfulness acknowledge the great care that his Excellency and Governor hath taken for our preservation and de- fense in these times of danger. Notwithstanding all which, we h ave bin by our Enemy ex- tremely impoverished - not being capable of making those improvements which are necessary for our subsistance, but our outlands upon which wee have a considerable dependance lye neglected and many of us are reduced to the last necessity - our stocks are like to suffer much in the winter - and are in great fear that wee have met with considerable losses in them already from the Enemy and we are now at extreme charge in the settling of our minister - so that we are greatly reduced and impoverished. Wee would therefore humbly intreat that our languishing circumstances may be taken into your consideration - and that our proportion of the publique tax may, this year be re- mitted to us and wee hope not only our present afflicted state but our future dutyfull deportment will be such as may testify for us and afford your Honors satisfaction in so notable an instance of charity - and compassion. Signed: Jonas Prescott Jonathan Lawrence John Farnsworth (and selectmen:) Samuel Parker Nathaniel Woods Robert Robbins, In behalf of the Towne of Groton [Massachusetts Archives, CXIII. 391] GROTON DURING THE INDIANS WARS. p.98 COURT-MARTIAL HELD AT GROTON. The following account of a Court-Martial, held at Groton, has some interest from the fact that it gives the names of a few of the men engaged in the public service at that time. The officers composing the court-martial were undoubtedly in command of companies in this neighborhood: COURT MARTIAL HELD AT GROTON. Groton - February 17, 1706-7. One o'clock in ye morning. May it please your Excellancy. I received your Excellancy's letter and immediately upon the return of our forces this evening, called a Court Marshal and made perticular inquisition into Wyman's affair, the copy of which I send enclosed, and pray your Excellency's perticuler direction thereupon - TARBELL. Tarbell who was the person who pretended the discovery although imprudent and so blamable yet would begg your Excellencyes favour for him as a very honest man willing to do service and infinitely concerned for this ill accident - so that the uneasiness and trouble that has possessed him is in itself so considerable a punishment that he seems to need no other. Gladly should wee have found out the ringleaders of the mutinous and disorderly returne but after much examination cant effect it. Wee all wait your Excellency's orders and shall proceed accordingly and am Your Excellency's most obedient Servant, Ephr. Hunt. Die solis - February 16, 1706-7. At a Court Marshal held at Groton, by orders of his Excellency Joseph Dudley, for the Trial of Lieut. Seth Wyman, Sgt. Thomas Tarball and Company, etc. Present. Colonel Ephraim Hunt, President. Captain Jonathan Prescott Captain Jonas Prescott Captain Josiah Parker Captain Stephen Williams Captain Thomas Nichols Captain Joseph Bulkeley Captain Benjamin Willard. Colonel Eph. Hunt the President opened the Court, by declaring themselves by his Excellency's particular Order to be a Courtmarshal for ye tryal of Lieut. Seth Wyman for a false report brought by said Wyman p.99 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. BY CALEB BUTLER. of the discovery of the Indian enemy near Monadnock on the 6th Instant, and for their returne home, in a mutinous disorderly manner without endeavours after a sufficient discovery. Lieft. Seth Wayman examined about the sending out of his scouts on the sixth instant sayeth that: "On the sixth instant on our incamping on Sun about an hour high wee sent out two scouts, of four men each - one to march on the left wing; the other on the right; to march about a mile and a half right out upon discovery from the noise of our hatchets. He further sayeth that after they had been upon the scout about an hour, that he saw both scouts returning together, running towards our camp as men affrightened and called to me at a distance to put out our fires for they had discovered a body of the Enemy. Then Corporal Tarbell, coming up to me, told me that he had discovered the Enemy - the first of their camps that he discovered - he said the noise of their hatchets were as bigg as our Company and so reached halfe a mile. The other part of our Scout told me they had discovered the track of dogs, which they judged to be twenty or thirty. Corporal Tarball. Corporal Tarbell, conductor of the scout marched on the right wing. He being examined concerning his discovery saith: "They took a circular march till they had steared out of the noise of our owne camp; and then, thinking we had heard the noise of our owne hatchets, we took another circle to the left that we might be sure we were out of the noise of hatchets - after a short time travelling we heard a noise of hatchets, upon the left wing on the side of a hill which was near us, upon which we marched towards the place upon discovery, and presently I discovered smoke and immediately marched towards it until smoke covered me, leaving the rest of the men behind - I then heard a great discourse of men which I took to be Indians and French, and so it held a considerable way round the hill - at least half a mile, as I judged. Upon which wee returned another way until wee came to our owne tracks, and then we met with the other scout and upon our account to them of what wee had discovered, they told us they had met with a track of twenty or thirty dogs, which they judged to be the enemy's doggs - upon which we returned together to the camp to make report to our Captain commander and thereupon Lieutenant Wyman, our REPORT OF CORPORAL TARBELL continued. p.100 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. Commander, called his Officers together, but before he had liberty to speak, his men interrupted him - he bid them move off, scatter, and stand on their guard - upon which three quarters of our men ran away homewards, and the Captain sent his Sargents and went himself to stop them but could not do it, and so wee were forced to march home." SAMUEL SHATTUCK, WILLIAM NUTTING & SGT. TARBELL. Samuel Shattuck, William Nutting and Sgt. Tarbell's scout confirm Tarbell's account and particularly that article of the disorderly return of our men, or the running away from their Captain upon the information received of this discovery. Testimony of Samuel Scripture. John Butterfield. The examination of Samuel Scripture of the conduct of the Scout on the left wing who saith that on the 6th of February upon our encamping, I was sent upon discovery about (sun an hour high) at night to march on the left wing, and having marched about a mile and a quart- er, we met with a track which Jonathan Butterfield, who was with me, thought to have been a female wolf and her whelps, but I thought to be Indian dogs, and followed their track about a quarter of a mile and after a short stop wee saw Tarbell's scout who called us away and told us they believed there were a thousand Indians upon which wee hastened away, but Tarbell's scout ran so fast that I could not come up with them to understand what their discovery was until I came to the camp - where Tarbell related what he had seen - all our men crowded around to hear the news - Lieut. Wyman ordered his men to stand farther off and give room that he might discourse with his officers, upon which many of them went away and the Captain sent Sgt. Parham to stop them - Lieut. Wyman seeing his men desert him and Tarbell's men representing ye enemy as so very numerous, thought it advisable to draw off, and accordingly were made the rest of our way home. JONATHAN BUTTERFIELD. The examination of Jonathan Butterfield, being of the Scout on the left wing, confirms Samuel Scripture's information, and tells us Lieut. Wyman talked of marching immediately to the place of discovery but many of our men moved off disorderly, which the Captain sent the Sergeant to stop - but could not do it, and so was forced to return home. SGT. JNO. PERHAM. Sgt. Jno. Perham, being examined upon the article of Lieut. Wyman's disorderly and mutinous running away, sayeth: "That above half of them ran away upon Tarbell's examination and that Lieut. Wyman sent him after them with Orders to turn about and fire in case of an attack in the rear. p.101 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. Lieut. Seth Wyman being examined of his proceedings upon his receiving advice of Tarbell's scout sayeth: Report by Lieut. Seth Wyamn: "That upon receiving this account, he encouraged his men by telling them that they had a brave advantage over the Enemy in that they had discovered them and were not themselves discovered - and there was a great prospect of doing spoil upon them and determined that four squadrons of men, which we had stated, should fall upon four scouts of the enemy. Sargent Tarbell. "My officers advised me not to go on, saying it be presumption and an apparent hazard of men's lives to encounter so great an enemy company - upon which Sgt. Tarbell threw down his cap and offered himself to go if but four men would go with him - but Officers advis- ing the Company and many of my men withdrawing and running away disorderly - I found my- self to weak to attack them and accordingly made the best of my way home." Endorsed. COURT MARTIAL AT GROTON. February 16, 1706. [Massachusetts Archives, LI. 153-157.] At various times in its early history, the town of Groton was threatened by bands of roving Indians, who did whatever damage lay in their power to do. Such incursions kept the inhabitants on the alert, and from time to time, companies were organized for the purpose of scouring the neighborhood. It was in an emergency of this kind, probably, that Lieutenant Wyman's company was reconnoitering through the region around the Monad- nock Mountain. On March 12, 1694-5, an Act was passed by the General Court which prohibited the deser- tion of frontier towns by the inhabitants, unless permission was first granted by the Governor and Council. There were eleven such towns, and Groton was one of them. The law required the inhabitants of these out-towns, who owned land or houses, to take out a special license on pain of forfeiting their property, before they could quit their homes and live elsewhere. It was thought that the interest of the Crown would be prejudiced, p.102 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. and encouragement given to the enemy, if any of these posts were deserted, or exposed by lessening their strength. Many towns were threatened by the Indians about this time, and a few were attacked. It is recorded that some of the settlers here left the town, and there was probably a movement among the inhabitants in other places to do the same. This fact, undoubtedly, occasioned the enactment, which was to remain in force, "unto the end of the session of the General Assembly to convene in May, one thousand six hun- dred ninety six (1696) if the present war so long last, and no longer, nor afterwards." A similar Act was again passed on March 22, 1699-1700, which embraced fourteen frontier towns of which Groton was one, and seven other towns that "lye more open than many others, to an attack of an enemy." This enactment had a limitation in point of time similar to the preceding one. CAPTAIN JOSIAH PARKER. Subsequently this Act was revived on June 8, 1702, with the limitation, though no towns are specified by name; again on June 28, 1706, it was re-enacted, to remain in force until June 29, 1707; and still later, but not for the last time, it was passed on June 10, 1707. This continuous legislation to prevent the desertion of the frontiers shows clearly the unsettled condition of the out-lying towns during Queen Anne's War, and Groton was no ex- ception. In the following letter, Captain Josiah Parker refers to the law, which was pass- ed a month before the date of writing: "On a lecter day. Groton, July 9, 1707. "May it please your Excelency - I have read your Excelecyes order to ye Inhabitants and the law against deserting the frontiers - I could do it no sooner for several of the in- habitants were gone to Plainfield and Returned yesterday, only two stayed behind; Sr one of those that designe to remove is the barer and a Selectman and lives on the outside of the towne. I thought good to send him, who can aquaint your Excelencey who is removed and who are meditating the same. CAPTAIN BULKELY. Captain Bulkely & half his men are gone to Lancaster and the other half are p.103 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. here and do expect a release, they being men of considerable husbandrey; ye most of them. All ye people that will worke in companies have guards to cover them to their content, if your Excelency please I should (be) very glad of a reply - I am your Excelencies most Humble Servant - Josiah Parker. (Superscribed) LETTER OF JOSEPH LAKIN, TOWN CLERK. To His Excelency - The Govenour att Roxbury On Her Majesty's Service. Groton. July 9, 1707. May it please your Excellency. According to your Excellency's commands wee have sent an account of those that are either actually removed or meditating of it. Our people are reduced to that degree that they find themselves unable to subsist any longer - would pray your Excellency either to grand liberty for their Remove or that they may be reduced here intirely to a Garrison (of the Towne militia) for the preserving the frontiers; wee thankfully acknowledge your Excellencie's great care of us hitherto, and would pray the continu- ance of your regards, without which we are an undone people. We take leave to subscribe, May it please your Excelency, Your Excellencies most obedient servant, Joseph Lakin Town Clerk. (also Selectment) John Farnsworth Jonathan Boidon Joseph Lakin. Superscribed To His Excelencey The Governor att Roxbury. p.104 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. Grotten - July ye 9 day 1707. (undersigned) John Stone Joseph Paraham Jonathan Page Samuell Davis Nathaniel Woods Danill Cadein Danill Lawrance John Cadein John Shattuck John Hoare Nathaniel Parker Samuel Farnsworth Benjamin Lakin Joseph Boidon Jonathan Boidon Josiah Whitney John Hutchins Cornelius Whitney Zachariah Lawrence Joseph Lawrence Edman Chamberlin Ebenezer Nutting John Hall of persons gone Samuel Shattuck Zerrubbuble Kemp Zachariah Sartwall John Gibson Abraham Lakin Josiah Lakin Joseph Lakin William Lakin William Shattuck John Farnsworth Of the persons that are considering to going. SELECTMEN: Joseph Laking John Farnsworth Jonathan Boidon Joseph Lakin Town Clerk for Groton [Massachusetts Archives, CXIII. 418-420] A man by the name of Brown was killed here (at Groton) on June 11, 1707. The affair is thus referred to in Pike's Journal, printed in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, for September, 1875: - June 11, 1707. Mr. Dudley Bradstreet's man was slain by the Indians at Groton - nomine: Brown. (XIV.145.) p.105 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS During this period the savages were still skulking in the neighborhood, doing what in- jury they could. The following item, taken from "The Boston News-Letter," of August 25, 1707, describes an event which alarmed the people of this town: "On Monday last the 16th Currant, thirteen Indians on the frontiers, surprized two men at their labour in the meadows at Marlborough, about 4 miles distant from the body of the town - took them both alive; and as they parted out of the town, took a woman also in their marching off, whom they killed: How one of the prisoners broke away in a scuffle, and brought home the Indian's gun and hatchet, and acquainted the garrison and inhabitants, who speedily followed them and were joyned by twenty from Lancaster, being in all 40 odd came up with the Enemy, who were also increased to 36, and on Tuesday at ten of the clock found them and in two hours exchanged ten shot a man, in which skirmish we lost two men, and had two slightly wounded, and no doubt we killed several of the Enemy, whose tracts of being dragged away we saw, but recovered but one of them, though tis probably con- jectured that we killed 10 or 12 at least; we took 24 of their packs and drove them off their ground and (they) are yet pursued by two parties of the forces from Lancaster and Groton, at our forces overtaking and attacking the Enemy - they barbarously murdered the Captive." The people must have lived in a constant dread of the Indians during most of Queen Anne's War. Sometimes an outlying farmhouse was attacked and burned, some of the inmates killed and others carried away in captivity; sometimes the farmer was shot down while at labor in the field, or while going or coming. JOHN SHATTUCK & his son, John. killed 1709. This was the fate of John Shattuck, and They were returning from the west side of the Nashua River, where Mr. Shattuck owned land, and were attacked just as they were crossing the Stony Fordway near the present site of Hollingsworth's paper-mills, where they were killed. At the time of his death, Mr. Shattuck was one of the Selectmen of the town of Groton. During the autumn of 1882, Messrs. Tileston p.106 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. and Hollingsworth, of Boston, the owners of the mills, caused a suitable stone to be placed by the wayside, bearing the following inscription: Near this spot JOHN SHATTUCK, A SELECTMAN OF GROTON, AND HIS SON JOHN WERE KILLED BY THE INDIANS, MAY 8, 1709, WHILE CROSSING STONY FORDWAY, JUST BELOW THE PRESENT DAM. 1882. _______________ Mrs. Shattuck, daughter of James Blood. and her Uncle, William Longley. James Parker, Jr. & wife also killed. A remarkable fatality seems to have followed Mrs. Shattuck's kindred. Her husband and eldest son were killed by the Indians, as has just been mentioned. Her father, James Blood was likewise killed, September 13, 1692. So also were her uncle, William Longley, his wife and five children, July 27, 1694; and three others of their children were carried away into captivity, at the same time. A relative, James Parker, Junior and his wife were killed in this assault and their children taken prisoners. Enoch Lawrence. Her step-father, Enoch Lawrence, received a wound in an engagement with the Indians, probably by the same attack of July 27, 1694, which almost wholly prevented him from earning a livelihood for himself and his family. The three Tarbell children. The three Tarbell children, who were carried off to Carried off to Canada by the Indians on June 10, 1707 were cousins of Mrs. Shattuck. JOHN AMES & Ruth Shattuck. Isaac Lakin. John Ames, who was shot by the savages at the gate of his own garrison, July 9, 1724, was the father of Jacob Ames who married her niece, Ruth Shattuck. And lastly, her son- in-law, Isaac Lakin, husband of her daughter, p.107 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. Elizabeth, was wounded in Lovewell's Fight at Pequawket, May 8, 1725. These calamities covered a period of only one generation, extending from the year 1692 to 1725. The Reverend Wilkes Allen, in his "History of Chelmsford, Mass." (p.35) says that Major Tyng was wounded by the Indians between Groton and Concord, some time during the year 1711, and that he was taken to the latter town (Concord) where he died. Near the end of Queen Anne's War there were eighteen garrisons in the town of Groton containing in all, fifty-eight families, or three hundred and seventy-eight persons. Of this number, seventeen were soldiers in the public service. The details are given in "A List of Frontier Garrisons Reviewed by Order of his Excellency the Governour [Joseph Dudley], in November, 1711," as follows: No. Garrisons of Families Inhabitants Soldiers Souls. 1. Sgt. Gillson 3 6 1 25 2. Deacon Whitney's 4 8 - 32 3. Lieut. Lawrence 1 1 - 2 4. Capt. Prescott 4 8 1 41 5. Samuel Parker 3 8 0 27 6. Mr. Bradstreet 1 1 3 10 7. Mr. Hubbard's (Hobart) 3 12 0 32 8. Mr. Lakin's 7 9 1 30 9. Ensign Shipple 6 7 2 30 10. Mr. Shattuck 5 6 2 26 11. Corp. Tarbell 4 6 2 23 12. Mr. Holding (Holden) 1 3 2 12 13. Ensign Farnsworth 3 4 1 18 14. Mr. Filbrick 7 8 0 40 15. Simon Stone 2 3 0 12 16. Chamberlain 1 - - 4 17. Capt. Mill 1 1 1 6 18. Mr. Farnsworth 2 2 1 8 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 58 93 17 378 [Massachusetts Archives, LXXI 874.] p.108 GROTON IN QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. It would be interesting to identify the several sites of these garrison houses, but that is now impossible. Mr. Bradstreet's house is the only one in the list still standing. It was built during the year 1706 and is situated on Hollis Street - it was occupied by A. W. Churchill when the map - opposite to p.247, in Mr. Butlers History was made. CAPTAIN PRESCOTT. Captain Prescott lived at the southerly end of the village on the farm known as the birthplace of Colonel William Prescott. Mr. Hubbard (or Hobart) as commonly written dwelt on the site of the Baptist Meeting-house. Mr. Lakin's house was probably in the neighborhood of the cemetery, and Ensign Shepley's house stood nearby on the Martin's Pond road. Mr. "Shaddock" was perhaps William Shattuck, who lived in the vicinity of Wattle's Pond and Corporal Tarbell's farm is now occupied by James Lawrence. CAPTAIN JONAS PRESCOTT's Mill. Captain Prescott's mill at the Forge Village, now in Westford, is evidently meant by "ye Capt Mill." An allusion is made probably to some one captured during Queen Anne's War, in the follow- ing extract from the account of a "Missionary Tour in Maine," written in the year 1798, by the Reverend Paul Coffin, and printed in the fourth volume of the "Collections of the Maine Historical Society:" - "Mr. Russel of Canaan (Maine) told me he lived in an house at Groton, the owner of which was captivated by the Indians, about ninety years past and brought to Norridgewock, where he built the first Moss-house which the Indians and French first had there. This pleased his new masters so well that they gave him his redemption. (pp. 379, 380). p.109 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. II. In a list of prisoners held by the French and Indians in Canada, March 5, 1710-11, are the names of: Zechariah Tarball, John Tarball, Sarah Tarball Matthias Farnsworth Lydia Longley. (Archives, LXXI.765) - all of Groton, though no date of capture is given. Lydia Longley was taken by the Indians on July 27, 1694 and the particulars of here case have already been told. Tarbell Children. The Tarbell children were carried off on June 20, 1707. Matthias Farnsworth. It is unknown when Matthias Farnsworth was captured, and this entry appears to be the only record of the fact. Insert - Matthias Farnsworth's Captivity. Source: The Farnsworth Memorial p.42 Matthias3 Farnsworth son of Matthias2 Farnworth and his wife Sarah Nutting of Groton, was born August 6, 1690. On August 11, 1704, he was taken prisoner by the Indians and carried into Canada where he was delivered to the French. Groton records show nothing as to when or how he was captured. By parish records of Montreal it appears he was baptized in the Roman Catholic church there and given the name of Matthias Claude Farnet. He was about 14 years old when he was carried off and had the rudiments of an English education. He married Oct 2, 1713, Catherine Charpentier and had nine children. He died Aug 7, 1773 and his wife d. June 30, 1777. She was a dau. of Jean and Francoise (Hunault) Charpenter. The captured Tarbell Children Sarah Tarbell, John Tarbell and Zechariah Tarbell, were the children of Thomas & Elizabeth (Wood) Tarbell, who, with a large family, lived on Farmer's Row, Groton, near where James Lawrence's house now stands. Sarah Tarbell was a girl nearly fourteen years of age, John Tarbell was a lad of twelve years and Zachariah Tarbell was only seven years old, at the time when they were taken prisoners. They were near kindred of the Longley family, who had been massachred thirteen years before, by the Indians. Corporal Tarbell. The father was unquestionably the Corporal Tarbell who commanded, in the autumn of 1711, one of the eighteen garrison in the town of Groton. The story of their capture and their captivity is a singular one. They were picking cherries early one evening (so tradition relates) and were taken before they had time to get down from the tree. It should be borne in mind that the date of capture, according to the new style of reckoning, was July 1st, when cherries would be ripe enough to tempt the appetite of climbing youngsters. These children were carried to Canada, where, it would seem, they were treated kindly - as no inducement afterward was strong enough to make them return permanently to their old home in Groton. The girl, Sarah Tarbell was sold to the French and placed in a convent at Lachine, near Montreal; but what became of her subseqently, I am unable to say. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Insert: In the year 2003, Mowhawk Indian Chief Phil Tarbell visited Groton, Mass. to see the graves of his ancestors, in the Olde Burying Ground, Groton. He was accompanied by a Television News broadcaster, Neil Drew. William McNulty of Ayer (once a part of Groton) hosted their visit. Pictures of Mohawk Indian Chief Tarbell available on request. Janice Farnsworth p.110 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. THOMAS TARBELL Thomas Tarbell, the father of these children, made his Will September 26, 1715, which was admitted to Probate six weeks later, and is now on file at the Middlesex Probate Office in East Cambridge. After making certain bequests to different members of his family, he says: "All the rest & residue of my Reall Estate I give to be equally divided between my three children, John, Zachary and Sarah Tarbell, upon their return from Captivity, or in prop- ortion unto any of them that shall return and the rest, or the parts belonging to them that do not return, shall be equally divided among the rest of my children." The author, Samuel Abbott Green says: During my visit to Montreal in the summer of 1877, I saw, at the Congregation of Notre Dame, the French record, of which the following is a translation: "On Monday, July 23, 1708, the ceremony of baptism was performed on Sarah Tarbell, who was born at Groton (Massachusetts) in New England, October 9, 1693. Her parents were Thomas Tarbell and his wife, Elizabeth Wood, both Protestants, and she was baptized by the minister shortly after her birth. Having been taken by the savages on Monday, June 20, 1707, she was brought to Canada; she has since been sold and has lived with the Sisters of the Congregation of Notre Dame, established at Lachine, where she abjured her religion on May 1st. Her godfather is M. Jacques Urbain Robert de Lamorandiere, Secretary of M. I'Intendant; and her godmother is Madame Marguerite Bonat, wife of M. Etienne Pascaud, the deputy treasurer of the King in this country. Her name Sarah has been changed to Marguerite. (signed) MgTe Bonat, Pascaud, Lamorandiere, Meriel, Pretre. The Tarbell boys remained for many years with their captors at Caughnawaga, an Indian village on the right bank of the St. Lawrence River, directly opposite Lachine. p.111 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. It is supposed that they left this place about the year 1760, when they moved up the river, in order to establish another settlement. In the year 1713, John Stoddard and John Williams were appointed by Governor Joseph Dudley to go to Quebec and treat with the Governor-General of Canada for the release of the New England prisoners. They were accompanied by Thomas Tarbell - probably the elder brother of the captive boys - and we find his Petition presented to the House of Representatives, June 1, 1715 - "praying consideration and allowance for his time and expenses in going to Canada, with Major Stoddard & Mr. Williams, anno 1713, to recover the captives." The Petition was referred, and on the next day - Captain Noyes from the Committee of Petitions, made report on the Petition of Thomas Tarbell, vis., "That they are of the opinion that nothing is due from the Province to the said Tarbell, since he proceeded as a volunteer in that service to Canada & not imployed by the Government - but recommended him to the favour of the House. The report was accepted and, in consideration of Tarbell's services, he was allowed ten pounds out of the public treasury. Captain Stoddard's Journal, given an account of the negotiations, is printed in "The New England Historical and Genealogical Register" (v.26), for January, 1851, and Tarbell's name is mentioned in it. JOHN TARBELL & ZECHARIAH TARBELL VISIT GROTON. We find no further trace of these boys, now grown up to manhood, during the twenty-five years following this attempt to release the New England prisoners. In the winter of 1739, John and Zechariah Tarbell came back to Groton in order to visit their kinfolk and see their native town. They were so young when they were carried away as prisoners that their recollections of the place were, of course, very indistinct. It is not known now under what circumstances or influences they returned. An itemized bill of the expense incurred in bringing them back from Canada, was made out against their brothers, Thomas and Samuel Tarbell, and perhaps paid by them. Shortly afterward, Thomas Tarbell petitioned the General Court for means to enable him to meet the necessary charges of the journey, be- sides the expenses for an interpreter; anda conditional load was granted. The record does not say whether it was ever paid back by him. The papers relating to the subject are as follows: Dr: Messieres Thomas & Samuel Tarbell to William Rogers, Jun. Cr. 1738/9. January. To 50 lbs biskett £ _ 10 3 40 lbs Pork at 7d. 1 3 4 1/2 gal. Brandy 8 9 8 blankets strouds qs 2-1/2) 6 10 Ells @ 6/6 p. ell To lodging Victuals etc. 9 days @ 1 16 0 To horse hire to Kinderhook & expenses 15 9 To Lodging & Victuals at Westenhook 7 2 To horse hire from Westfield to Groton 10 ___________ New York money £ 12 1 3 At 200 percent advance 24 2 6 ___________ £ 36 3 9. To cash paid expences at Glasco (Blandford) New England money 15 10 To d. paid at d at Westfield 10 To d. paid d. at Lambs between Springfield and Kingstown 6 6 (Palmer) To d. at Mr. Ashley's 17 2 To d. paid at Howards & Richardsons 12 To d. paid at Mr. Huberds (Hobart) 14 6 To d. paid at Boston, ect. ____________ £ 5 11 3 Amount carried forward - ________ £ 44 14 9. p.113 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. Amount brought forward £ 44 14 9. To my trouble for bringing our brothers from Canada to Albany & here. From ye 10th Febry. to April 27th is 77 days at 20/ 77 ___________ 10-11-7 £121. 14 9. p. William Rogers, Jun'r. [Massachusetts Archives, XV.A 15, 16.] Province of the Massachusetts Bay. To His Excellency Jonathan Belcher, Esq. Gov Chief The Honorable Councill & House of Representatives in General Court Assembled Aprill 23d 1739. PETITION OF THOMAS TARBELL OF GROTON. The Petition of Thomas Tarbell of Groton, Elder brother to his two unfortunate brothers taken into captivity in the former wars humbly sheweth That he does with utmost thankfulness acknowledge the Great favour of this Court express- ed towards his said brothers and for ye great encouragement you have bee pleased to give in order to Excite them to come over & settle amongst us. But in as much as the charges of their coming down and ye Interpretor who attended them amounts to one hundred & twenty one pounds 14/9 (The italicised words in the petition are erased, and "fourty pounds new tennor Bill" interlined.) which your petitioner must pay & not being in a capacity to raise so much money at this time he most humbly prays your Excellency & Honors would of your Great Goodness be pleased to make him a Grant of so much or to allow him to receive ye same out of the Publick Treasury and Grant him such time for repayment thereof again as to your Excellency & Honors in your great Good- ness shall seem meet, your Petitioner's giving good security therefor and as in Duty bound shall ever pray, etc. (signed) Thomas Tarbell. [Massachusetts Archives, XV. A. 17.] In the House of Representatives April 24, 1739. Read and in answer to this Petition: Voted that Mr. Treasurer ffoye be & hereby is impowered and directed to advance to the Petitioner, Thomas Tarbell the sum of p.114 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. thirty nine pounds, eleven shillings and seven pence, out of the publick Treasury, provid- ed the said Tarbell give good security for re-imbursing the Treasury the said sum within the space of two years at the farthest, in case his two brothers do not, within that time, return with their families and dwell among us in this Government. Sent up for concurrence. J. Quincy, Sptr. In Council, April 24, 1739 - Read and Nonconcurred. Simon Frost, Deputy Secretary. [Massachusetts Archives, XV.A17.] IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 21, 1739. JOHN TARBELL AND ZECHARIAH TARBELL. In consideration of that clause in His Excellency's speech for inducing some English captives lately come from Canada to return hither again, by giving them some proper encouragement - Ordered that the sum of forty pounds new tenor bills be granted & allowed to be paid out of the publick Treasury to Joseph Kellogg, Esq., and by him to be paid and disposed of to and for the use of the two captives viz: John Tarbell Zechariah Tarbell in the following manner viz. Sixteen pounds thirteen shillings and four pence, part thereof to be laid out at their discretion as a present to their wives in the pur- chase of such things as they are desirous of, and that the sum of sixteen pounds, thirteen shillings and four pence be given to be at their own disposal, and the re- mainder thereof, viz., six pounds, thirteen shillings & four pence be given them to bear their charges homewards. To Thomas Tarbell and Samuel Tarbell. And further the assurance of this Government is hereby given them that if they shall return with their families to live among us, they shall be put & kept in the pay of the Province as soldiers at Fort Dummer during Life to give them bread for their families without being obliged to the duty of the garrison, only behaving themselves peaceably and orderly among us; and that each of them shall have a right in some new township, or two hundred acres of land apiece for an inheritance to them and their heirs, where it shall be found most fit and convenient and also that on their return again with their families, to dwell here as aforesaid - this Government will pay to their brethren, namely Thomas Tarbell and Samuel Tarbell the amount of Mr. William Rogers, Jr. p.115 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. his account for the charge of their journey down and now exhibited being forty pounds, eleven shillings and seven pence. Sent up for Concurrence. J. Quincy, Speaker. In Council, April 24, 1739. Read and Concurred. 25 consented to. J. Willard, Secretary J. Belcher. [Massachusetts Archives, XV. A 18, 19.] On April 20, Governor Belcher brought the case of these captives to the attention of the Council and the House of Representatives - and this action on his part prompted the petition of Thomas Tarbell. The Governor them made a speech in which he said: SPEECH BY GOVERNOR BELCHER. TARBELL CAPTIVES RETURN AFTER THIRTY YEARS CAPTIVITY. "There are lately come from Canada some persons that were taken by the Indians from Groton above thirty years ago, who, it is believed, may be induced to return into this Province, on your giving them some proper encouragement - if this matter might be effect- ed, I should think it would be not only an act of compassion in order to reclaim them from the errors and delusions of the Romanish faith; but their living among us, might, in time to come, be of great advantage to the Province." This subject was referred the same day to a Committee consisting of: John Read of Boston. William Fairfield of Wenham. Thomas Wells of Deerfield. Benjamin Browne of Salem. Job Almy of Tiverton. On the next day, April 21, as we read in the printed Journal of the House of Repre- sentatives - the Chairman of the Committee appointed to consider that paragraph in His excellency's speech relating to the encouragement of two English captives from Canada, viz. John Tarbell and Zechariah Tarbell, made report thereon, which he read in his place, and then delivered it at the Table; and after some debate thereon, the House did not accept the report - and having considered the same article by article, the House came into a vote thereon, and sent the same up to the Honourable Board for concurrence. On the 23rd, we find: "A petition of Thomas Tarbell of Groton, elder brother of the two Mr. Tarbells lately returned from captivity in Canada, praying he may be allowed the loan of some money to enable him to pay William Rogers, Jr., his account of charges in bringing his brethren to Boston. Read and Ordered that the petition be considered tomorrow morning." On the next day, - The House passed a Vote on the Petition of Thomas Tarbell of Groton, praying as entered the 23rd, current, and sent the same up to the honourable Board of Concurrence. All these efforts, however, to reclaim the two men from savage life proved unavailing; for it is known that they remained with the Indians and became naturalized, if I may use that expression. They married Indian wives, and were afterward made chiefs at Caughnawaga and St. Regis, villages in Canada. Their descendants are still living among the Indians and the Tarbells of the present day, in this town, are their colla- teral kindred. Nearly forty years after their capture, Governor Hutchinson met them in New York State, and in his "History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay" he refers to them thus: "I saw at Albany two or three men in the year 1744, who came in with the Indians to trade, and who had been taken at Groton in this, that is called Queen Ann's war. One of them..... Tarbell, was said to be one of the wealthiest of the Cagnawaga tribe. He made a visit in his Indian dress and with his Indian complexion (for by means of grease and paints but little difference could be discerned) to his relations at Groton, but had no inclination to remain there." (II.139.) Here is another account from "The Galaxy" magazine for January, 1870: p.117 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. "It is related that about a century and a half ago, while a couple of boys and a girl were playing in a barn at Groton, Massachusetts, some Indians suddenly appeared, seized the boys and fled, carrying them to the village of Caughnawaga, nine miles above Mon- treal, where they grew up with the Indian habits, manners and language, being finally adopted as members of the tribe - and married Indian brides selected from the daughters of the principal Chiefs. (IX.124.) Some years after this time, these two young men - now occupying the position of chiefs - moved up the St. Lawrence River, accompanied by several others, all with their families, and established the village of St. Regis. This Indian settlement is pleasantly situated on the right bank of the St. Lawrence, the boundary line which separates the State of New York from Canada, running through it. From its peculiar position, it is agreed, dur- ing the last war with England, that the Indians should remain neutral, but the compact was often broken. In the summer of 1852 the tribe numbered about eleven hundred persons, of whom it is said that not one was of pure Indian origin. Many interesting facts concerning the Tarbells at St. Regis, are found in the "History of St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties, New York" (Albany, 1853) by Dr. Franklin B. Hough. A part of the village comes within the limits of Franklin County; and the author has gathered up some of the stories still told about these two brothers in that neighborhood. He gives the following accounts, which are largely traditional, but with some truth at the bottom: "About a hundred and thirty years ago, three children (a girl about twelve or thirteen years of age and two younger brothers) were playing together in a barn in the town of Groton, Massachusetts, and being absent from the house longer than was expected, their mother became solicitous about them and went to find them. The girl was lying on the floor with a broken limb and the boys were missing. "She related that seeing some Indians coming, she fled to the upper part of the barn, and fell by accident from the beams above and that p.118 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. they had seized the two boys and carried them away. The stealthy manner of this seizure, and the time that had elapsed, forbade pursuit with any hope of success, and the dis- tracted parents were left to mourn the loss without consolation or hope. The probable motive for the seizure of these children was the expectation that a boundy would be offered for their ransom; or perhaps they might be exchanged for French prisoners. As afterwards appeared, these boys were taken by the Caughnawaga Indians to their village near Montreal, where they were adopted as their own children, growing up - in habits, manners and language - as Indians, and in due time they married the daughters of Chiefs of that tribe. The names of these Chiefs were Sa-kon-en-tsi-ask and Ata-wen-ta. But they possessed the superiority of intellect and enterprise which belonged to their own race; and this led to a series of petty quarrels, growing out of the jealousy of the young Indians of their age, which disquieted the village and by the party spirit which it en- gendered, became a source of irritation and trouble in the settlement, and of anxiety on the part of their missionary, who labored in vain to reconcile the difficulties between them. Failing in this, he advised the two young men (one of whom they had named Ka-re-ko-wa) to remove with their families to a place by themselves, where they might enjoy tranquillity, and be beyond the reach of annoyance from their comrades. This advice they adopted; and taking with them their wives, and followed by their wives' parents, these four families departed in a bark canoe, with their effects, to seek, in a new country, and in the secluded recesses of the forest, a home. They coasted along up the St. Lawrence, and at length arrived at the delightful point on which the village of St. Regis now stands, where they landed and took possession. Indian Chief, Lesor Tarbell, St. Regis Indian Tribe. The name of these youths, was Tarbell and their descendants have always resided at St. Regis, and some of them have been distinguished as Chiefs and headmen of the tribe. One of these named Lesor Tarbell, and a son of his name, was a prominent Indian Chief about fifty years since, and very much esteemed by the whites for his prudence, candor, and great worth of character. The name of Tarbell is said to be very common in Groton, to this day. p.119 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Another traditional version of the account differs in some particulars from that just related and is as follows: Three lads and an older sister were playing together in a field at Groton, when they were surprised by a small party of Indians. One of the boys escaped but the rest were seized and marched that day about fourteen miles into the woods - towards Canada, when it coming on dark, they came to a halt, and camped out for the night. Thinking their prisoners secure, the Indians were less watchful than usual, and finally fell asleep. The girl, about twelve years old, kept awake and seeing the rest asleep, her first thought was to awaken her brothers and attempt to escape; but fearing to disturb the Indians, should she attempt this, and thus prevent any possibility of escape, she crept carefully out from among them, and struck off in the direction of her home, which at length she reached after undergoing great hardship. One of the lads on growing up, went off to the northwest; the other married and subsequently, with his wife and one or two other families, moved off and made the first settlement at St. Regis. From the abundance of partridges which the thicket afforded, they called it AK-WIS-SAS-NE, "where the partridge drums," and this name it still retains. These families were living very peaceably together, and had made small clearings for corn- fields, when they were joined by Father Anthony Gordon, a Jesuit from Caughnawaga, with a colony of these Indians in 1760. ST. REGIS WAS NAMEED BY LORD AMHERST. The year of this settlement is known by the fact that they were met, near Coteau du Lac, by Lord Amherst, who was descending the St. Lawrence to complete the conquest of Canada. Gordon named the place St. Regis. (pp.111-113) St. Regis Indian Chiefs among whom were Descendants of Tarbell boys. LORAN TARBELL AND THOMAS TARBELL INDIAN CHIEFS. In former years the St. Regis Indians had certain rights in a land reservation in the State of New York; and more than once, treaties were made between the Governor of that State and the Chiefs of the tribe, among whom were descendants of these Tarbell boys. A treaty was signed on February 20, 1818, in behalf of the Indians - by Loran Tarbell and Thomas Tarbell and two other chiefs. Another treaty was signed on September 23, 1825, by eleven chiefs and trustees of the p.120 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Peter Tarbell, Thomas Tarbell, Louis Tarbell and Battice Tarbell tribe, including Peter Tarbell, Thomas Tarbell, Louis Tarbell and Battice Tarbell. Some of these names, I am sure, will sound familiar to the older inhabitants of Groton. It is very likely that Battice Tarbell is the same as Sabattis - an Indian name, which is said to be a corruption of Saint Baptiste. Dr. Hough writes about one of the earlier members of the family as follows: LESOR TARBELL AKA PETER THE BIG SPEAK. A half breed Indian, who usually was known as Peter the Big Speak, was a son of Lesor Tarbell, one of the lads who had been stolen away from Groton by the Indians, and who subseqently became one of the first settlers who preceded the founding of St. Regis. He was a man of much address and ability as a speaker, and was selected as the mouthpiece for the tribe on the more important occasions that presented themselves. (p.182.) Eleazer Tarbell. The statement is wrong, however, that Lesor Tarbell was the name of one of the captured boys. It is perfectly well known that their names were John Tarbell and Zechariah Tar- bell, but it is not improbable that one of their sons was named Lesor Tarbell. If this was the case, it was intended, doubtless, for Eleazer Tarbell, the name of their young- est brother, who was less than two months old when they were carried off. It certainly would be a very touching tribute to their childish recollections if they had remembered this little babe at home and carried him in their thoughts for so many years. In the year 1772, the Rev. Ripley and Lieut. Taylor went on a mission to Canada, in order to induce some Indian children to join the Charity School at Hanover, New Hamp- shire. They returned September 21, bringing with them eight boys from Caughnawaga, and two from Lorette, a village near Quebec. Among these lads was a descendant of one of the Tarbell captives. An account of this visit to Canada is given in the appendix to a pam- phlet entitled "A Continuation of the Narrative of the Indian Charity School," p.121 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. by Eleazer Wheelock, D.D. and published in the year 1773. The following extract is taken from it: "The same day a council of the chiefs of that tribe (Caughnawaga) was called to consider of the proposal of sending their children to this school, which Mr. Ripley had left to their consideration, in which they were to a man agreed in the affirmative, and ack- knowledged with gratitude the benevolence and kindness of their offer: they continued united and firm to the last, in that determination against the most warm and zealous remonstrances of their priest, both in public and private; in consequence of which de- termination, nine of their boys were made ready to accompany Mr. Ripley hither; three of which were children or descendants from the captives, who had been captivated when they were young, and had lived with them, till they were naturalized and married among them. One was a descendant of the Rev. Mr. Williams, who was captivated at Deerfield, Mass., in 1704, but the boy was taken sick with the measles and thereby his coming was prevent- ed; but may be expected in the Spring. Another was a descendant of Mr. Tarbell, who was captivated from Groton, Mass., in the year 1700 (1707?) who is now a hearty and active man, and the eldest Chief, and the chief speaker of the tribe. "He expressed great affection to his relatives in New England, and sent his love to them, and desired they might be informed that he had a grandson at this school. The other was a son to Mr. Stacey, who was captivated from Ipswich, Mass., and is a good interpreter for that tribe. (pp.39,40). Another reference to the same subject is found in the first volume of Farmer & Moore's "Collections," published at Concord, New Hampshire in the year 1822. It is as follows: REVEREND SYLVANUS RIPLEY. LIEUT. JOSEPH TAYLOR. and also, a grandson of Mr. Tarbell. "In 1772, Reverend Sylvanus Ripley and Lieutenant Joseph Taylor, who acted as inter- preter, went on a mission to the Indian tribes in Canada. They returned to hanover on the 21st of September, and brought with them ten children from those tribes, to re- ceive an education in the school at Dartmouth College. Two of these children were taken by the Indians in former wars, while they were young, and were brought up in the language and customs of the natives. One of them was a grandson, about eight years old, of a Mr. Tarbell, who was p.122 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. Indian Chief Tarbell. taken from Groton, in Massachusetts in the year 1704 (1707?) when he was about ten years old. Mr. Tarbell was then in vigorous health and the oldest chief in the village. Tarbell expressed much joy in seeing Messrs. Ripley and Taylor, and earnestly encouraged his grandson in leaving his Indian relatives to receive the benefits of education. There was another captive with her father, the Rev. John Williams, who was taken captive with her father, the Rev. John Willilams of Deerfield, on February 29, 1704, that would have accompanied them but was prevented by indisposition. (pp. 63, 64.) A Frenchman by the name of Fovel visited St. Regis in the year 1826 and induced one of the Tarbell family whose Indian name was Joseph Torakaron, to accompany him to Europe. Torakaron-Tarbell was to accompany him to Europe. Torakaron was to travel in the character of an Indian chief, and Fvoel was to act as interpreter and agent. The story is thus told by Dr. Hough, in his History: Joseph Torakaron aka Tarbell. "In 1826, a young frenchman by the name of Fovel, who had been for some time at Montreal, visited St. Regis and induced one Joseph Torakaron (sometimes known by his English name, Tarbell) to consent to accompany him to Europe. Torakaron was to travel in the character of an Indian Chief, which office he then held at St. Regis,) and his companion in that of interpereter, solictor and agent. The motives held out to the chief were, that they should be able to obtain donations for the endowment of their church, and doubtless large sums as presents to themselves. Having made all necessary arrangements, and being furnished with letters from St. Regis, Montreal and Quebec, certifying the standing of Torakaron at home, the two proceeded by way of New York and Havre - to Paris. The conductor here obtained an interview with King Charles 10th, and so favorable an impression was made upon the mind of the King, that he presented them with three fine paintings and a large sum in money, and other valauble articles. Thence they proceeded by way of Marseilles to Rome, and obtained an interview with the pope. During a conversation, the pope asked the Indian if he could converse in another language than his own, and finding him able to use the English language and French to some degree, the pope invited him to a p.123 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. second interview alone. The result was, that a set of books and silver plate for the service of the church, a rosary of jewels and gold worth, it is said $1,400, and other articles of value were given to him. They thence returned to Marseilles, where they spent the winter, and in 1828, returned by way of Paris and Havre to New York. Here the treasur- er, or interpreter, or whatever he might be called, evinced his true character by abscond- ing with every article of value, except the rosary and paintings, leaving Torakaron with- out the means even to return home. He was enabled to do so through the charity of friends, and the paintings were soon after deposited in their destined place. Two of them are now at St. Regis, and the third in the church at Caughnawaga. Of the former, those who visit the church will recognize in a painting over the alter, the portrait of St. Regis, and in the one to the left, near the pulpit, that of St. Francois Xavier. (p.166). Author, Samuel Abbott Green visits St. Regis. In the summer of of 1877 I visited St. Regis where I met a grandson of one of the Tarbell captives. He was more than eighty years old, and could speak only Indian; and I had to talk to him through an interpreter. I learned that he was aware that his grandfather had been taken when a boy, from a town near Boston and that he had kinfolk still living there. What interested me exceedingly was the physical resemblance between him and some of his collateral relations who lived and died at Sqannacook within my recollection. He was a man of ordinary size with a sunburnt face and gray hair, though somewhat bald. There was but little appearance of Indian blood in his veins, and he would have passed anywhere for a good looking old man. He lived with one of his sons in a small house that was clapboarded and painted - and one of the best in the village - where, surrounded by his grandchildren, he was passing the declining years of his life in comfortable ease. I was also interested to learn that the Rev. Francis Marcoux, the parish priest, that the Tarbells were among the most prominent families of the settlement, where there are, per- haps forty persons who bear the Tarbell name. They keep up, p.124 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. in great measure, the same given names that are common among their kindred in this neighborhood. The inhabitants of St. Regis, for the most part, retain the English names of their fathers, and besides, have Indian names. In tracing the career of these Tarbell boys and their descendants down nearly to the present time, the account sounds more like fiction than the sober truth of history. The trail of their adventures is covered up with so many improbabilities that the mere narration of them excites marvel and wonder. LOUIS TARBELL - AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. During the War of the Rebellion, Louis Tarbell, a son of Thomas Tarbell of St. Regis, who was descended from one of the captives, served two years in the 34th New York Vol- unteers, and subsequently in the 11th United States Infantry. After his discharge from the army, he died at Norway, Herkimer County, New York. Lawrence, owner of the Tarbell farm. During the summer of 1883, Mr. Lawrence, the owner of the Tarbell farm, proposed to place in the wall by the wayside at Groton, a stone bearing this transcription: NEAR THIS SPOT THREE CHILDREN SARAH, JOHN AND ZECHARIAH TARBELL WERE CAPTURED BY THE INDIANS JUNE 20, 1707. THEY WERE TAKEN TO CANADA WHERE THE SISTER WAS PLACED IN A CONVENT. THE BROTHERS BECAME CHIEFS OF THE COUGHNAWAGA TRIBE AND WERE AMONG THE FOUNDERS OF ST. REGIS WHERE THEY HAVE DESCENDANTS NOW LIVING. 1883. CHAPTER IV. DUMMER'S WAR. During the summer of 1723 "the Indian enemy" - as the early settlers were wont to call them - still threatened the western frontier towns. On August 16, 1723, according to the printed Journal of the House of Representatives, Lieut. Governor Dummer, at that time the acting Governor of the Province, was desired immediately to order detachments of men, vary- ing from three to six, from the inhabitants of the several towns along the line of outer settlements, to be constantly employed in scouting and ranging the woods in their respect- ive towns; and under this order, Groton was to have six. On August 24th, it was ordered by the House of Representatives that these scouts should be placed under the direction of the chief military officer of the several towns, and such officer should receive five shillings a week for his services. Owing to the informalities in the matter, a dispute arose between the House and the Lieutenant-Governor, who within two days sent two mess- ages to that body, and some slight modifications were made in the original draft. LIEUTENANT JABEZ FAIRBANKS OF LANCASTER, MASS. Lieutenant Jabez Fairbanks of Lancaster, commanded the company which included the Groton men. The following p.126 DUMMER'S WAR. document gives a list of his men at the beginning of the winter: "Lancaster, December ye 2nd, 1723. May it please your Honors, I have in observance of your Honor's order, inlisted fifteen able-bodied men, fit for service & have sent the list of them herewith to your Honors with ye list of those that were in ye service before and have put them on duty: we have made no discovery of ye enemy as yet: the bearer is one that is in the service and is capable if your Honors sees case to demand: to give a full account of our management, your Humble Servant Jabez Fairbanks. [superscribed] To ye Honored William Dummer, Esq. Lieutenant Governor & for His Majesty's service. by Mr. Edward Hartwell. LIST OF NAMES OF SOLDIERS - LANCASTER. A list of the names of ye soldiers first enlisted at Lancaster, Groton & Dunstable. Edward Hartwell Samuell Scripter Aaron Willard John Stephens Benjamin Osgood William Lawrence Benjamin Houghton, Jun'r. Jabez Davice (Davis) John Bennit (Bennet) Thomas Chamberlin Samuell Sawyer Ephraim Chandler Jonathan Shipley Benjamin Nichols Joseph Blood John Barrit James Shattuck. The names of those last enlisted: Joseph Blanchard Isaac Woods Ephraim Wheeler Jacob Lakin David Osgood Thomas Lund Joseph Wheelock Isaac Farwell Ezra Sawyer Ebenezer Cumins Benjamin Harris John Usher Phinehas Parker Jonathan Combs David Sawtell Lancaster, December the 2nd, 1723. Jabez Fairbanks. [Massachusetts Archives, LXXII. 144, 145.] GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. DUMMER'S WAR. p.127 Colonel Joseph Buckminster. Sgt. Edward Hartwell. & Benjamin Prescott of Groton. On December 7, 1723, the House of Representatives passed the account of Colonel Joseph Buckminster, for going and sending expresses, on public business between Boston and Groton and other towns; and fifty-five shillings were allowed for the service. On the same day the sum of £94 10s was allowed for paying the company under the command of Sergeant Edward Hartwell, made up of scouts at Groton, Shrewsbury and Lancaster and the further sume of £40 5s 9d for the subsitence of the men; and the money was to be placed in the hands of Benjamin Prescott of Groton, for his disbursement. Jonathan Hubbard of Groton Samuel Barnard of Capt. Bowman's Company. This company of scouts was the one raised by Lieutenant Fairbanks. On December 10, a Petition was presented from Jonathan Hubbard of Groton, praying that he might be paid £8 4s for entertaining Samuel Barnard, belonging to Capt. Bowman's Company, who was taken sick at his house, while in the public service; and the Committee, to whom the matter ws referred, made a report recommending its payment. Lieutenant Fairbanks. The military company at this post, during the campaigns of 1723 and 1724, was composed of soldiers principally from Groton, Lancaster and Dunstable and commanded by Lieutenant Fairbanks. Some of them detailed as guards to protect the more exposed garrisons and others were scouting in the neighborhood. They were so scattered that the commanding officer found it difficult to drill them as a company. Fortunately, however, they were not engaged in much fighting, though the enemy had been lurking about and threatening the town. The following Groton men are borne on the Rolls of Lieutenant Fairbank's Company, June 18, 1724 and represent some of the most influential families at that time. The period of their service is given, with the amount of their pay: p.128 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. GROTON MEN FROM THE MOST INFLUENTIAL FAMILIES: £ s d Phineas Parker, Sergeant. November 25 to Jan. 12. 4 13 4 Jonathan Shipley, Sentinel. November 10 to Jan. 12. 4 11 5 Joseph Blood November 10 to June 13. 15 10 - Jas Shattuck November 10 to June 13 15 10 - Samuel Scripter November 10 to June 13 15 10 - William Lawrence November 10 to June 13. 15 10 - Josiah Bauden January 13 to June 13. 10 18 6 Jacob Ames November 25 to June 13. 14 08 6 Isaac Woods November 25 to June 13. 14 08 6 Jason Williams November 25 to June 13. 14 08 6 Nathaniel Lawrence ditto 14 08 6 Jonathan Shepley, Sgt. January 13 to June 13 14 11 6 Thomas Chamberlin November 29 to June 13. 14 02 10 Michael Gillson April 28 to June 13. 3 07 01 [Massachusetts Archives, XCI. 124.] The following letters from the Commanding Officer, to Lieutenant Governor William Dummer, show how these Scouts were employed during a part of their service: (Benjamin Prescott's Garrison) Groton. May 28th, 1724. May it please your Honour I have posted the men committed to my care at the towns of Lancaster, Groton, Dunstable & Turkey Hill (Lunenburg) according to your Honours Orders; and improve them in the best manner I can for the protection of the People & the discovery of the enemy and I think to general satisfaction. I have ordered one man to Mr. Benjamin Prescott's Garrison, during his attendance on the Court. I beg leave further to acqaint your Honour that ye peole in these towns apprehend themselves in great danger and cannot (in my humble opinion) be in any measure safe with so small a number of men. JABEZ FAIRBANKS. I am your Honours Humble & most obedient servant - Jabez Fairbanks. [Massachusetts Archives, LXXII. 176.] p.129 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. DUMMER'S WAR. Letter by Jabez Fairbanks (Mention of Sgt. Edward Hartwell) Lancaster, July 1st, 1724. May it please your Honour. I received your letter the last night, in the evening, and not before, though I suppose I might have had it sooner had the bearer pleased, Your Honour is pleased in your letter to give me my choice of a Lieutenant's post at Groton or at Turkey Hills, or a Sergeant's at Lancaster. I am sensible that Sergeant's pay in town would be as profitable as to keep constantly abroad, but yet upon some consideration I choose to abide in the Post I am, and to go to Groton. I return my thanks to your Honour for the choice you have given me. I would inform your Honour that on Monday, last, I sent a scout to Rutland who re- turned yesterday and gave me an account that in the way they discovered the tracks of four or five Indians bearing towards Wachoosett, who they judged had been gone 2 or 3 days. Yesterday part of Groton men & part of this town went out for the week, to range above the towns to see what discovery they could make and I am myself this day going out with what men I can raise to see what I can discover. I desire the favour of your Honour, that the soldiers now under my command at Lancaster and Groton have the liberty of abiding with me or of being dismissed. If it be your Honours pleasure to let Edward Hartwell who hath been a Sergeant under me, abide still in that post in this town, I should take it as a favour. I stand ready to attend your Honours orders & command and am Sr. Your Humble Servant Jabez Fairbank. [Massachusetts Archives, LII.9. ] Groton, July 20th, 1724. May it please your Honour I have attended your orders in posting men at the Towns of Groton, Lancaster & Turkey Hills - precisely except at Turkey Hills there is but eleven men, Captain Stevens having not yet sent so many as ordered & I have taken my post at Groton, where I improve the soldiers in the best manner I can, agreeable to your orders, & have ordered them to lodge in some of ye most exposed garrisons as often as may be, but I find it impossible to im- prove so small a number of men so as to answer ye necessities of the people here, whose circumstances p.130 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. are so very difficult and distressing that I am not able fully to represent to your Honour. The poor people are many of them obliged to keep their own garrisons and part of them employed as guards while others are at their labour whose whole time would be full little enough to be expended in getting bread for their families. My own garrison at Lancaster is very much exposed & with humble submission I think requires protection as much as any in that town. Therefore I humbly pray your Honour would be pleased to give me leave to post a souldier there during my absence in the service of the Province. I beg your Honours pardon for giving you this trouble; and ask leave to subscribe myselfe Your most obedient humble servant. Jazez Fairbanks. [Massachusetts Archives, LII.17.] For some Journals, kept in this neighborhood by Lieutenant Fairbanks during the years 1723 and 1724, see Massachusetts Archives, XXXVIII. A 49-54, 56-65. Colonel Tyng. Colonel Tyng writes, July 23, 1724, from Dunstable, to Lieutenant Governor William Dummer, that he has sent ten men of his company to Groton, agreeably to Orders, and that he is going himself "to dispose the 10 men there." (Archives, LII. 22.) In the printed Journal of the House of Representatives, May 28, 1725, is found the petition of Dr. Blasdell, asking that an allowance be made for his professional services during this campaign. It is as follows: PETITION OF HENRY BLASDELL OF GROTON. Colonel Goffe. A Petition of Henry Blasdell of Groton, shewing that by virtue of A WARRENT from Colonel Goffe who he served as surgeon to the Western forces from the 10th of September to the 6th of December past, being twelve weeks and three days, for which service and the medicines he administered to the Forces in the Service of the Province, he thinks he de- serves twenty-six pounds, fourteen shillings, for the reasons mentioned in the Petition, and praying that the same may be allowed him out of the Publick Treasury. It is recorded in the same Journal, June 11, 1725: p.131 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. by Dr. Samuel Abbott Green. On the Petition of Henry Blasdell of Groton, a surgeon impressed into the service of Colonel Edmund Goffe, praying as entered the 28th of May last, which was read and accept- ed and Resolved, that the sum of seventeen pounds, nine shillings be allowed and paid out of the publick Treasury to Dr. Henry Blasdell for his wages, drugs and medicines in the service of the Province as mentioned in the Petition. Penhallow, in his "The History of the Wars of New England - speaking of the Indians at this period, says: "The next damage they did was at Groton, but were so closely pursued, that they left several of their packs behind." (p.102.) JOHN AMES Shot & Killed. It was on Thursday, July 9, 1724, that John Ames was shot by an Indian, one of a small party that attacked his garrison in the northwesterly part of the town. John Ames lived on the north side of the Nashua River, a short distance below the Hollingsworth paper- mills. He is said to be the last person killed by an Indian within the township. The Indian himself was immediately afterward shot by Jacob Ames, one of John Ames' sons. "The Boston Gazette," July 13, 1724, thus refers to the event: The Boston Gazette, July 13, 1724. "A man was killed last week at Groton, by the Indians, and it is supposed one Indian was killed by one of our men in the garrison. The Indians left their packs, five in number, which were taken and secured by the English." The Boston Gazette, July 27, 1724. In the Gazette of July 27, it is said that "An Indian Scalp was brought to town last week from Groton." The New England Courant. July 13, 1724. The New England Courant, July 13, 1724, reports that "Last week the Indians killed a man at Groton and had one of their own men very much wounded." The same newspaper, in its issue of July 27th, says that "the scalp of an Indian, lately killed at Groton is brought to Town." The Boston News Letter. "The Boston News Letter," July 16, 1724, gives the following version: p.134 "From Groton we are informed that five Indians came into that place and killed one man, upon which one of our men shot out of the garrison and killed an Indian and got his scalp in order to bring it to town and have likewise taken the Indian packs." The same newspaper, of July 30th, says that "An Indian scalp from Groton was brought in here last week." These accounts, taken in connection with Jacob Ames's Petition, found in the printed journal of the House of Representatives for November 20, 1724, and herewith given, show conclusively that they relate to the assault in which John Ames was killed. It is equally certain that Penhallow, in his History, refers to the same attack when he speaks of the damage done at Groton in the summer of 1724. Petition of Jacob Ames. A Petition of Jacob Ames, shewing that he was one of the Weekly Scouts near the garrisons on the westerly part of the Town of Groton: and on the ninth day of July last, when it was the Petitioners' week to be on duty, a number of Indians appeared at the garrison of the petitioners' father, John Ames, and killed him at the gate of the garrison and then rushed violently into the garrison to surprise the people there. And the Petitioner did, with courage and resolution, by himself, defend the garrison and beat off the Indians, slew one of them and scalped him. Praying that although it happened to be his week to be on duty, that this Court would take the premises into their wise and serious consideration and grant what other allowance more than the establishment by law, shall to them seem meet, for his aforesaid service." Read, and in Answer to this Petition: "Resolved that over and above the fifteen pounds due to the Petitioner by Law, for re- covering the said scalp and the good services done this Province thereby, - the sum of fifteen pounds be allowed and paid out of the Publick Treasury to the said Jacob Ames for his good service as aforesaid." Sent up for Concurrence. EZRA FARNSWORTH. Caleb Butler, in his History of Groton, gives the following version of this affair, which was gathered largely from grandchildren of Ezra Farnsworth, mentioned in it. The account was taken down in writing more than a hundred years after the the occurrence of the event, which will explain any inacurracies due to tradition. Caleb Butler refers the assault to a period later than the actual fact: An Indian had been seen for several days, lurking about the town of Groton - and it was conjectured - upon some ill design. Mr. Ames, who lived on the intervale, on the west side of the Nashua River (now owned by John Boynton, Esq.) went into his pasture to catch his horse. Discovering the Indian, he ran for his house - the Indian pursued and shot him as Ames entered his gate. The dead body prevented the gate's closing, as it would otherwise have done of itself, and the Indian pressed in, to enter the house, where Ames had a son and daughter. The son seized his gun and shot at the Indian as he entered the gate. The ball, striking the latch of the door, split and one part of it wounded the Indian, but not severely. As the son attempted to close the door against the Indian enemy, after the shot the Indian thrust his foot in and prevented its closing. The son called to his sister to bring his father's gun from the bedside and at the same time striking the Indian's foot with the breach of his gun, compelled him to withdraw it, and closed the door. While the Indian was in the act of reloading his gun, the young man found means to shoot through a crevice and killing the Indian. EZRA AMD BENJAMIN FARNSWORTH. Two men, at work about a mile distant, in a mill, Ezra and Benjamin Farnsworth, hearing the reports of the guns, and suspecting the cause thereof, were soon at the place and found the bodies of Ames and the Indian, both weltering in their blood. This was the last man killed by an Indian within the bounds of Groton. (pp.110, 111). Caleb Butler, in his History of Groton, p.100, says: "In the summer of 1723, one man was killed at Groton." I am inclined to think that this allusion is to John Ames, as I can find no authority for the statement. Governor Saltonstall of Connecticut, writes from New London, under date of July 23, 1724, that the friendly Indians of that neighborhood seem inclined to hunt for scalps around Monadnock and the farther side of Dunstable and Groton. (Archives, LII.23.) This was owing to an offer made about this time by the governments of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, of a bounty of a hundred pounds p.134 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. for every Indian's scalp that should be taken and shown to the proper authorities. This expedient stimulated volunteers to scour the wilderness for the purpose of hunting Indians, and Captain John Lovewell of Dunstable organized a company which soon became famous. Insert: Ballad of John Lovewell's Fight The Ballad of Lovewell's Fight p.33 What time the noble Lovewell came, With fifty men from Dunstable, The cruel Pequatt tribe to tame, With arms and bloodshed terrible. Then did the crimson streams, that flowed, Seem like the waters of the brook, That brightly shine, that loudly dash Far down the cliffs of Agiochook. With Lovewell brave John Harwood came; From wife and babes 'twas hard to part; Young Harwood took her by the hand, And bound the weeper to his heart. "Repress that tear, my Mary dear," Said Harwood to his loving wife; "It tries me hard to leave thee here, And seek in distant woods the strife. "When gone, my Mary, think of me, And pray to God that I may be Such as one ought that lives for thee, And come at last in victory." p.34 Thus young Harwood babe and wife; With accent wild, she bade adieu; It grieved those lovers much to part, So fond and fair, so kind and true. Seth Wyman who in Woburn lived, A marksman he of courage true, Shot the first Indian whom they saw; Sheer through his heart the bullet flew. The savage had been seeking game; Two guns and eke a knife he bore, And two black ducks were in his hand; He shrieked, and fell, to rise no more. Anon, there eighty Indians rose, Who'd hid themselves in ambush dread; Their knives they shook, their guns they aimed, The famous Paugus at their head. Good heavens! they dance the powwow dance; What horrid yells the forest fill! The grim bear crouches in his den, The eagle seeks the distant hill. p.35 "What means this dance, this powwow dance?" Stern Wyman said. With wondrous art He crept full near, his rifle aimed. And shot the leader through the heart. John Lovewell, captain of the band, His sword he waved, that glittered bright, For the last time he cheered his men, And led them onward to the fight. "Fight on, fight on," brave Lovewell said; "Fight on, while Heaven shall give you breath!" An Indian ball then pierced him through, And Lovewell closed his eyes in death. John Harwood died all bathed in blood, When he had fought till set of day! And many more we may not name Fell in that bloody battle fray. When news did come to Harwood's wife, That he with Lovewell fought and died, Far in the wilds had given his life, Nor more would in their home abide - Such grief did seize upon her mind, Such sorrow filled her faithful breast, On earth she ne'er found peace again, But followed Harwood to his rest. 'Twas Paugus led the Pequa'tt tribe; As runs the fox would Paugus run; As howls the wild wolf would he howl; A large bear skin had Paugus on. But Chamberlain of Dunstable, One whom a savage ne'er shall slay, Met Paugus by the water side, And shot him dead upon that day. Good Heavens! Is this a time for prayer? Is this a time to Worship God? When Lovewell's men are dying fast, And Paugus'tribe hath felt the rod? The chaplain's name was Jonathan Frye; In Andover his father dwelt, And oft with Lovewell's men he'd prayed, Before the mortal wound he felt. p.37 A man was he of comely form, Polished and brave, well learnt and kind; Old Harvard's learned halls he left, Far in the wilds a grave to find. Ah, now his blood-red arm he lifts, His closing lids he tries to raise, And speak once more before he dies, In supplication and in praise. He prays kind Heaven to grant success, Brave Lovewell's men to guide and bless, And when they've shed their heart blood true, to raise them all to happiness. "Come hither, Farwell," said young Frye, "You see that I'm about to die; Now for the love I bear to you, When cold in death my bones shall lie, "Go thou and see my parents dear, And tell them you stood by me here; Console them when they cry, Alas! And wipe away the falling tear." Lieutenant Farwell took his hand His arm around his neck he threw, And said, "Brave Chaplain, I could wish That Heaven had made me die for you. p.38 The chaplain on kind Farwell's breast, Bloody and languishing he fell; Nor after this said more, but this: "I love thee soldier, fare thee well." Ah, many a wife shall rend her hair, And many a child cry, "Woe is me," When messengers the news shall bear, Of Lovewell's dear-bought victory. With footsteps slow shall travellers go, Where Lovewell's Pond shines clear and bright, And mark the place where those are laid Who fell in Lovewell's bloody fight. Old men shall shake their heads and say, "Sad was the hour and terrible When Lovewell brave against Paugus went, With fifty men from Dunstable." footnote: Of the men who belonged to Lovewell's party, but nine returned unhurt. Eleven came back wounded, and three had to be left behind on account of their severe wounds. Among these three was Ensign Robbins, who desired to have his gun charged and left by his side, that he might kill one more of them, should they return. The Indian that Seth Wyman killed, was no doubt placed there as a decoy. Suspecting this, the men concealed their packs and advanced with great caution. Meantime Paugus and Wahwa, with two parties of Indians followed their trail till they found their packs. About these they placed themselves in ambush, and when the Englishmen returned, rose and commenced the attack. The death of the celebrated Indian happened in this manner: Paugus and John Chamberlain had been foes, and had met in bloody fray before this battle. Towards the close of the day, the guns of each had become foul from constant firing, and they came at the same time to the water's edge for the purpose of washing them. Paugus was up stream and Chamerlain below. They immediately recognized each other."Now, Paugus, said Chamberlain, "It is you or I." "Yes," answered the warrior, "It is you or I." Both of them sprang to the water and commenced cleaning their guns. Each strained every nerve, conscious that to be last would be death. Almost with the rapidity of lightning the guns were washed out and dried. They began loading at the same instant. The muskets were primed, the powder rammed home, the bullets thrown into their muzzles and who could tell the issue? But now appeared the advantage of Chamberlain's position. Paugus standing above Chamberlain was obliged to follow his ball with a wad to prevent its rolling out. Chamberlain dropped the ball down the muzzle of his gun, his eye glanced along the barrel and with a yell the Indian chief leaped into the air and fell headlong into the brook. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth p.134 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. continued. The story of Lovewell's Fight was for a long time repeatedly told in this neighborhood, and there is scarcely a person who has not from early infancy heard the particulars of that eventful conflict. It was in the spring of 1725 that Captain Lovelwell with 34 men fought a famous Indian Chief names Paugus, at the head of about eighty savages, near the shores of a pond at Pequawket, now within the limits of Fryeburg, Maine, and known as Lovewell's Pond. Of this little spartan band, seven belonged in this town and one of them, John Chamberlain by name distinguished himself by killing Paugus, the Indian leader. The fullest account of the Fight is found in a pamphlet entitled "Lovewell Lamented, or, a sermon occasioned by the fall of the brace Captain John Lovewell and Several of his Valiant Company, in the late heroic action at Piggwacket pronouced at Bradford, May 16, 1725 by Thomas Symmes, V.D.M. (Boston, 1725.) The sermon contains an historical preface, duly attested by three of the company, which gives many particulars of this ill-fated expedition. It includes a list of the men who took part in the fight with the names of the killed and the wounded. According to this list, the following Groton men were members of Lovewell's Company and present during the action. GROTON MEN IN LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. John Jefts Daniel Woods Thomas Woods John Chamberlain Elias Barron John Gilson Isaac Lakin ? Joseph Gilson Of whom Thomas Woods, Daniel Woods, and John Jefts were killed in the fight and Elias Barron, John Chamberlain and John Gilson (Isaac Lakin?) wounded. It is stated by Mr. Symmes, in his preface that Barron sub- sequently "strayed from the rest and got over Ossipy River, by the side of which his gun case was found and he has never been heard of since." (p.viii.) p.135 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Joseph Gilson was the only one of this quota who escaped injury. The first edition of the Sermon was published on July 1, and was exhausted in a very few days. A 2nd edition was issued mid July with a title-page somewhat changed from the original one - as follows: "Historical Memoirs of the late Fight at Piggwacket with a sermon occasioned by the fall of the brave Captain John Lovewell and several of his valiant company; in the late Heroic action there. Pronounced at Bradford, May 16, 1725 by Thomas Symmes, V.D.M. The Second Edition Corrected." Boston, 1725. In this edition the running title of "An Historical Preface" is changed to "Memoirs of the Fight at Piggwacket." A few correctins are made: in the list both of the soldiers and of the wounded, the name of Isaac Lakin is given in the place of John Gilson's. Captain Lovewell, the commander of the company, was a brave officer and a noted man. He was at this time in the prime of life and ambitious to distinguish himself. He had previously led two successful expeditions against the Indians, and his very name insprired confidence. Only a few weeks before, his 2nd expedition had returned to Dover, New Hampshire, where he made a triumphal entry at the head of his company. They bore ten Indian scalps stretched on hoops and were received with great joy and excitement. Thence they proceeded to Boston, where they were paid a large bounty by the government. The following Groton men were members of the company which went on this second expedition: JACOB AMES EPHRAIM FARNSWORTH REUBEN FARNSWORTH BENJAMIN PARKER SAMUEL SHATTUCK SAMUEL TARBELL HENRY WILLARD. Throughout New England, Lovewell's daring was made the subject of talk and the public looked to him as a natural leader in border warfare. It was "about the 16th of April, 1725," says Mr. Symmes, p.136 DUMMER'S WAR. in the preface to his sermon "that the brave Lovewell began his March from Dunstable to Piggwacket (Maine) with forty-six men under his command." WILLIAM CUMMINS OF DUNSTABLE. When they had travelled a little way, Toby, an Indian, falling lame, was obliged to return, with great reluctancy. When they came as far as far as Contoocook, one William Cummins of Dunstable, was so disabled by a wound he received from the enemy some time before, that the Captain dismissed him, with a kinsman of his, to accompany him. BENJAMIN KIDDER. Then they travelled as far as ossipy and there one Benjamin Kidder of Nutfield (now Londonderry, N.H.) falling sick, the Captain made a halt and tarried while they built a small fortification, for a place of refuge to repair to, if there should be occasion. Here he left his doctor, a sergeant and seven other men, to take care of Kidder and of a considerable quantity of provision, left there to lighten the men and facilitate their march - and for a recruit upon their return. With his company now reduced to 34 men with himself, the Captain travelled to Pigwacket which is about forty miles from said fort. Their names, that made up this Company, except- ing his that started from them in the beginning of the battle, and ran back to the Fort, which I'd be excused from mentioning) were as follows:" (pp ii. iii.) Benjamin Hassell, Dunstable. Here Mr. Symmes gives the names of the thirty three men who were in the famous Fight, purposely omitting the one that ran away. It has since transpired that this soldier, who so ingloriously fled from the battle field, was Benjamin Hassell, of Dunstable, a corporal in the company. (History of Manchester, New Hampshire" by Chandler Eastman Potter - p.160.) With the small force now at his command, the heroic Captain pressed forward to meet the enemy, and in a few days reached the borders of Saco Pond, since known as Lovewell's Pond, southeast of the present village of Fryeburg, Maine. p.137 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. On the morning of Saturday, May 8, while engaged at prayers, they heard a gun, and shortly afterward discovered an Indian on a point of land which ran into the pond. They were dis- trustful of an ambush, and a consultation was held in order to see whether they should advance or retreat. Their decision was to proceed at all hazards. They said: "We came out to meet the enemy - we have all along prayed God we might find them; and we had rather trust Providence with our lives, yea dye for our country, than try to return without seeing them, if we may, and be called cowards for our pains." Lovewell is shot, killed & scalped. After this answer, Lovewell ordered his men to moved forward cautiously; and they soon reached a place where they halted and took off their packs and piled them up together. Leaving these behind without a guard, and advancing a short distance, they came upon the Indian whom they had previously descried. He was returning to his companions with some game that he had killed. Several guns were instantly discharged at him, when he in turn fired and wounded Lovewell himself and another man; after which he was killed and was scalped. PAUGUS, FAMED CHIEF OF THE PEQUAWKET INDIANS. The company then turned back and repaired to the place where they had left their packs. In the meantime, Paugus, the far-famed Chief of the Pequawkets, at the head of eighty warriors on their way home from a marauding expeditiion, had discovered the pile of packs and, counting them, had learned the number of the English. Finding that the force was much less than his own, Paugus placed his men in ambush and awaited return of Lovewell. When the company came up for their packs, the Indians, with hideous yells rushed forth suddenly from their hiding places and began to fire. The brave captain ordered his men to return the fire, which was done with terrible effect. Lovewell himself fell at the first shot, and eight of his men soon shared the same fate. ENSIGN WYMAN OF WOBURN. Ensign Wyman of Woburn, Mass., then assumed the command and, perceiving that the Indians were trying to surround DUMMER'S WAR. GROTON DURING THE INDIANS WARS. p.138 them, ordered a retreat to the pond, where he took his stand. A ledge of rock projecting into the water on one side of him, and a deep brook on the other, made a position favor- able for defence. The fighting continued, and during the day the savages vainly endeavored to compel the valiant band to surrender; but they would not listen to their proposition. JOHN CHAMBERLAIN OF GROTON, MASS. SLAYS PAUGUS. Chief Paugus was slain in this action by John Chamberlain of Groton, Massachusetts. INSERT. Subject: The Chamberlain-Paugus tradition. Source: Collections of the Maine Historical Society. p.5 THE CHAMBERLAIN-PAUGUS TRADITION. The Chamberlain-Paugus tradition was first published at Fryeburg, Maine in the year 1799 by Elijah Russell in his editon of Rev. Thomas Symmes' "Memoirs of the Fight at Piggwacket." It runs as follows: Several of the Indians, particularly Paugus, their chief, were well known to Lovewell's men, and conversed with each other during the engagement. In the course of the battle, Paugus and John Chamberlain discoursed familiarly with each other; their guns had become fouled from frequent firing; they washed their guns at the pond, and John Chamberlain assured Paugus that he should kill him - Paugus also menaced him, and bid defiance to his insinuations. When they had prepared their guns they loaded and discharged them - and Paugus fell. This story was printed seventy-four years after the battle occurred, and one year after, Noah Johnson, the last survivor of the battle, had died. Was this story a fabrication invented by Elijah Russell? Did p.6 Maine Historical Society. it exist before 1799 in other parts of New England? Does it contain any of the elements of truth? In 1846, the Rev. Stephen Thompson Allen delivered an historical address at the cent- ennial anniversary of the town of Merrimack, New Hampshire. In that address, which has the appearance of being truthful and scholarly, he alludes to one of the early settlers of that town, a man whom I have traced in the state and provincial papers of New Hampshire, as a provincial representative of Merrimack from 1756 to 1775 inclusive. That man was Captain John Chamberlain, who erected the first mills at "Souhegan Falls" in 1734. He was a large landowner at "Souhegan Falls," "Naticook," "Benton's Farm," and the "Narragansett Township No. 5." In his address Mr. Allen says: - "It is by many, supposed that this Chamberlain is the same that killed Paugus, the Indian chief in Lovewell's fight. But such is not the fact. They were cousins, and from a descend- ant of the family I learn that to distinguish them from each other, one was called "Paugus John Chamberlain" and the other, "Souhegan John Chamberlain." Continuing, Mr. Allen says: - Souhegan John Chamberlain married Hannah, a daughter of Lieutenant Josiah Farwell, who died of wounds received in Lovewell's fight. Souhegan John Chamberlain lived until the year 1792. Mr. Allen learned these facts of a descendant of Souhegan John Chamberlain, and published them within fifty-two years of his death. If they are true, they show what? That Paugus John Cham- berlain was so called during his lifetime. It is reasonable to suppose that the name "Paugus" should have been affixed after the p.7 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN AT PIGWACKET. year 1799 to John Chamberlain, who had then been dead forty-four years? If it was not affixed after 1799, but was an appellation of his lifetime, it could not have had its origin in Elijah Russell, but must have originated from some other source. But Souhegan John Chamberlain's wife, Hannah, was the daughter of Lieut. Josiah and Hannah (Lovewell) Farwell. Her father was killed in the Pigwacket fight, as also was her uncle, her mother's brother, the intrepid Captain John Lovewell. May we not believe that this woman fre- quently heard the incidents of the battle related by those who were eye witnesses, and may we not suppose that she had more than a passing interest in every particular, especially as her father and her uncle both fell on that battlefield? May we not also suppose that she knew that Paugus John Chamberlain was so called because he shot Paugus? In 1890, I found a tradition in the Chamberlain family concerning the origin of that family in America. It was told by one Jacob Chamberlain of Chelsea to his wife before 1735. About 1777 she related it to her grandson, General William Chamberlain, of Peacham, Vermont, once a Lieut. Governor of that state. He wrote it down in 1820. After six years of research on the earlier families of the name, I am prepared to say that that tradition contains some of the elements but truth, but is not literally true. A correspondence and aquaintance with other genealogists have brought to my attention other family traditions, not true in letter, but resting on the foundation of more or less of truth. From these facts I am led to believe that p.8 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. traditions of long standing contain some of the elements of truth. The story of John Chamber- lain would seem to have come to us from other sources. Caleb Butler, a native of Pelham, New Hampshire, a graduate of Dartmouth College in 1800, and a tutor there in 1801, removed to Groton, Massachusetts in 1802. After many years of research he published his History of Groton, in 1848. (a copy of the full book sent on request). On p. 104, he gives the story of John Chamberlain and Paugus, mentioning in a fott-note his authorities. As the story is somewhat different from Russell's, I give it in Caleb Butler's words: - "Some time in the day the gun of John Chamberlain, of Groton, becoming foul by continued firing, he undertook to wash and cleanse it at the pond. While in this act, he espied Paugus, whom he personally knew, performing the same process upon his gun at a small distance. A challenge was immediately given and accepted, each confiding in his own dexterity, and pre- dicting the speedy fall of his antagonist. Chamberlain, trusting to the priming of his gun by a thump on the ground, had time to take deliberate aim, while Paugus was priming from his horn. Chamberlain's ball reached Paugus' heart just as he was in the act of firing. His ball passed over Chamberlain's head. Notice how Caleb Butler continues: - "After this event there was a short respite. The Indians withdrew. Ensign Wyman and John Chamberlain crept, unperceived, after them, and found them formed into a circle around one in the center, whom they were qualifying, it was supposed, for a chief instead of the de- ceased Paugus. Wyman fired and killed this intended chief. Then both hastened back to their fellows at the pond." Compare the above paragraph with one sentence from The New England Courant, of May 24, 1725, already p.9 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN AT PIGWACKET. referred to. It reads: "About two hours before night, the Indians drew off, and presently came on again." One cannot help thinking that Caleb Butler's relation contains some truth. As to authorities, his foot-note states that the general account of the fight was taken from printed sources, and some of the incidents were from the lips of the wife of Josiah Johnson, one of the men. In the same connection, he writes that this woman was thirteen years old when the battle was fought, that she lived in Woburn, where Johnson belonged, and afterwards was married to him. "In the latter part of her life," continues Caleb Butler, "she lived in my father's family (at Pelham), often told the story, and always told it alike, agreeing with the printed account in general and adding some particulars." From Caleb Butler's statement as to how he obtained the list of Lovewell's men, it is inferred that he never saw Russell's edition of Symmes' "Memoirs." It seems to me that we are warranted in concluding that this story was not a fabrication in- vented by Elijah Russell, a newspaper editor of uncertain character. If we accept Caleb Butler, may we not see that the part performed by Seth Wyman and the part performed by John Chamberlain would, in the absence of positive statements, end in confusion. In 1824, ninety-nine years after that battle and twenty-five years after the Chamberlain- Paugus story had first been published in the Russell edition of Symmes' "Memoirs of the Fight," Farmer and Moore published at Concord, New Hampshire, in the third p.10 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. volume of their "Historical Collections", a ballad entitled "The Song of Lovewell's Fight." It is here stated that Seth Wyman "shot the old chief Paugus which did the foe defeat." In their introductory note, the editors affirm that the author of the ballad is unknown, that it is about one hundred years old, and that it was sung throughout a considerable portion of New Hampshire and Massachusetts for many years. If Wyman shot Paugus, and everybody throughout New Hampshire and Massachusetts sang this ballad for many years, why did not the old people ascribe to Wyman this fact? Why did Wyman's neighbors accord that act - not to their own townsmen, who had received praises from the news- papers and a Captain's commission from the Commonwealth - but to John Chamberlain, a private? Why did not Sarah Wyman, the widow of Seth Wyman, in her petition to the Great and General Court, in 1726, in giving the particulars of her husband's military record, incidentally refer to his Paugus combat if the ballad story were true? As early as 1865, Frederic Kidder in his "Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell" asserted that the ballad is true, and that not John Chamberlain but another slew Paugus. In his sketch of John Chamberlain, he gives these facts. Why did he not in his biographical sketch of Seth Wyman accord to him the honor which he denied to Chamberlain? Did it seem to Mr. Kidder that the ballad, which he would have his readers believe is the "very best authority," is strong enough for a destructive argument against the Chamerlain-Paugus story; but that it was not of sufficient p.11 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN AT PIGWACKET. strength for a constructive argument for his Wyman-Paugus theory? Consistency seems to require that Wyman should have had not only a widely-extended tradition among the common people of such fact, but that his biography should also have contained such a statement. The New England-Courant of September 11, 1725, gives ten lines on the death of Wyman. Why did it not refer to the killing of Paugus, if by that, Wyman did defeat the foe? When it is remembered that a great poet, a renowned professor in the most learned university in America, in writing what has become classic, places Priscilla, the wife of John Alden, for her wedding tour upon a "snow white bull" before a single bovine animal had been brought to the Plymouth Colony - the immortal Longfellow cannot be excepted in stating that poetry, however beautiful, is not historic truth. What value, then, shall we place upon a single statement of an anonymous ballad first published ninety-nine years after the battle it describes occurred? One statement of the ballad is contrary to all contemporary accounts, viz., that by the death of Paugus, the foe was defeated. Since this ballad is untruthful on one fact, may we not consider it untrust- worthy on every fact not corroborated by the narrations of that time. But Mr. Kidder prejudices his own argument by saying that "we trust that the story of Chamberlain and Paugus will not again be republished as historical truth." In the absence of documentary evidence, reason dictates that circumstantial and traditional evidence is suggestive and to some extent reliable. p.12 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. John Chamberlain has such evidence. Seth Wyman was accorded by Symmes the honor of killing the chief of the powow during the respite, as Butler relates. Is it likely that he shot both Paugus and the new red chief, and that Symmes should have accorded him the less important service without ascribing to him the more important act in the battle? It is not claimed, however, that the other traditions relating to Chamberlain and the son of Paugus, and growing out of this one, are true; but the bottom fact that John Chamberlain shot the old Chief Paugus on the shore of Lovewell's Pond, on that memorable May 8, 1725, must, in my opinion, await a more critical investigation before the honor can be consistantly denied him. After the Pigwacket fight, John Chamberlain, although reported by Symmes as wounded during the action, returned to his farm and corn-mill - the Chamberlain homestead - at Baddacook in Groton, Massachusetts. On May 31, 1727, the township of Suncook (now Pembroke, New Hampshire) on the Merrimac River, was granted by Massachusetts to 60 grantees who served in Lovewell's expeditions. John Chamberlain was one of the Grantees, and on April 12, 1729, he sold all his right and title to said lands to Joseph Gilson of Groton, for twenty pounds and ten shill- ings, equivalent then to the paltry sum of twenty-seven dollars and eight-eight cents. His deed to Gilson recorded at Middlesex Registry, Liber 30, p.106 - mentions that the tract of land described was recently granted "to the Officers and Soldiers lately in the service of the p.13 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN AT PIGWACKET. Province under the command of Captain John Lovewell, deceased, and others, in an expedition to Pigwacket against the Indian enemy, and which shall hereafter accrew and fall to me as one of the soldiers under said Captain Lovewell." On the 5th of January of the same year, 1729, he sold the Baddacook homestead to Samuel Woods, Sr., of Groton and on February 19, 1730, he bought another farm from James Lakin, at a place called the "Four Acres" at Groton. Dr. Samuel Abbott Green, who is authority on the History of Groton, is unable to identify this place. He lived here until April 20, 1741, when he deeded this farm at the "Four Acres" to Samuel Chamberlain of Chelmsford, a gentleman. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth p.138 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. continued. PAUGUS KILLED BY JOHN CHAMBERLAIN OF GROTON. Paugus was slain in the action by John Chamberlain of Groton, Massachusetts. After the death of their Chief, the Indians became somewhat disheartened and for a time withdrew from skirmish. Later in t he day the combat was resumed - when, it is supposed, the enemy had received reinforcements. But with no decisive result. As night approached, they again withdrew, and left this little forlorn band, masters of the field. About midnight, the survivors, with the exception of three men severely wounded and unable to travel, fell back and directed their course to the Fort, where they expected to find their former companions; but in this they were sadly disappointed. It seems that, at the beginning of the fight, a member of the company, escaping, made his way to the fort and reported that Lovewell and his men were all cut to pieces, (which he may have believed). The name of this man was Hassell, who Mr. Symmes carefully refrains from mentioning. Disappointed, at finding the fort abandoned, the survivors of this memorable command made their way back to the settlements as best they could, coming in at different places along the frontier line. LOVEWELL. The name of Lovewell at once became famous and the story of this expedition was told in every household, and even in the pulpit. It was made the subject of ballads, which were sung at the family firesides and excited the popular heart with the memory of the brave and adventurous leader. Peace at once followed the action at Pequawket and deep and sincee was the public feeling at its restoration. John Potter, in his "History of Manchester, New Hampshire" (p.160) gives the names of the nine men left with Kidder p.139 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. JOHN GILSON OF GROTON. at the fort at Ossipee. Among the names is that of John Gilson of Groton, Mass., who is mentioned incorrectly in the first edition of Symmes's Sermon - as one of the soldieers taking part in the fight. This shows that he belonged to the original company and started out on this expedition. The two Gilsons from Groton were cousins. It is related in Symmes's Sermon: "Some of the Indians holding up Ropes, asked the English if they would take Quarter, but were answered briskly, they'd have none but the muzzle of their guns." (p.vii.) 'holding up ropes' The savages had learned at this period that it was better financially for themselves to carry prisoners to Canada and sell them to the French - than to slay them in battle. And for this reason they would rather capture than kill their enemy. The reference to 'holding up ropes' means tying them with ropes and taking them away as prisoners, instead of massacring them. The following account of the killing of the Indian sachem has come down to the present generation, both as written history and as tradition. The story goes that some time during the day, when John Chamberlain went to the pond to wash out and clean his musket, which by continual firing had become foul - while he was thus engaged, he spied the old Indian Chief, whom he knew personally - a short distance off, doing the same thing with his own gun. A challenge was at once given and taken - each confiding in his own dexterity. THE DEATH OF CHIEF PAUGUS. Paugus had nearly finished loading his rifle and was priming it from his powder-horn - when Chamberlain struck the breach of his own gun on the ground, causing it to prime it- self, and in this way got the start on the Indian foe. He at once fired and his bullet passed through Chief Paugus's heart - just as the old Chief was aiming at Chamberlain. SYMMES'S SERMON. A third edition of Symmes's Sermon was printed in the year 1799, at Fryburg, Maine, within two miles of the p.140 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. battle-field. It was edited by Elijah Russell, then publishing "Russell's Echo" Newspaper in Fryburg, Maine. The account of the fight is substantially the same as that given by Mr. Symmes - though there is some additonal matter. It is said that Indians are wont to avenge the death of their slain kindred; and stories are told of their coming to Groton during the last century, in order to wreak their re- venge on Chamberlain. Such accounts may not be authentic, but they are characteristic of the times in which they are said to have occurred, and perhaps have some foundation in fact. An attempt has been made in modern times to take from Chamberlain the credit of killing the Indian chief - but the earlier records and traditons seem to confirm the story. LOVEWELL-LOVELL. After a careful examination of the whole subject, I am led to believe that the weight of evidence is in its favor. The following incidents relating to Chamberlain are mentioned in the account of Lovewell's Fight, which appears in connection with the third edition of Symmes's Sermon. Throughout the pamphlet, Mr. Russell, the Editor, writes the name "Lovell" which spelling is in accordance with the pronunction. SYMMES'S SERMON EXTRACT. "Several of the Indians, particularly Saugas their Chief, were well known to Lovell's men, and frequently conversed with each other during the engagement. In the course of the battle, Saugus and John Chamberlain discoursed familiarly with each other; their guns had become foul, from frequent firing; they washed their guns at the pond, and the latter assured Paugus that he should kill him; Paugus also menaced him and bid defiance to his insinuat- ions - when they had prepared their guns, they loaded and discharged them and Paugus fell. A son of Paugus, after it had become a time of peace, went to Groton to revenge his father's death, with the death of Chamberlain. He did not go directly to Chamberlain's but to the house of a neighbor, where he tarried several days, upon some pretended business, that his design might not be discovered. His errand was however suspected and a hint given to Chamberlain - who cut a p.141 CHAMBERLAIN & THE SON OF PAUGUS. hole above his door, through which he very early one morning discovered an Indian behind his wood-pile, lying with his gun pointed directely his door - and it was supposed that some musket which had conveyed the means of death to the bosom of the great Paugus, and proved fatal to his son, as he was not afterwards heard of. It is also reported of this Chamberlain (who was a stout and a courageous man, and who used to say that he was not to be killed by any Indian), that he was once fired at by an Indian, as he was at work in a saw-mill at night - he was in a stooping position and did not dis- cover the Indian until he fired - who was so near him that he immediately knocked him down with a crowbar with which he was setting his log (pp.23,24). INSERT. Subject: The Chamberlain-Paugus tradition. Source: Collections of the Maine Historical Society. p.5 THE CHAMBERLAIN-PAUGUS TRADITION. The Chamberlain-Paugus tradition was first published at Fryeburg, Maine in the year 1799 by Elijah Russell in his editon of Rev. Thomas Symmes' "Memoirs of the Fight at Piggwacket." It runs as follows: Several of the Indians, particularly Paugus, their chief, were well known to Lovewell's men, and conversed with each other during the engagement. In the course of the battle, Paugus and John Chamberlain discoursed familiarly with each other; their guns had become fouled from frequent firing; they washed their guns at the pond, and John Chamberlain assured Paugus that he should kill him - Paugus also menaced him, and bid defiance to his insinuations. When they had prepared their guns they loaded and discharged them - and Paugus fell. This story was printed seventy-four years after the battle occurred, and one year after, Noah Johnson, the last survivor of the battle, had died. Was this story a fabrication invented by Elijah Russell? Did p.6 Maine Historical Society. it exist before 1799 in other parts of New England? Does it contain any of the elements of truth? In 1846, the Rev. Stephen Thompson Allen delivered an historical address at the cent- ennial anniversary of the town of Merrimack, New Hampshire. In that address, which has the appearance of being truthful and scholarly, he alludes to one of the early settlers of that town, a man whom I have traced in the state and provincial papers of New Hampshire, as a provincial representative of Merrimack from 1756 to 1775 inclusive. That man was Captain John Chamberlain, who erected the first mills at "Souhegan Falls" in 1734. He was a large landowner at "Souhegan Falls," "Naticook," "Benton's Farm," and the "Narragansett Township No. 5." In his address Mr. Allen says: - "It is by many, supposed that this Chamberlain is the same that killed Paugus, the Indian chief in Lovewell's fight. But such is not the fact. They were cousins, and from a descend- ant of the family I learn that to distinguish them from each other, one was called "Paugus John Chamberlain" and the other, "Souhegan John Chamberlain." Continuing, Mr. Allen says: - Souhegan John Chamberlain married Hannah, a daughter of Lieutenant Josiah Farwell, who died of wounds received in Lovewell's fight. Souhegan John Chamberlain lived until the year 1792. Mr. Allen learned these facts of a descendant of Souhegan John Chamberlain, and published them within fifty-two years of his death. If they are true, they show what? That Paugus John Cham- berlain was so called during his lifetime. It is reasonable to suppose that the name "Paugus" should have been affixed after the p.7 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN AT PIGWACKET. year 1799 to John Chamberlain, who had then been dead forty-four years? If it was not affixed after 1799, but was an appellation of his lifetime, it could not have had its origin in Elijah Russell, but must have originated from some other source. But Souhegan John Chamberlain's wife, Hannah, was the daughter of Lieut. Josiah and Hannah (Lovewell) Farwell. Her father was killed in the Pigwacket fight, as also was her uncle, her mother's brother, the intrepid Captain John Lovewell. May we not believe that this woman fre- quently heard the incidents of the battle related by those who were eye witnesses, and may we not suppose that she had more than a passing interest in every particular, especially as her father and her uncle both fell on that battlefield? May we not also suppose that she knew that Paugus John Chamberlain was so called because he shot Paugus? In 1890, I found a tradition in the Chamberlain family concerning the origin of that family in America. It was told by one Jacob Chamberlain of Chelsea to his wife before 1735. About 1777 she related it to her grandson, General William Chamberlain, of Peacham, Vermont, once a Lieut. Governor of that state. He wrote it down in 1820. After six years of research on the earlier families of the name, I am prepared to say that that tradition contains some of the elements but truth, but is not literally true. A correspondence and aquaintance with other genealogists have brought to my attention other family traditions, not true in letter, but resting on the foundation of more or less of truth. From these facts I am led to believe that p.8 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. traditions of long standing contain some of the elements of truth. The story of John Chamber- lain would seem to have come to us from other sources. Caleb Butler, a native of Pelham, New Hampshire, a graduate of Dartmouth College in 1800, and a tutor there in 1801, removed to Groton, Massachusetts in 1802. After many years of research he published his History of Groton, in 1848. (a copy of the full book sent on request). On p. 104, he gives the story of John Chamberlain and Paugus, mentioning in a fott-note his authorities. As the story is somewhat different from Russell's, I give it in Caleb Butler's words: - "Some time in the day the gun of John Chamberlain, of Groton, becoming foul by continued firing, he undertook to wash and cleanse it at the pond. While in this act, he espied Paugus, whom he personally knew, performing the same process upon his gun at a small distance. A challenge was immediately given and accepted, each confiding in his own dexterity, and pre- dicting the speedy fall of his antagonist. Chamberlain, trusting to the priming of his gun by a thump on the ground, had time to take deliberate aim, while Paugus was priming from his horn. Chamberlain's ball reached Paugus' heart just as he was in the act of firing. His ball passed over Chamberlain's head. Notice how Caleb Butler continues: - "After this event there was a short respite. The Indians withdrew. Ensign Wyman and John Chamberlain crept, unperceived, after them, and found them formed into a circle around one in the center, whom they were qualifying, it was supposed, for a chief instead of the de- ceased Paugus. Wyman fired and killed this intended chief. Then both hastened back to their fellows at the pond." Compare the above paragraph with one sentence from The New England Courant, of May 24, 1725, already p.9 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN AT PIGWACKET. referred to. It reads: "About two hours before night, the Indians drew off, and presently came on again." One cannot help thinking that Caleb Butler's relation contains some truth. As to authorities, his foot-note states that the general account of the fight was taken from printed sources, and some of the incidents were from the lips of the wife of Josiah Johnson, one of the men. In the same connection, he writes that this woman was thirteen years old when the battle was fought, that she lived in Woburn, where Johnson belonged, and afterwards was married to him. "In the latter part of her life," continues Caleb Butler, "she lived in my father's family (at Pelham), often told the story, and always told it alike, agreeing with the printed account in general and adding some particulars." From Caleb Butler's statement as to how he obtained the list of Lovewell's men, it is inferred that he never saw Russell's edition of Symmes' "Memoirs." It seems to me that we are warranted in concluding that this story was not a fabrication in- vented by Elijah Russell, a newspaper editor of uncertain character. If we accept Caleb Butler, may we not see that the part performed by Seth Wyman and the part performed by John Chamberlain would, in the absence of positive statements, end in confusion. In 1824, ninety-nine years after that battle and twenty-five years after the Chamberlain- Paugus story had first been published in the Russell edition of Symmes' "Memoirs of the Fight," Farmer and Moore published at Concord, New Hampshire, in the third p.10 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. volume of their "Historical Collections", a ballad entitled "The Song of Lovewell's Fight." It is here stated that Seth Wyman "shot the old chief Paugus which did the foe defeat." In their introductory note, the editors affirm that the author of the ballad is unknown, that it is about one hundred years old, and that it was sung throughout a considerable portion of New Hampshire and Massachusetts for many years. If Wyman shot Paugus, and everybody throughout New Hampshire and Massachusetts sang this ballad for many years, why did not the old people ascribe to Wyman this fact? Why did Wyman's neighbors accord that act - not to their own townsmen, who had received praises from the news- papers and a Captain's commission from the Commonwealth - but to John Chamberlain, a private? Why did not Sarah Wyman, the widow of Seth Wyman, in her petition to the Great and General Court, in 1726, in giving the particulars of her husband's military record, incidentally refer to his Paugus combat if the ballad story were true? As early as 1865, Frederic Kidder in his "Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell" asserted that the ballad is true, and that not John Chamberlain but another slew Paugus. In his sketch of John Chamberlain, he gives these facts. Why did he not in his biographical sketch of Seth Wyman accord to him the honor which he denied to Chamberlain? Did it seem to Mr. Kidder that the ballad, which he would have his readers believe is the "very best authority," is strong enough for a destructive argument against the Chamerlain-Paugus story; but that it was not of sufficient p.11 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN AT PIGWACKET. strength for a constructive argument for his Wyman-Paugus theory? Consistency seems to require that Wyman should have had not only a widely-extended tradition among the common people of such fact, but that his biography should also have contained such a statement. The New England-Courant of September 11, 1725, gives ten lines on the death of Wyman. Why did it not refer to the killing of Paugus, if by that, Wyman did defeat the foe? When it is remembered that a great poet, a renowned professor in the most learned university in America, in writing what has become classic, places Priscilla, the wife of John Alden, for her wedding tour upon a "snow white bull" before a single bovine animal had been brought to the Plymouth Colony - the immortal Longfellow cannot be excepted in stating that poetry, however beautiful, is not historic truth. What value, then, shall we place upon a single statement of an anonymous ballad first published ninety-nine years after the battle it describes occurred? One statement of the ballad is contrary to all contemporary accounts, viz., that by the death of Paugus, the foe was defeated. Since this ballad is untruthful on one fact, may we not consider it untrust- worthy on every fact not corroborated by the narrations of that time. But Mr. Kidder prejudices his own argument by saying that "we trust that the story of Chamberlain and Paugus will not again be republished as historical truth." In the absence of documentary evidence, reason dictates that circumstantial and traditional evidence is suggestive and to some extent reliable. p.12 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. John Chamberlain has such evidence. Seth Wyman was accorded by Symmes the honor of killing the chief of the powow during the respite, as Butler relates. Is it likely that he shot both Paugus and the new red chief, and that Symmes should have accorded him the less important service without ascribing to him the more important act in the battle? It is not claimed, however, that the other traditions relating to Chamberlain and the son of Paugus, and growing out of this one, are true; but the bottom fact that John Chamberlain shot the old Chief Paugus on the shore of Lovewell's Pond, on that memorable May 8, 1725, must, in my opinion, await a more critical investigation before the honor can be consistantly denied him. After the Pigwacket fight, John Chamberlain, although reported by Symmes as wounded during the action, returned to his farm and corn-mill - the Chamberlain homestead - at Baddacook in Groton, Massachusetts. On May 31, 1727, the township of Suncook (now Pembroke, New Hampshire) on the Merrimac River, was granted by Massachusetts to 60 grantees who served in Lovewell's expeditions. John Chamberlain was one of the Grantees, and on April 12, 1729, he sold all his right and title to said lands to Joseph Gilson of Groton, for twenty pounds and ten shill- ings, equivalent then to the paltry sum of twenty-seven dollars and eight-eight cents. His deed to Gilson recorded at Middlesex Registry, Liber 30, p.106 - mentions that the tract of land described was recently granted "to the Officers and Soldiers lately in the service of the p.13 JOHN CHAMBERLAIN AT PIGWACKET. Province under the command of Captain John Lovewell, deceased, and others, in an expedition to Pigwacket against the Indian enemy, and which shall hereafter accrew and fall to me as one of the soldiers under said Captain Lovewell." On the 5th of January of the same year, 1729, he sold the Baddacook homestead to Samuel Woods, Sr., of Groton and on February 19, 1730, he bought another farm from James Lakin, at a place called the "Four Acres" at Groton. Dr. Samuel Abbott Green, who is authority on the History of Groton, is unable to identify this place. He lived here until April 20, 1741, when he deeded this farm at the "Four Acres" to Samuel Chamberlain of Chelmsford, a gentleman. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. (continued) Charles James Fox, in his "History of the Old Township of Dunstable" (Nashua, New Hamp- shire, 1846) says: "An Indian once called on Chamberlain at his saw-mill, intending to way-lay him on his return homeward at nightfall through the forest. It was a time of peace, but Chamberlain suspected the character of his 'pretended' friend and the motive of his visit. While en- gaged in his work, he invited the Indian to examine the wheelpit, and seizing the opportu- nity, knocked him on the head with a handspike without compunction." (pp.133,134). The following tale from a story-book is founded on one of the visits said to have been made by a son of Paugus, in order to avenge his father's death - and contains evidently many inaccuracies both in regard to time and place: "The old French war was over. The banners of England had long streamed above the towers of Quebec. The Indians had left the lakes and woods of New Hampshire for the broader waters, and deeper forests of Canada and the West. Time had tamed the iron sinews of the rangers, untameable by any other enemy - or they were sleeping "each in his narrow cell forever laid." Where the Red Man once roamed after the moose - prowled upon the scout - or lighted the council fires - now stood the infant village and the peaceful neighborhood. The water-fall at whose roaring foot the Indian once threw his rude spear into the salmon or hooked the trout upon his curved p.142 DUMMER'S WAR. bit of bone, now turned the wheel of the clumsy grist-mill, whither the farmer brought his rye and Indian corn, over moss and hill and through brush and swamp, in safety. The con- gregations, as they gathered together "at meeting" no longer brought their charged guns into the house of worship, or feared that the prayers of their minister would be interr- upted by the war-whoop of the Indians. Of Lovell's men, scarcely a survivor remained of the few that lived through the desperate fight, at Pequawket. John Chamberlain was still alive. He was an old grey-headed man. He had long given over hunting, and peace had changed his war spear into an implement of husbandry; of all his hunting and fighting years, nothing remained to him but the gun that killed Indian Chief Paugus at Lovewell's Pond - and the bullet pouch and the yellow powser horn - covered over with Indian devices which were the spoil of the savage in that terrible encounter - these he had preserved with an old man's care. His cottage from which went up the solitary smoke that caught the eye of Lovewell and his men, now was the center of a considerable hamlet. A wild stream ran past it and a little way below it, tumbled down a fall, upon which stood one of the rude saw-mills of that day, and Old John Chamberlain, once the swift hunter and the strong and proud warrior, was not the humble owner and more humble tender. He had outlived his wife and his children. Insert. Groton Marriages. p.392 Source: History of the Town of Groton, Massachusetts by Caleb Butler, 1848. John Chamberlin & wife, Abigail *Woods Married October 13, 1713. Children. 1. Elizabeth Chamberlin b. Oct 27, 1713. 2. Hannah Chamberlin b. Jan. 18, 1716. 3. John Chamberlin, Jr., b. Mar 24, 1720. (who m. Rachel Lawrence) 4. Sarah Chamberlin b. April 27, 1727. 5. Abigail Chamberlin b. Jan 8, 1732. 6. Thomas Chamberlin b. Sept 2, 1735. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth Insert. Source: Epitaphs from the Old Burying Ground, Groton, Mass. by Dr. Samuel A. Green, M.D. Boston. Little, Brown & Co., 1878. p.259 WOODS. Samuel Woods was an original proprietor of Groton and owned an 11 acre right. He is the ancestor of most of the families in this neighborhood bearing the name. Two of his grandchildren, Thomas Woods and Daniel Woods were with Captain John Lovewell in his famous fight with the Indians, May 8, 1725 and both of them were killed. Henry Woods, a great-grandson was in an expedition up the Kennebec River in the summer of 1755. At the battle of Bunker Hill, he was a Major under Colonel William Prescott and subsequently promoted to a Colonel. After the war he was a General of the militia. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth Insert: John Chamberlain Source: The New England Historical & Genealogical Register Volumes for 1900-1923 John Chamberlain, the son of Thomas & Elizabeth (Hall) Chamberlain, was born at Chelmsford March 29, 1692. The Family removed to Groton, Mass. about 1698, where the father and son were farmers and millers. Elizabeth (Hall) Chamberlain, the mother, died June 13, 1699. Thomas Chamberlain, the father, married (2) Abigail Nutting. The father was murdered at Chelmsford May 11, 1709 and in the Court files is described as Thomas Chamberlain of Groton, miller. John Chamberlain enlisted from Groton and in the fight was wounded but not seriously. On the feeble authority of an old ballad some have contended that Lieutenant Seth Wyman gave the Indian Chief Paugus a fatal wound. Before it was printed, Symmes's narrative was submitted to Wyman for approval and while the author credits Wyman with killing two Indians, he does not include the Indian Chief, Paugus. In another paragraph, Symmes rejoices that Paugus "who has been such a scourge to Dunstable," was slain during the fight. That Paugus was killed by John Chamberlain is generally believed. He received from the estate of his father, "two thirds of the mill, housing, stream and lands in Groton." He lived in Groton and there he died about 1758, says Dr. Samuel A. Green. He married October 13, 1713, Abigail, a daughter of Thomas & Hannah (Whitney) Woods by whom he had six children. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. JOHN CHAMBERLAIN p.142 continued Few of John Chamberlain's neighbors ventured to be familiar with him, on account of the stern peculiarity of his character; and he passed his days in solitude, except such association as men had with him in his humble vocation. 1777. In the year 1777,* towards the close of one of those fair days in autumn, which make up the "Indian summer," a number of the villagers of P____ (Pepperell?) had gathered into their one-story tavern, to talk over their little politics, as they were wont to do, when they were surprised and startled by a young Indian among them. An Indian, at that time, had got to be a rarity in P______. He was tall - over six feet, and finely formed, after the fashion of the forest. He had a belt of wampum around his waist, and from it hung his toma- hawk. A long gun was in his hand, and he stood in moccasins with the grace and dignity of the son of an Indian Chief. He place his gun behind the door and silently took his seat by him- self. A little before sunset the farmers left the inn and returned to their homes. One old hunter *footnote: It could not have been so late, by many years. p.143 CHAMBERLAIN GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. remained with the landlord and the young savage. The old hunter eyed the Indian with keen attention - his suspicions were awakened at the sight of the warrior, armed - so remote from the residence of the nearest tribe - and, in a time of peace. He was acquainted with the Indians in the old wars, and his suspicions were heightened and confirmed, when he heard the young Indian chief ask the landlord, in a low and indifferent tone, "if one Chamberlain dwelt in the village." The landlord pointed out to the Indian, the mill, where old Chamberlain labored, and the cottage where he dwelt. The Indian took his gun and left. The hunter said to the landlord, "Some of the blood of old Paugus," "and I'll venture my life, come to avenge the death of that Chief, upon Chamberlain. I'll go and give the old man warning." He hastily stepped out and following a winding path, that led down to the saw-mill, where the old man Chamberlain was still at his toils, he reached the mill and told Chamberlain "that young Paugus from Canada had come with his rifle and his tomahawk to avenge upon him the death of that Chief. Chamberlain's cheeks turned ashy pale and he sternly replied, "tell young Paugus I have the gun that killed his father and he had far better return to his forest than to molest me in my old age." And as he spoke, he pointed to his gun as it hung upon the prongs of the moose horn, driven into the saw-mill plate, and near it was suspended the bullet-pouch and powder-horn of Pequawket. The hunter had given his warning and left. The sun was setting to the south of Moosehillock. Chamberlain took down his gun - tried his flint - charged it - took the pouch and flung them upon his side - hung up near the saw-gate, the old garment he had worn at work through the day - hoisted the gate of the mill and set it rapidly going, looked keenly around him in every direction, and retired to an eminence a few rods distant, crowned with a clump of thick bushes and crouched down to await the approach of his mysterious enemy. He was not, how- ever, mysterious to Chamberlain. The old man remembered every trait of the Indian character, and calculated with great accuracy as to the time and the manner of Paugus's advance. Just as it was growing too dusky to distinguish a human form, except towards the west, the old man saw him creeping cautiously from a bunch of bushes, eight or ten rods above the mill, by the torrent, with his cocked rifle before him, and his hand upon the lock. The young savage heard the noise of the saw-frame and could discern it in rapid motion - and shrunk back into the thicket. He came out again, a little distance from where he went in, and with the wary motions of the ambush, reconnoitered the mill. p.144 John Chamberlain marked him all the while, as a catamount eyes the fox. Young Paugus came out of the bushes the 3rd time and in a new quarter - and was stealthily advancing when something seemed to catch his eye in the form of the slayer of his father - Chamberlain. He stopped short and brought his rifle to his eye and with quick aim, fired. The report rung sharp and low upon the still air - as if the gun itself were muffled or afraid to speak above its breath. Young Indian Paugus crept out upon a mill log that extended over the rapids, and stretching himself up to his full height, as if to ascertain without advancing, the success of his shot. The old man could spare him no longer. He saw the well-remembered form of the old Pequawket Chief, as the young savage stood against the sky of the west, which was still red with the rays of the sinking sun. He levelled the fatal gun - it blazed - and young Paugus leaped into the air, as the ball whistled through his heart - and then his lifeless body fell far down into the rapids, that foamed below him, while his vengeful spirit fled and mingled with that sterner one, which parted long before at Lovewell's Pond - in "The land where their fathers had gone." Chamberlain returned slowly and gloomily to his cottage. The next morning a bullet hole through the center of the old garment he had hung at the saw-frame, admonished him - that the aim, as well as the vengeance of old Paugus, had descended to his sons; and as he mused upon those he had slain and reflected, that although he was old, he still might have again to lift his gun against the blood of Paugus, or himself fall by their avenging hand - he wished bitterly that some other bullet than his own had slain that renowned Indian Chief, Paugus, and that they had never met to quench their battle thirst - and scour out their foul guns, upon the shore of Lovewell's pond (Maine) - see History of Groton by Caleb Butler, pp. 108 to 101. JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. This John Chamberlain, the surviving hero of Lovewell's Fight, was the son of Thomas & Elizabeth Chamberlain of Chelmsford, where he was born March 29, 1692. His father was a carpenter and a miller who afterward removed to Groton and lived about a quarter of a mile northerly of Wattle's Pond on the left-hand side of the road to Hollis. He is supposed to have died about the year 1709. p.145 He owned a mill, situated near Brown Loaf, on a small stream formed by the confluence of Martin's Pond Brook and another, now called Paugus Brook. His death took place about the year 1758. If ever young Paugus came to Groton in order to avenge his father's death, and it seems very evident from tradition that he did, it was undoubtedly at this place. Furthermore there is a deep hole in Paugus Brook, known as Paugus's Hole, wherein it is said that Chamberlain sunk the body of the Indian after he had killed him. Many other stories about the Indians have come down by tradition and some of them are probably true. The following one, told me by Mr. Charles Woolley, relates to Isaac Lakin, another of Lovewell's men, and has never before appeared in print. LAKIN. Lakin lived in a log-house near the Nashua River, in the north part of the town of Groton, The house had no glass windows, but had shutters instead and a door that swung on wooden hinges. One day an Indian was seen lurking about the house, and hiding behind the stumps, apparently bent on mischief. Lakin seized his gun, standing at a crack in the shutters, told his wife to swing the door so it would creak on its hinges. Hearing the noise, and see- ing the door open, the Indian sprang from behind a stump and started for the house, when Lakin fired and shot him dead. Seeing no signs of other Indians, after dark he dug ahole and buried him. The following letter shows the feeling of security which prevailed in this neighborhood after Lovewell's expedition. It is unsigned, but in the handwriting of Josiah Willard, the Secretary of the Province: p.146 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. DUMMER'S WAR. Sir: The Enemy being drawn off and the season of danger pretty well over, you must forthwith see that the soldiers in the frontiers be reduced to the following numbers, viz., twenty-five men at Dunstable & Dracut, ten men at Turkey Hills, fourteen at Groton, fourteen at Lancaster, twenty-five at Rutland and ten at Brookfield and that all the rest of the soldiers in the Counties of Middlesex and Essex, including Lt. Brentnal's scouts be forthwith disbanded. And the several officers are required to put these Orders in execution accordingly. (to) Colonel Tyng. October 20, 1725. [Massachusetts Archives, LXXII. 263.] Dummer's War - or, Lovewell's War, as it is sometimes called, ended early in the year 1726; and peace again reigned along the frontier borders. There was a respite of hostilities during a considerable period and the outlying settlements grew in number as well in population. Elias Barron. His disappearance. The General Court allowed, June 17, 1725, the sum of £30 to the family of Elias Barron of Groton, who got lost after the action and was never found. Insert: ELIAS BARRON Source: History of Groton by Caleb Butler, 1848. p.264 Elias Barron - Two of the first settlers of Groton bore the name of Barron. Elias Barron, the possessor of a fifteen acre right, and John Barron of a seven acre right. They both had children but none of that name has been know here for a long time. Ellis (Elias) Barron was one of Captain Lovewell's daring company in the expedition to Pequacket in 1725, and was lost on the way home. Also, p.386, History of Groton by Caleb Butler: Ellis (or Elias) Barron and wife, Anna who died November 3rd 1674, aged 37 years. Children: 1. Grace Barron b. July 29, 1665. 2. Mehitable Barron b. June 22, 1668. 3. Timothy Barron b. April 18, 1673. 4. Dorothy Barron b. January 6, 1674. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth. p.146 continued GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. The General Court allowed, Jun 17, 1725, the sum of £30 to the family of Elias Barron of Groton, who was lost after the action and was never found. ELEAZER DAVIS OF CONCORD, MASS. who was in the famous fight, subsequently removed to the town of Harvard, Mass. which was made up of a part of Groton, and was Incorporated on June 29, 1732. In the Journal of the House of Representatives, June 15, 1738, is entered: "A Petition of Eleazer Davis of Harvard, in the County of Worcester, praying the Considera- tion of the Court on account of h is sufferings and services, particularly the wounds received in the fight under the command of Captain Lovewell, against the Indian enemy at Pigwacket. "Read and Ordered that John Russell and Robert Hale, Esquires, Mr. Moodey and Mr. Terry, be a Committee to consider the said Petition and report what may be proper to be done there- on. p.147 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. On the following day, Jr. Russell, the Chairman of the Committee reported an order: ELEASER DAVIS. "That the sum of four pounds per annum of the new tenor bills, be granted and allowed to be paid out of the Publick Treasury for the space of five years, to the Petitioner Eleaser Davis, to commence from the first day of this instant June, by way of stipend or Pension, on account of the Wounds received as within mentioned. JOSIAH SARTELL. In the same Journal, June 16, 1738, is recorded: A Petition of Josiah Sartell, shewing that he was a soldier in the Service of the Province for sundry years, and was in divers fights against the Indian Enemy, wherein many of them were slain, and he himself was wounded in some of the engagements, that he has received nothing, in consideration of his smart and services, but the established pay, that he has a large family, and under low circumstances: that he lately presumed for want of lands and means of purchasing, to go upon some of the province land on the west side of the Connecticut River, adjoining to Northfield, a new town and some farms, has built a small house thereon, and improved some of the lands there, praying that he may obtain a grant, or be allowed to purchase such part of the Province land there, as the court shall think convenient in con- sideration of the premisses. Read and ordered, that the Petition be considered on Tuesday, the 20th Instant. It was voted, June 22, that one hundred acres of the unappropriated lands of the Province be granted the petitioner; and, in the record of this date, the name is spelled Joseph Sautell. It is now unknown when or where his term of service took place. CHAPTER V. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. KING GEORGE'S WAR. In the year 1744, war was again declared between England and France, called by the English colonists King George's War. Civilization had now pushed the belt of frontier towns far into the wilderness and Groton was no longer exposed to the assaults of the Indians, though at times threatened with danger. Her sons and soldiers, however, were still found, during this period, on the outer rim of settlements, whenever and wherever their services were needed, either to extend the borders or to defend them. A military organization was kept up in the town, ready for emergencies here or elsewhere in the neighborhood. FARNSWORTH BROTHERS, FOUNDERS OF FORT NO. 4. The first settlement of Charlestown, New Hampshire, then known as Fort No. 4 - was made in the year 1740 by three brothers - Samuel Farnsworth, David Farnsworth and Stepehn Farnsworth, natives of Groton and they were soon followed by Isaac Parker and his sons, and Obadiah Sawtell, also of this town. The Farnsworths. The Farnsworths were leading men at Charlestown, N.H., and they distinguished themselves of several occasions in fights with the Indians. Samuel Farnsworth, the oldest brother, was killed in a skirmish May 2, 1746. David Farnsworth was taken prisoner by a GROTON, MASSACHUSETTS DURING THE INDIAN WARS. p.149. STEPHEN FARNSWORTH. party of French & Indians, April 20, 1757 and carried to Canada. He managed to escape and reached home, not a long time after his capture. Stephen Farnsworth, the youngest brother, had also his bitter experience with the enemy. He was captured, April 19, 1746 and taken to Montreal, where he remained seventeen long months before he was exchanged. His health was so broken down by the hardships of his captivity that he never fully regained it. He died Sept. 6, 1771, leaving behind him the reputation of a brave man and a good citizen. EBENEZER FARNSWORTH. Ebenezer Farnsworth, a native of Groton, Mass., and a kinsman of these three brothers just mentioned, was captured August 30, 1754 by the St. Francis Indians at Charlestown, N.H. He was taken to Montreal, Canada and held prisoner during three years. His ransom was paid in the summer of 1755, but he was not then set at liberty. Mrs. Susanna Johnson and her sister, Miriam Willard, were taken at the same time. They were the daughters of Moses Willard (a descendant of Major Simon Willard, who had formerly lived in the south part of this town. A full account of the affair is given in "A Narrative of the Captivity of Mrs. Johnson," published at Walpole, N.H. in 1796. Two years later, on June 18, 1756, Moses Willard, the father, was killed by the Indians at Charlestown, N.H. and in the same attack, his son, Moses Willard, Jr. had a narrow escape from death by the hands of the savages, being severely wounded at the time. LIEUTENANT ISAAC PARKER. Lieutenant Isaac Parker was taken by the Indians at the same time with Stephen Farnsworth and remained in captivity until the following winter when he was returned to Boston under a flag of truce. Lieut. Isaac Parker. INSERT FROM THE HISTORY OF THE OLD FORT NO. 4. Charlestown, N.H. Subject: Lieut. ISAAC PARKER Source: History of Charlestown, NH by Rev. Henry H. Saunderson 1876 p.501 History of Charlestown NH - including my notes. Lieut Isaac1 Parker was the son of Joseph2 Parker and Elizabeth (Blood)* Parker. Joseph2 Parker was the son of Joseph1 Parker** of Chelmsford, MA who died 1690. Joseph Parker2 died at Groton 1725. p.502 Hist of Charlestown NH Lieut Isaac Parker was b. abt 1697 at Groton and died at Charltown, NH on April 19, 1762 abt 65 yrs. His wife, Ruth (Blood) Parker died of smallpox March 25, 1759. See also p. 421 of History of Groton, MA by Caleb Butler: Joseph Parker2 m. (1) Elizabeth (Blood) and he m. (2) Hannah ____. Joseph Parker2 and Elizabeth (Blood) Children: 1. Sarah Parker b. Nov 16, 1666 d. Sept 15, 1704 2. Elizabeth Parker b. Aug 31, 1679 3. Simon Parker b. Aug 27, 1687 4. Joseph Parker3 b. Mar 1, 1689 son of Joseph2 Parker's second wife, Hannah _____ Joseph3 d. Nov 26, 1753 and buried at Groton (see Epitaphs p. 24), which says he was the son of Joseph and Hannah Parker; b. Mar 1, 1689. See . 94 Epitaphs - This may have been his wife: Abigail (Sawtell) Parker wife of Joseph Parker. She b. 1697 died 1787 aged 90; left 200 descendants; dau of Obadiah and Hannah Sawtell of Groton & Charlestown, NH 5. Benjamin Parker b. Dec 3, 1691 d. Oct 29, 1769 (see Tombstone p. 51 Epitaphs) He m. 1718, Mary Sawtell 6. John Parker b. Aug 26, 1695 [Add:] 7. Isaac Parker1 b. abt 1697 at Groton, MA d. 1762 abt 65. Another source: Petition found among the Massachusetts Archives (XLV 341,342) signed by Joseph2 Parker, son of **Joseph1 Parker of Chelmsford. Joseph2 Parker* was father of Benjamin Parker who presented the petition to the General Court on Dec 2, 1729. The paper shows that Joseph Parker Jr's first wife was **Elizabeth BLOOD, youngest dau of Richard and Isabel Blood. Source: Groton Historical Series by Dr. Samuel A. Green Vol III 1893. [p.401] p.501 Hist of Charlestown NH The father of Lieut Isaac Parker1, Joseph Parker2, lived within the bounds of Old Dunstable at first but was afterwards of Groton, MA. Lieut Isaac Parker's grandfather, Capt. Joseph Parker of Chelmsford (who was the brother of Capt James Parker of Groton,) was the ancestor of the most numerous branches of the Parker family in that vicinity and both his father and his grandfather owned large estates. (see also Shattuck Memorial p. 376) Isaac1 Parker married a person whose maiden name was unknown by Dr. Saunderson - but the Marriages Recorded at Concord, MA state he m. Ruth Blood: Marriages recorded at Concord, MA: Isaac1 Parker & Ruth Blood both of Grotton were married together by Justice Minott Decemb'r ye 16, 1708 [p.71] Their children were: 1. Isaac2 Parker b. Mar 7, 1709 (see Caleb Butler p. 423) See p. 501 Hist of Charlestown: He m. (1) Mary ____ who died Mar 8, 1755 - children all b. at Groton 1. Mary Parker b. Nov 17, 1729 2. Isaac3 Parker b. Sept 13, 1730 3. Ruth Parker b. Jan 27, 1733/4 4. Thomas Parker b. Aug 1, 1736 5. Rebecca Parker b. May 12, 1738 6. Jacob Parker b. April 9, 1740 d. Aril15, 1759 7. Elizabeth Parker b. Feb 3 1744 m. (1) Phineas Graves; m. (2) Col. Abel Walker. 8. Sarah Parker b. at Charlestown, NH Nov 4, 1746 9. Elijah Parker b. (do) July 4, 1750 10. Anna Parker b. (do) 1753; died Aug 9, 1810 at Keene, NH Isaac2 Parker m. (2) Mehitable _____ and had children: 11. Sarah Parker b. Jan 20. 1756 12. Thomas Parker b. Sept 2, 1757 13. Mary Parker b. Mar 19, 1760. The date of his death on his gravestone is April 1, 1758. 2. William Parker b. Aug 19, 1710 who was the grandfather of Amos, Abbott and Samuel Lawrence. (see p. 39 Epitaphs - Tombstone Groton: He died of smallpox Feb 1, 1761 aged 51 yrs. "He m. Susanna Kemp on Mar 30, 1736. He was son of Isaac & Ruth Parker." Also, Vol II Groton Historical Series p. 86 William Parker of Groton, MA m. (1) 1736 Susanna Kemp. He m. (2) Jan 9, 1755 the widow Mrs. Sarah (Boynton) Richardson of Pepperell b. 1721; oldest dau of Nathaniel and Hannah (Perham) Boynton of Westford, MA and the widow of Abiel Richardson a native of Billerica There were three children by his 2nd marriage: 1. Susanna Parker who m. Samuel Lawrence of Groton. 2. Ruth Parker who m. Samuel Taylor of Dunstable 3. Elizabeth Parker who m. Simon? Rogers of Concord and if so she died Oct 2, 1794. The widow Sarah (Boynton/Richardson) Parker after the death of her 2nd husand, on Feb 1, 1761 m. (3) July 23, 1767 David Taylor of Concord. The NEHGS Register XLII 104, Jan 1888. 3. Thomas Parker b. Sept. 24, 1712 (see Caleb Butler p. 423) 4. Esther Parker b. Sept. 24, 1714 (see Prescott Memorial p. 55: Esther Parker m. Shubael2 Hobart son of Shubael1 Hobart and his wife, Martha Prescott. Shuebael2 Hobart was b. Sept 29, 1715; m. June 17, 1739 Martha Prescott the dau of Jonas Prescott and his wife Mary Loker of Groton, MA son of John1 Prescott of Lancaster, MA (p.47 Prescott Memorial) 5. Ruth Parker b. July 2, 1716 6. Nathaniel Parker b. Feb. 25, 1717/18 m. May 25, 1741 Eleanor Walker Their children: 1. Nathaniel Parker Jr. b. Dec 2, 1741; killed at Bunker Hill 2. Sybil Parker b. Oct 13, 1743 3. Abel Parker b. Nov 24, 1745 4. David Parker b. Oct 15,1747 5. Lucy Parker b. Jan 30, 1751 7. David Parker b. Feb 20, 1719/20 8. Anna Parker b. Nov 9, 1721 9. Abraham Parker b. Sept 24, 1726 Note: Isaac2 Parker, Nathaniel Parker and David Parker settled at Fort No. 4, Charlestown, NH transcribed by Janice Farnsworth p.149 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Lieutenant Isaac Parker was taken by the Indians at the same time with Stephen Farnsworth and remained in captivity until the following winter when he was returned to Boston under a flag of truce. SAWTELL FAMILY. The Sawtell family is also largely represented in Charlestown (N.H.) where the name is now spelled Sartwell. It is a numerous family there and they sprang from the early settler, Obadiah Sawtell of Groton & Charlestown, N.H. He too, had a sad experience in savage war- fare, and once was captured by the p.150 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Indians. He was taken by them May 24, 1746 and remained a prisoner until August 20, 1747. He finally met his death at their hands on June 17, 1749, being attacked while ploughing in his corn-field, unsuspicious of any danger. CHARLES HOLDEN, ISAAC HOLDEN & SETH WALKER. Charles Holden, Isaac Holden & Seth Walker, natives of Groton, Mass., were also settlers & proprietors of Charlestown, N.H. MOSES WHEELER. Moses Wheeler was another prisoner, and a distinguished soldier, taking part in some of the fiercest encounters of the French & Indian War. He was a large man and noted for his strength. He was called by the Indians, "the strong man." Moses Willard, Isaac Farwell & Micah Fuller, other settlers, were also from this town. Eleazer Priest, a son of Joseph Priest of Groton, and a soldier, was captured by the Indians on March 15, 1748 at Charlestown and died at Louis- burg, Nova Scotia in September of that year, while on his way home. In the year 1746, Charlestown, N.H. was deserted on account of the Indians and the retiring inhabitants took up their abode mostly at Groton, Lunenburg and Leominster, Mass. Many of the facts concerning this frontier settlement on the Connecticut River Valley, is found in the History of Charlestown, New Hampshire - the Old Fort No. 4" by Reverend Henry H. Saunderson and published in the year 1876. (my ancestors founded the old Fort 4 and my transcriptions from the book are online, with all the original families, at: http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~usgenweb/nh/sullivan/charlestown.htm GROTON, MASSACHUSETTS IN THE INDIAN WARS. Continued. p.150 - continued. MOSES PRIEST. Moses Willard, Isaac Farwell and Micah Fuller, other settlers, were also from this town. ELEAZER PRIEST. Eleazer Priest, son of Joseph Priest of Groton, Mass., and a soldier, was captured by the Indians, March 15, 1748 at Fort 4 and died at Louisburg, Nova Scotia in September of that year while on his way home. In the year 1746 Charlestown was deserted on account of the Indians and the retiring in- habitants took up their abode mosely at Groton, Lunenburg and Leominster, Massachusetts. Many of the facts concerning this frontier settlement in the Connecticut Valley is found in the History of Charlestown, New Hampshire - the old Fort No. 4 (see website listed above) written by the Reverend Henry H. Saunderson and published in the year 1876. During King George's War, alarms in New England were sometimes caused by the presence of French vessels along the coast. In the early autumn of 1746, an attack on Boston was threat- ened by the Duke d'Anville's fleet and it is said that more than eight thousand American men, underarms rushed, at short notice to the defence of Boston our capital. Among the soldiers was a company from Groton under the command of Captain William Lawrence. Insert - William Lawrence. Subject: Colonel William Lawrence & wife, Susannah Prescott of Groton, Mass. Source: Prescott Memorial by Dr. William Prescott 1870 Concord, New Hampshire (note: his wife Susannah Prescott was sister of Mary Prescott who m. Benjamin Farnsworth of Groton, MA son of Matthias & Mary (Farr) Farnsworth) p.48 William Lawrence b. Dec. 31, 1697, son of John Lawrence & his wife Anne Tarbell, m. June 27, 1722 Susannah Prescott b. Dec 31, 1691 dau of Jonas Prescott and his wife, Mary Loker of Groton, MA They resided at Groton where he died May 19, 1764 (see Tombstone below). She died Sept 10, 1771 aged 79 years, 9 months. John Lawrence, his father, was the grandson of the first John Lawrence who came to Watertown in 1635; (see Bond's History of Watertown p. 822) William Lawrence was a colonel of militia, justice of the peace and quorum, for many years representative of Groton and member of the council. See p.55 for their children. p.55 Col. William Lawrence and Susannah Prescott had issue at Groton: 1. Rev. William Lawrence b. May 7, 1723; graduated at Harvard College Dec 7, 1748; m. Love Adams, dau of John Adams, b. 1725; had three sons and five daughters. On his tombstone it is said of him, "he was a gentleman of good abilities, natural and acquired; a judicious divine, a faithful minister. In his last sickness which was long and painful, he exhibited the spirit of a humble Christian minister. He died April 11, 1780 in his 57th year and the 32d of his ministry." His widow died Jan. 3, 1820 aged 95. 2. Susanna Lawrence b. Feb 5, 1726; m. about 1752 her cousin, Hon. James Prescott, which see; eight children. 3. Anna Lawrence b. Jan 24, 1728; m. July 7, 1748 her cousin Israel Hobart, which see; died 1791; ten children. p. 55 Israel Hobart b. July 2, 1722 son of Shubael Hobart & wife, Martha Prescott; they had ten children (not listed) 4. Abel Lawrence b. Feb 25, 1730; m. Nov. 1751 Mary Bulkley; settled at Groton; died Sept 20, 1770. four children. 5. Sarah Lawrence b. March 12, 1732; died Aug 28, 1778; m. Oct 23, 1755 Rev. Joseph Perry who graduated from Harvard College 1752; settled in East Windsor, CT; died 1783. 6. Phebe Lawrence b. Sept 20, 1734; m. Sept 30, 1756, Jonathan Bancroft of Danvers, Mass. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Subject: Tombstone of Col. William Lawrence Source: Epitaphs from the Old Burying Ground, Groton, Mass., by Dr. Samuel A. Green, 1878 p.42 Tombstone A Tablet "Here lye the remains of Col William Lawrence who departed this Life May 19th A.D. 1764 Anno AEtatis 67. He was a Gentleman who in military life rose from the rank of Captain, Lieutenant, to the command of a Regiment. In the year 1739 he was made a Justice of the Peace, afterwards Quorum unus; a special Justice of the court of common Pleas for the County of Middlesex and a standing Justice of the Court. He for many years represented the Town of Groton with the Districts of Pepperrell and Shirley in the general Assembly of this Province. In all his public betrustsments he committed himself with fidelity and honour. In private life his behavior was becoming his Christian profession. He was remarkably industrious in the improvement of time, just in his dealings, a good neighbour, a faithful friend, patient of injuries and ready to forgive them, gratefull to benefactors, very ready in affording assistance to the widow and fatherless, and mercifull to all proper objects of pity. He was a strict observer of the Lords Day, a constant and serious attender on the public exercises of religion, a devout worshiper of God in his family. Blessed are the dead who dye in the Lord. Here also lies the Body of Mrs. Susanna Lawrence, Relict of the above named Col. William Lawrence. She was a woman of Piety and good sense, an industrious, prudent wife; an indulgent parent, a good neighbour, a faithful friend, a hater of hyprocisy and guile; a lover of hospitality, patient under affliction and resigned to the will of Heaven in death by which she was called out of the world to Receive the Rewards of a faithful servant on the 10th of Sept & in the 80th year of her Age. AD: 1771. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Subject: William Lawrence Source: Groton Historical Series by Dr. Samuel A. Green Vol III p.193 William Lawrence was a son of John and Anna (Tarbell) Lawrence and born at Cambridge Farms, now Lexington, on August 11, 1697. The father, soon after his marriage, removed from Groton to that precinct, where he had a large family of children, of whom three sons and one daughter married and settled at Groton and also brought up large families. On June 27, 1722 Mr. Lawrence was married to Susanna, daughter of Jonas and Mary (Loker) Prescott, who was born on December 31, 1691, and a sister of Benjamin Prescott. They were blessed with six children who grew up and had families. He and his wife were admitted to the church on March 24, 1722/23, during the pastorate of Rev. Caleb Trowbridge. Their eldest child, the Rev. William Lawrence was b. at Groton May 7, 1723; was a grad. of Harvard College Class of 1743, the first of the name at that institution, and the minister of the Church of Christ in Lincoln for many more than thirty-one years. Their second son, Abel b. Feb 25, 1729/30, represented the town of Groton and the districts of Pepperell & Shirley in the General Court for four years from 1762, following his father in that capacity. He was the town clerk of Groton for seven years from March 1, 1757, a selectman and a justice of the peace and the father of the late Abel Lawrence, Esq of Salem. William Lawrence occupied a prominent position among his neighbors, filling many places of trust and responsibility in the affairs of the town. On May 25, 1743 he was chosen a member of the Great and General Court and re-chosen sixteen times - a longer term of service than has ever fallen to the lot of any other Groton Representative. In military matters he began as a private during Dummer's War and rose through the different grades of service to the rank of colonel during the French & Indian War. His dwelling was situated at the north corner of Main and Court Streets, on the site of Liberty Hall which was burned on March 31, 1878. On Aug 12, 1749 Mr. Lawrence was appointed a Special Justice of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas in the County of Middlesex, in all causes where any of the Standing Justices were interested; and two years later, on June 21, 1751 he received a similar appointment of like import. On June 26 1755, he was made a Justice of the Inferior Court in the County of Middlesex in place of Thomas Fulham, Esq. who had resigned; and he continued to hold the position as long as he lived. Judge Lawrence was a large land owner in Groton and its neighborhood. Ithamar Bard Sawtelle, in his History of Townsend p.63, says that with two exceptions, no man possessed in Townsend so many acres. According to John Boynton Hill's History of Mason, N.H., p.34, he owned eleven farms of the two hundred into which that town was divided, after it had been surveyed and allotted; and in the original grant made by the Masonian proprietors, his name appears first in the list of grantees (p.28). The township of Mason was divided in conformity with an early custom, into smaller parcels of land and each tract assigned to the several owners by lot; and this custom furnishes the origin and explanation of the American use of the word 'lot' as applied to a portion of land measured off, or appropriated for any particular purpose. Judge Lawrence died at Groton on May 19, 1764; and I can give no better estimate of his character than that contained on the tablet to his memory in the old Burying Ground at Groton. (inscription above) Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth This alarm was of short duration and the term of service on the part of the men correspond- ingly short, ranging from two to twelve days. The Muster Roll of the company during this brief period, is now in the possession of Mr. James Lawrence Bass of Boston and p.151 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. I am indebted to his courtesy for a copy of it. Mr. Bass is a great-great-grandson of Capt. Lawrence and the Roll has come down with other family papers. The list of Officers was: William Lawrence - Captain. James Prescott - Lieutenant. John Woods - Lieutenant. Obadiah Parker - Sergeant. Hezekiah Sawtell - Sergeant. Amos Lawrence - Sergeant. William Prescott - Clerk. John Pratt - Corporal. Joseph Page - Corporal. Israel Hobart - Corporal. Jonathan Longley - Sentinel. Captain Lawrence lived on the west side of the present Main Street, just north of James's Brook, Groton, Mass., and always took a prominent part in the affairs of the town. He was a son of John & Anna (Tarbell) Lawrence, and was born August 11, 1697. He married Susanna, one of the eight daughters of Jonas Prescott (son of John Prescott, founder of Lancaster, Mass) Captain Lawrence subsequently became the Colonel of his regiment and during many years, represented the town in the General Court. He was an older brother of Sgt. Amos Lawrence, the ancestor of several distinguished families. LIEUTENANT JAMES PRESCOTT. Lieutenant James Prescott was a son of Benjamin & Abigail (Oliver) Prescott, and was born on January 13, 1720/1. Through his aunt, Susanna, he was a nephew of the company commander; and by his own subsequent marriage to a cousin, he became a son-in-law of the same officer. (full book - The Prescott Memorial - sent on request to me Janice Farnsworth - farns10th@aol.com) During a long life, he was much engaged in public affairs, and in the militia, he passed through all the grades of office from ensign to Colonel. He was the elder brother of the company clerk, who in later years became distinguished as the commander of the American forces at the battle of Bunker Hill - Colonel William Prescott. At this p.152 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. this time, William Prescott was only twenty years old, and this episode in his career was his earliest military experience. His term of service was five days for which he received the sum of five shillings and tenpence, as his signature on the back of the roll shows. The other officers were wellknown men of recognized ability. The list of Privates in the Comany were: Amos Holden James Tarbell James Burt Zechariah Longley Samuel Scripture, Jr. John White, Jr. Ebenezer Farnsworth, Jr. Benjamin Steward Joseph Farwell, Jr. John Harris. David Sawtell, Jr. William Tucker. John Preist Stephen Johnson. Thomas Lawrence John Whitman. Ambrose Lakin Nathaniel White. Benjamin Page Abial Stone William Bush John Farwell. Oliver Farnsworth John Edwards, Jr. Oliver Farwell Samuell Tenney. Isaac Peirce Thomas Curtis. Samuel Nichols Joseph Blanchard, Jr. Benjamin Chase Thomas Powers. Amos Robinson Jonathan Patch. Ruben Woods Eleazor Wood. William Simonds Oliver Corey. John Sawtell Oliver whitcomb. Matthias Farnsworth Samuel Hoar Zechariah Sawtell Lemuel Barrett. Benjamin Davis Robart Chapin. Josiah Farnsworth Josiah Hasting. Samuel Kemp Jonathan Parker. Isaac Green Bennet Wood. Jonathan Green William Warren Samuell Farwell Simon Davis, Jr. James Hartwell David Powers, Jr. p.153 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Nathan Hartwell Simon Blanchard. Jonathan Nutting Abel Jewett. Nathaniel Woods Robert Robins, Jr. John Tarbell Ephraim Philbrek. ` (Pvt. Thomas Lawrence killed in action Lake George, 1758.) Receipts for service are in existence which seem to show that this Muster-Roll was incomplete. Some of the men were from Littleton, and others from Lancaster. Pvt. Thomas Lawrence, who was a nephew of the Captain, subsequently served with great credit during the French & Indian War as a commissioned officer, and lost his life in a skirmish with the Indians at Half-way Brook, near Lake George on July 20, 1758. PETITION OF WILLIAM TARBELL OF GROTON, APRIL 22, 1746. a SOLDIER WOUNDED. In the Journal of the House of Representatives, April 22, 1746, is found "A Petition of William Tarbell of Groton, a soldier wounded in the service of the Province, praying a Consideration therefor." The petitioner belonged to the same family as the Tarbell children who were carried off to Canada and was probably their nephew. ATTACK ON THE GARRISON OF JOHN FITCH AT FITCHBURG. In the summer of 1747 a body of Indians made their appearance within the limits of Fitchburg, and committed various acts of depredation. Attacking the garrison of John Fitch, early one morning, they killed two soldiers and, burning the house, carried off as prisoners, John Fitch and his wife, with their four children. An alarm was at once given, and Rufus C. Torrey, in his History of Fitchburg (1865) says: Major Hartwell. "Soldiers arrived in an incredibly short period, from Groton, Lancaster and from Westford. They immediately put themselves under the command of Major Hartwell and started in pursuit. They had not proceeded far beyond the smoking ruins of the garrison, before they discovered a paper stuck in the bark of a tree. This contained a request, signed by Fitch, not to have his friends pursue him, for the Indians had given him to understand what his destiny was to be if they were NOT molested - but if they should be pursued, and likely to be overtaken, then they would forthwith kill him, together with his wife and his children. The soldiers on receipt of this, returned. (p.49) p.154 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Scouting parties went out from time to time, as occasion required, in order to reconnoitre the country and to protect the neighborhood. They were made up largely of men used to hardships and fond of adventure - who were training in a good school for future service. Some of the most efficient soldiers during the Revolutionary War received the rudiments of their military edu- cation at this period. CAPTAIN THOMAS TARBELL. Near the end of King George's War, the town was again threatened with danger; and a company of thirty-two men, under the command of Captain Thomas Tarbell, scouted in this vicinity for six days in July, 1748 - but they do not appear to have discovered the enemy. A few days afterward, another company of thirty-six men, was sent on a similar expedition, but with no better success. In the rolls of these two companies are many names prominent in the annals of the town, from its very beginning. Among them are the PRESCOTTS, the LAWRENCES, the SHATTUCKS, the AMES, the BANCROFTS, the SHEPLEYS, the PARKERS - a son of the Reverend Mr. Bradstreet, and a grandson of the Reverend Mr. Hobart: A List of the Names of the Men that Scouted in the Woods in July, under the command of Captain Thomas Tarbell of Groton and the Number of Days they ware in the Service: "We set out ye 7th Day and Returned ye 13th - except for Jacob Ames, who was taken sick & returned back ye 2nd day. Groton. October 21st 1748. Attest: Thomas Lawrence, Clerk. ROSTER: Lieut. Eleazer Green Samuel Kemp, Junior. Ensign Stephen Holden Jonathan Shattuck, Jun'r. Sargeant John Page John Gilson, Jun'r. Sargeant Simon Pearce Joseph Patterson. Samuell Shattuck, Jr. Timothy Mores. James Shattuck. Nehemiah Jewett. Eleazer Tarbell Edmund Bancroft. Jonathan Holden Isaac Holden. Elias Ellett (Elliot?) Pilott Jeramiah Powers. p.155 John Shattuck Nathaniel Smith Moses Woods Jonathan Lawrence. Thomas Lakin Henry Jefts John Kemp Aaron Woods Jonathan Sartell Jacob Ames Henry Farwell John Parker, Jun'r. Also by the authority afore said, on the 28th of July, I march in to the wilderness in quest of the Enemy with the men whose names are here written, and returned the 29th day: and we found ourselves both provision and ammunition both times. John Bulkley Jonas Parker. James Prescott Rueben Woods. John Gilson Jonathan Lawrance. Dudley Bradstreet Jeremiah Hobart. Jeremiah Shattuck Isaac Lakin, Jun'r. William Nutting Joseph Bennett. Thomas Lawrence Joseph Chandler. Isaac Green Isaac Patch, Jun'r Joseph Sheple John Nutting, Jr. Thomas Woods Jonathan Prescott. Joseph Parker Daniel Pollard. Nathaniel Parker Ebenezer Lakin. William Bennett Peter Parker. Nathaniel Shattuck Samuel Bowers. Ezekiel Nutting Thomas Chamberlin. Joseph Gilson Ebenezer Blood. Isaac Gilson. Nathaniel Davis, Jr. James Fisk Josiah Sartell, Clerk. Thomas Tarbell, Captain. Endorsed: November 10th, 1748 - This may certify that the Captain and men within mentioned were sent out by me and by Colonel Willard's Order directed to me: WILLIAM LAWRENCE. [Massachusetts Archives, XCII. 156.] p.156 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. DAVID FARMER. David Farmer, a Groton soldier, was taken prisoner, July 14, 1748 in a skirmish with the Indians near Fort Dummer*. He was carried to Canada and kept until the following October, when he was allowed to return home. COLONEL JOSIAH WILLARD. Fort Dummer was situated on the west bank of the Connecticut River, in the present town of Brattleborough, Vermont. Two of its early commanders had been connected with Groton by the ties of kindred. Colonel Josiah Willard, for many years in command of Fort Dummer, was a grandson of the Reverend Mr. Willard - and he was succeeded by Lieut. Dudley Bradstreet, a son of Rev. Mr. Bradstreet, and a native of this place. subject: FORT DUMMER. Source: History of Lancaster, Massachusetts by Rev. Abijah P. Marvin, 1879 p.224 During a long series of years there was an intimate connection betweet Lancaster, Massachusetts and Fort Dummer. The connection began prior to the old French War and continued till after its close; but it will be convenient to give a connected narrative of this episode in our town's history in this place. Fort Dummer was located in what is now Brattleborough, Vermont. It was in the southeast corner of the present town, about a mile and a half from the village. The fort was on the river bank, just above the reach of the high floods which often overflow the broad intervale between the river and the plateau which rises on the west. The house of Mr. Wells S. Brooks (1877) stands on the site of the fort. p.225 The situation was admirably chosen for commanding the river both above and below. The modern visitor is not attracted to the spot by its historic interest, merely, but charmed by the beauty of the scenery, mingling intervale and river, plateau and mountain, adorned with every variety of foliage. The fort was built in the year 1723/4, by the Province of Massachusetts, and was named after the acting Governor, William Dummer. The work was done by Lieutenant Timothy Dwight of Northampton, under the command of Colonel Stoddard. The enclosure was one hundred and eighty feet square. The eastern side of the fort was close upon the river bank, which descends steeply to the water side. Remains of the foundation can still be found in piles of stone. The fort was built of large yellow pine logs, squared on two sides, and locked or framed together at the angles. It had mounts, or square towers, from fourteen to twenty feet high, made of heavy timbers framed and boarded up; and the upper story was planked. These were for sentries or watchmen. There was a row of houses built on the inside, against the wall, with a single roof sloping outward. There are wells now within the space enclosed, and probably were when the fort was first occupied. Water could be easily obtained from the river, subject however to the danger of Indian shots from the eastern bank. This old fort was doubtless known to the scouts of Lancaster, as we know that Captain John White and others who went scouting to the north of New Hampshire, used to return by the Connecticut River, and Northfield, as the region was then called, before the town was reduced to its present limits. In the time of the Spanish War, 1740 to 1741, the fort was repaired - in a sense, rebuilt. Two bastions were added, on which two swivels and two other guns were mounted. At this time four houses, each two stories high were erected, besides several smaller houses containing a single room. p.226 Four depressions in the ground, within the circuit of the fort, still show where the four larger houses stood. At this time a line of pickets or palisades was extended round eight acres of land, enclosing the fort on three sides, and connecting with the fort on the east, or river side. These pickets were twenty feet high, and enclosed land enough to supply the garrison with a large quantity of the necessaries of life. During the long interval of peace preceding the Spanish war, the fort seems to have been neglected; but the exigencies of this war, and of the French and Indian War, 1745-1748, caused it to be strengthened. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth p.156 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. continued. JONATHAN NUTTING OF GROTON, MASS. Jonathan Nutting whose petition is found in the Journal of the House of Representatives, June 9, 1755, and herewith given, was undoubtedly a Groton man: A Petition of Jonathan Nutting, a soldier at St. George's Fort, respresenting the difficulties he is reduced to, by reason of the great charge he was at in a long sickness which befell him in the year 1751; and praying for such allowance out of the public Treasury for his relief, as may be judged reasonable. JOSEPH GILSON OF GROTON. Joseph Gilson, whose application for an allowance appears in the same journal, January 11th, 1760, and is here printed, was probably the soldier who served in Captain Lovewell's expedi- tion to Pequawket, during the spring of 1725. A Petition of Joseph Gilson of Groton, Representing his Service and Suffer- ings for his Country, praying a Com- pensation for the reasons mentined. (Petition not given) INSERT. Gilson Marriages & children - Source: History of Groton by Caleb Butler. p.402 Joseph Gilson and wife Mary Gilson. Children: Joseph Gilson b. 8th day, 1st month, 1666-7. Sarah Gilson b. June 25, 1669. John Gilson b. 23rd day, 2nd month, 1674 & died Sept 10, 1707. John Gilson & wife, Sarah Gilson. Children: 1. John Gilson b. March 2, 1697. 2. Sarah Gilson b. May 1, 1700. 3. Michael Gilson b. Oct 14, 1702. 4. Susanna Gilson b. May 28, 1704. 5. Ebenezer Gilson b. Dec. 10, 1707. Joseph Gilson & wife Hepzibah Gilson and 2nd wife, Elizabeth: Children: 1. Anne Gilson b. Oct 22, 1690. 2. Jeremiah Gilson b. Jan 10, 1696. 3. Sarah Gilson b. Dec 25, 1698. 4. Mary Gilson b. Feb 8, 1703 - a daughter of his 2nd wife Elizabeth. Eleazer GILSON and Hannah FARWELL (married May 6, 1719) Eleazer Gilson b. Feb 19, 1720 Hannah Gilson b. Mar 7, 1722 Esther Gilson b. July 30, 1724 Eunice Gilson b. Nov 8, 1726 Samuel Gilson b. Jan 7, 1728 Simon Gilson b. Dec 22, 1730 Peter Gilson b. Feb 3, 1732 Lydia Gilson b. Sept 17, 1735 John GILSON and Mary Shattuck. Married December 8, 1722. Children: 1. Mary Gilson b. Nov 17, 1723 2. John Gilson b. May 12, 1726 p.403 Appendix. 3. Davis Gilson b. May 7, 1728; died Sept 1, 1728. 4. Jonathan Gilson b. Aug 26, 1729; died Oct 22, 1744. 5. Jeremiah Gilson b. Aug 1, 1731; died Oct. 11, 1731. 6. Davis Gilson b. Dec 7, 1732. 7. Amasa Gilson b. Aug 23, 1735. 8. Solomon Gilson b. July 17, 1737. 9. Sarah Gilson b. Dec 22, 1743. Michael GILSON and Susanna SAWTELL (married April 28, 1726) Zachariah Gilson b. April 16, 1727; d. Oct 29, 1735 Rachel Gilson b. Jan 30, 1728/9 Michael Gilson b. Feb 24, 1730/1 Jacob Gilson b. Dec 17, 1732; d. Oct 31, 1735 Benjamin Gilson b. Feb 16, 1735 Zachariah Gilson b. Jan 14, 1736/7 Susanna Gilson b. July 28, 1739 Elizabeth Gilson b. July 11, 1741 Timothy Gilson and Persis. Children: Jonathan Gilson b. Dec 15, 1726. Timothy Gilson b. Oct 29, 1730. Isaac GILSON and Dorothy KEMP (married Jan 15, 1729) Isaac Gilson b. Oct 3, 1731 Dorothy Gilson b. Sept 17, 1733 Joseph Gilson b. April 6, 1741 Ebenezer GILSON and Annes SEARL (married Jan 23, 1733/4) Annes Gilson b. Oct 25, 1734 Ebenezer Gilson b. June 4, 1745 Sarah Gilson b. July 18, 1748 John GILSON Jr. and Hannah___ and Prudence LAWRENCE (he married Prudence Lawrence on Jan 19, 1764) Kezia Gilson b. May 22, 1748 John Gilson b. June 14, 1750 Samuel Gilson b. Aug 4, 1752 Abel Gilson b. June 14, 1764, son of Prudence Lawrence Daniel Gilson b. Oct 21, 1765 Peter GILSON and Sybil WHITNEY (married May 27, 1756) Sybil Gilson b. Jan 18, 1757 Lydia Gilson b. Aug 28, 1759 Amasa GILSON and Widow Beulah PHELPS (married July 11, 1759) Abijah Gilson b. Nov 5, 1760. Solomon Gilson and wife Mary. Children: 1. Solomon Gilson b. Sept 13, 1758. 2. simeon Gilson b. April 21, 1761; died Aug 9, 1842. 3. Jonas Gilson b. Oct 19, 1763. 4. Mary Gilson b. June 20, 1766; died July 2, 1766. 5. Molly Gilson b. Aug 13, 1767. 6. Levi Gilson b. Feb 16, 1770. 7. Asa Gilson b. July 18, 1772. 8. Lucy Gilson b. Jan 1, 1775. 9. Peter Gilson b. March 24, 1777. 10. Susan Gilson b. April 23, 1779. Amasa Gilson and wife, the widow Beulah Phelps. Married July 11, 1759. Children: 1. Abijah Gilson b. Nov 5, 1760. Daniel Gilson and wife, Apphia. Children: 1. Daniel Gilson b. Sept 9, 1761. 2. Joseph Gilson b. Mar 7, 1763. 3. Abigial Gilson b. June 11, 1766. 4. Samuel Gilson b. July 7, 1768. 5. Abner Kent Gilson b. Feb 4, 1771. Nehemiah Gilson & wife, Abigial. Children: 1. Nehemiah Gilson b. July 10, 1766. 2. Nathaniel Gilson b. March 24, 1768. 3. Sybil Gilson b. June 9, 1770. 4. Jacob Blanchard Gilson b. Sept 5, 1772. 5. Oliver Gilson b. March 15, 1776. 6. Nabby Gilson b. Dec. 15, 1777. 7. Asahel Gilson b. Feb 27, 1780. 8. Isaac Gilson b. Sept. 26, 1783. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. p.157 King George's War was brought to an end by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in the year 1748. footnote* Benjamin H. Hall's "History of Eastern Vermont." p.50. CHAPTER VI. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. It was not many years after this period that another war broke out, known in America as the French and Indian War. It was the last and the severest of the intercolonial struggles and the Indians fought on each side, though mostly against us. The first conflict of arms took place in May, 1754, and the war continued until a treaty of peace was made in February, 1763. Several expeditions were organized at different time, in which Groton men bore their part. THOMAS LAWRENCE. Thomas Lawrence was a 2nd Lieutenant of a company, in an expedition up the Kennebec River during the summer of 1754. His subsequent career shows him to have been a brave man - a better fighter than a speller, judging from the following Petition on file at the State House: "Province of the Massachusetts Bay. "To his Exelency William Shearly, Esq., Captain General and Commandder in Cheeff of the Province and to the Honnorrable His Majesty's Counsel and House of Representaues now Assembled at Boston the 30th of October A.D. 1754. "The pertision of Thomas Larrance (Lawrence) of Groton in the County of Meddlesex. Humbly shueth that you pertisener chearfully ingaged in the expeditsion which hath been performed to the Eastward up Cenebeck (Kennebec) River and west in the copasety (capicity) of a Second Left. (Lieutenant) in the Company p.158 GROTON IN THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. - Groton During the Indian Wars - THOMAS LAWRENCE. under the command of Capt. Humphry Hobbs and allways endeverred to perfourme every command according to the best of his powar (power), after his return from the long march up Cenebeck (Kennebec) River - your Petisionner was called upon to assist in raiseng of a block house at Fert (fort) Hallefax (Halifax) wich he ded (did) and in laying down one of the planks - it being too heavy for him - it gave his back a sudden rinch (wrentch) wich I often feel the effects of to this day and fear shall as long as I live - and soon after was taiken (taken) with a slow fever wich is now more than six weakes and it is now five weaks next Saterday since I landded at Boston and was carried to Mrs. Sharrows whare (where) I have laid ever since but now throw (through) the graite (great) goodness of God - am gott so well as to indeuer (endeavor) to ride home in a chair, if I had one, and by reason of this long and tedious sickness hath occationed graite (great) expence as may apear by the accompts (accounts) hear (here) to annexed. Whearfore (wherefore) I humbly pray your Exelancy and Honnours (Honors) to grant such releaf (relief) in the premeses as in your Graite (Great) Wisdom and goodness you shall see meet and your pertisinour (Petitioner) as in Duty bound ever pray. (signed) THOMAS LAWRENCE. [Massachusetts Archives, LXXIV. 258.] MARY SHARROW. Two days afterwards the sum of £11. 20s 7d. was allowed the petitioner out of the public treasury. The bill of his physician, Dr. Gillam Tayler, was £2 6s 4d and that of his landlady, Mary Sharrow, £59 11S 6d, old tenor, equivalent to £7 18s 10d - lawful money. FORT HALIFAX, Maine. Fort Halifax was situated on the east side of the Kennebec River, within the present limits of Winslow, Maine. This town was incorporated in the year 1771, and so named after General John winslow, who was in command of the expedition sent to that region when the fort was built. HENRY WOODS. Henry Woods was in the same expedition and his petition is as follows: PROVINCE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY. To his Excellency, William Shirley, Esq., Captain General and Governour and Commander-in Chief in and over Province. To the Honorable, his Majesty's Council and House of Representatives assembled at Boston, February 5th, 1755. p.159 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. HENRY WOODS. The Petition of Henry Woods of Groton, in the County of Middlesex, humbly sheweth that your Petitioner enlisted himself to go, the summer past, in the Expedition to the Eastward on the Kennebec River; & always faithfully performed what service I was called for, but about the beginning of September, last, was taken sick att Fort Hallifax, with the nervous fever & lay there about ninety days - so bad a considerable part of the time that life almost despaired of. But through Devine goodness arrived at Boston the 9th of December last and was carryed to Mrs. Sherrows and there lay confined by a fever-soar (under the hands of Doctor Taylor) more than a month, and then conveyed in a chair to Groton, not being able ever since to do hours' work, or walk about the h ouse without something to lean upon. "May it please your Excellency and Honors, your Petitioner would crave leave to inform you, that Clafford and Hambleton, the two men that nursed me at Hallifax, demanded of me, six pounds and eight shillings, lawful money - saying that Captain Melvin promised them so much per day as amounted to that sum. And when I arrived at Boston, hearing that Captain Melvin was dead, I gave them a part in money and a note of hand for the remainder. "Mrs. Sherrows demands are about five pounds, fifteen shillings. I have forgott what Doctor Taylor's account was; but am informed that your Excellency and Honors were pleased to allow his account (upon my former petition) for which I give your Excellency and Honors hearty thanks. Praying that you would be pleased again to take under your compassionate considera- tion my difficult & distressing circumstances: and grant such relief as in your great wisdom and goodness you may think proper, and your poor distressed Petitioner as in duty shall ever pray Henry Woods. Groton. February 10th, 1755. [Massachusetts Archives, LXXIV. 330.] From the Journal of the House of Representatives, January 1, 1755, it appears that Woods had previously presented another petition. In answer to the 2nd petition, he was allowed, February 20th, £5 for his nurses before he came to Boston and the further sum of £5 os. 7d. for his landlady. p.160 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. THE FRENCH & INDIAN WAR. The chair mentioned in these petitions was a vehicle which long since passed out of use. It resembled a chaise with the top taken off, and was generally wide enough to carry two persons. According to the same Journal, March 31, 1756, Woods made a third petition for relief, one year later. It is as follows: Third Petition of Henry Woods. "A Petition of Henry Woods of Groton, in the County of Middlesex, setting forth, that being a soldier in the Expedition to the River Kennebuck in the Year 1754, was taken sick, and by his long confinement then contracted such indisposition as has rendered him unable to labour for his support as heretofore; that he was put to great expence thereby, and has received but a partial allowance therefor; and praying such further relief under his distressed circumstances as shall be judged meet." INSERT. The Woods Families of Groton, Massachusetts. Source: History of Groton, Mass. by Caleb Butler, 1848. p.446 History of Groton by Caleb Butler. Samuel WOODS and Alice ___ Thomas Woods b. Mar 9, 1663 Elizabeth Woods b. Sept 17, 1665 Nathaniel Woods b. Mar 27, 1667/8 Mary Woods b. Aug 2, 1670 Abigail Woods b. Aug 19, 1672 Hannah Woods b. 18 day 7 mo 1674; died Sept 29, 1703 Nathaniel WOODS and Alice _____ Nathaniel Woods b. Oct 19, 1694 Daniel Woods b. Aug 10, 1696 John Woods b. Mar 4, 1698 Isaac Woods b. Feb 20, 1699-1700 Bathsheba Woods b. April 5, 1702 m. Collins Mores Hannah Woods b. Mar 16, 1704 m. John Farmer Phebe Woods b. Feb 13, 1705/6 Aaron Woods b. May 26, 1707 Moses Woods b. July 6, 1709 Reuben Woods b. April 11, 1711 Phebe Woods b. Mar 13, 1713 Jonathan Woods b. June 4, 1716 Nathaniel WOODS and Sarah BROWN of Stow (married July 3, 1721) Sarah Brown died Mar 3, 1724/5 He married (2) Widow Mary Derbyshire, Sept 14, 1725 Samuel WOODS and Hannah _____ Susannah Woods b. _____ Rachel Woods b. ____ Alice Woods b. Dec 26, 1700 Abigail Woods b. Sept 12, 1703 Esther Woods b. Nov 13, 1705 Joseph Woods b. June 21, 1707 Martha Woods b. April 15, 1709 Thomas WOODS and Hannah _____ Esther Woods b. July 29, 1697 Josiah Woods b. Sept 15, 1701 Elizabeth Woods b. Nov 9, 1702 Thomas Woods b. Nov 25, 1705 Samuel WOODS and Patience BIGELOW (married Nov 29, 1720) He died April 10, 1773 Patience died Jan 23, 1771 Elizabeth Woods b. Aug 29, 1721 Samuel Woods b. Dec 2, 1722 Hannah Woods b. Dec 1, 1724 Abigail Woods b. Dec 11, 1726 Eunice Woods b. Feb 24, 1729 James Woods b. Aug 22, 1731 William Woods b. Oct 17, 1735 Mary Woods b. Mar 16, 1738 Nathaniel WOODS, Jr and Alice ____ Daniel Woods b. Dec 10, 1726 Ebenezer Woods b. Dec 19, 1728 Oliver Woods b. Sept 26 1730 Nathaniel Woods b. June 3, 1732 John Woods b. July 1, 1734 Isaac WOODS and Abigail STEVENS (married Sept 21, 1725) Isaac Woods b. Oct 29, 1725 Ephraim Woods b. April 25, 1727; died Aug 12, 1757 Thomas Woods b. Dec 29, 1728; died Feb 10, 1756 Nehemiah Woods b. Dec 6, 1731 Henry Woods b. Sept 4, 1733 Jonas Woods b. May 21, 1735; died Aug 22, 1756 at Fort William Henry Caleb Woods b. Jan 22, 1737 Prudence Woods b. Oct 8, 1738; died Oct 27, 1738 Samson Woods b. May 6, 1740; died Aug 22, 1757 at Albany Sarah Woods b. Aug 17, 1742; married Robert Ames Solomon Woods b. Aug 29, 1747 John WOODS and Sarah LONGLEY (married June 3, 1725) Sarah Woods b. May 6, 1726 John Woods b. Aug 27, 1728; died Aug 31, 1728 Susanna Woods b. May 5, 1730 Alice Woods b. May 30, 1732 Lucy Woods b. May 18, 1735; married Thomas Trowbridge John Woods b. Aug 1, 1737; died June, 1823 Benjamin Woods b. Oct 13, 1739 Abigail Woods b. Jan 21, 1745 David Woods b. Dec 31, 1746 p.447 Amos WOODS and Hannah NUTTING (married July 5, 1733) Hannah Woods b. Mar 4, 1734 Esther Woods b. June 12, 1736 Mary Woods b. Feb 31, 1737/8 Sybil Woods b. Feb 6, 1740 Lydia Woods b. Jan 23, 1745 Amos Woods b. Dec 17, 1748 Aaron WOODS and Sarah BOYNTON (married April 3, 1739) Sarah Woods b. Jan 30, 1739/40 Lemuel Woods b. Sept 23, 1742 Moses WOODS and Esther HOUGHTON (married Nov 22, 1733) Esther Woods b. Sept 2, 1735 Hannah Woods b. Sept 28, 1737 Bathsheba Woods b. Nov 3, 1739 Deborah Woods b. April 14, 1742 Martha Woods b. April 3, 1744 Anne Woods b. Sept 9, 1746 Moses Woods b. Feb 16, 1749 Jonathan WOODS and Mary ___ Mary Woods b. Jan 31, 1738/9 Jonathan Woods b. April 3, 1741 Phebe Woods b. Feb 14, 1742 Joseph Woods b. May 4, 1745 Rachel Woods b. Mar 30, 1746 Jonathan Woods b. May 5, 1749 Alice Woods b. Feb 14, 1750 Levi Woods b. May 10, 1753 Ebenezer WOODS and Eunice BOYDEN (married June 25, 1752) Alice Woods b. April 12, 1753 Ephraim WOODS and Bathsheba ____ Sybil Woods b. Mar 31, 1752 Reuben WOODS and Widow Submit WHITNEY (married June 11, 1741) Reuben Woods b. Mar 30, 1742; died Oct 24, 1760 Abel Woods b. Jan 2, 1743 Betty Woods b. Sept 18, 1745 Timothy Woods b. May 3, 1747 Submit Woods b. Feb 18, 1748 Daniel Woods b. Jan 27, 1750 Anna Woods b. April 16, 1753 Jonathan Woods b. April 26, 1755 Abigail Woods b. Mar 20, 1757 Oliver Woods b. Sept 17, 1758 Reuben Woods b. Dec 7, 1760 Samuel WOODS and Tabitha ___ Maria Woods b. June 23, 1748 Rebekah Woods b. Mar 24, 1750 Samuel Woods b. April 14, 1753 Sarah Woods b. April 3, 1756 Mary Woods b. Dec 1, 1757; died Sept 15, 1758 Nathaniel WOODS and Anne ____ Anne Woods b. Feb 16, 1755 John French Woods b. Aug 9, 1756 Jonas Woods b. Nov 29, 1757 Alice Woods b. Nov 22, 1759 Nathaniel Woods b. Sept 6, 1760 Peter Woods b. May 29, 1763 Nehemiah WOODS and Sarah _____ Jonas Woods b. Sept 4, 1759 Henry WOODS and Deborah PARKER (married April 13, 1756) Henry Woods b. Dec 11, 1756 Deborah Woods b. Aug 2, 1758 Solomon WOODS and Mary ____ Mary Woods b. Jan 24, 1771 Susanna Woods b. Nov 12, 1772 Isaac Woods b. Feb 13, 1775 Asa Woods b. Nov 17, 1776 Didamia Woods b. Oct 28, 1778 Prudence Woods b. May 22, 1780 Solomon Woods b. April 10, 1782 John WOODS, Jr and Hannah GOODHUE He died June 1823 AEt 86 years, nearly (married Nov 10, 1768) Oliver Woods b. Sept 9, 1769 Achsah Woods b. April 28, 1771 Lucy Woods b. Mar 12, 1773 Eber Woods b. June 27, 1774 John Woods b. July 31, 1776 David WOODS and Deborah ____ David Woods b. April 25, 1771 Deborah Woods b. Oct 5, 1772 Sarah Woods b. May 11, 1774 William Woods b. Jan 7, 1776 Ezra Woods b. Jan 12, 1778 Warren Woods b. Mar 12, 1780 Silas Woods b. Nov 23, 1781 Emerson Woods b. Mar 21, 1783 Charlotte Woods b. Aug 25, 1785 Ziba Woods b. Feb 22, 1787 Imri Woods b. June 14, 1789 Caleb WOODS and Betty CUMMINGS of Hollis (married Nov 26, 1767) Caleb Woods b. Sept 4, 1768 Betty Woods b. May 16, 1770 Stephen Jewett Woods b. Nov 24, 1771 Caty Woods b. Sept 12, 1773 Alethea Woods b. July 23, 1775 Noah Woods b. Aug 23, 1777 Jonas Woods b. Mar 24, 1779 Rebekah Woods b. Mar 29, 1781 Henry Farwell Woods b.June 10, 1784 Hannah Farwell Woods b. Aug 11, 1786 Lemuel WOODS and Sarah ____ Sarah Woods b. Jan 16, 1769 Abel WOODS and Anna ____ Abel Woods b. Feb 17, 1768 Benjamin Woods b. Mar 10, 1770 Anna Woods b. July 15, 1772 Phillip Woods b. Aug 16, 1774 Patty Woods b. Sept 16, 1776 Elizabeth Woods b. May 27, 1779 Jacob Woods b. June 21, 1782 Samuel WOODS, Jr and Rebekah BROOKS (married Aug 13, 1771) Samuel Woods b. Oct 6, 1771 James WOODS and Abigail HOWARD (married Feb 6, 1760) James Woods b. April 19, 1761 Nahum Woods b. Nov 14, 1763 Jotham Woods b. Mar 3, 1766 Abigail Woods b. Jan 20, 1769 Rachel Woods b. April 9, 1771; m. Bill Wright Stevens Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth p.160 - continued GROTON DURING THE INDIANS WARS. THOMAS LAWRENCE, SON OF THOMAS & PRUDENCE LAWRENCE. He and four of his men killed in 1758: Corp. Nehemiah Gould, Private Abe Sawtell, Private Ebenezer Ames & Private Stephen Foster. All but one of his soldiers were scalped by the Indiand and the French. Thomas Lawrence was the son of Thomas & Prudence Lawrence and born at Groton, September 3, 1720. He is said to have been a man of great size and strength. During the summer of 1758, he commanded a company belonging to the force operating around Lake George; and in the memorable skirmish at a place called "Half-way Brook," July 20th of that year, he was killed, with four of his men: Corporal Nehemiah Gould, Private Abel Sawtell, Private Ebene- zer Ames and Stephen Foster. More than twenty soldiers were slain in this action and all but one were scalped by the savages and the French. The Reverend Samuel, in the Appendix to his "History of Woburn, Massachusetts" (p.550) prints the journal kept by Samuel Thompson which gives a full account of the affair. CAPTAIN LAWRENCE. Capt. Lawrence lived in that part of Groton which is now Pepperell; and on the departure of his company for the Army, the Rev. Joseph Emerson preached a sermon. It was delivered May 7, 1758, before "Captain Thomas Lawrence and part of his company of soldiers - "before their going out into public service." And it was afterward published. p.161 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Like all discourses of that period, it is purely doctrinal in its character and contains not one word of interest to the present generation. It would have been easy for the author to have given some information about the various enlistments of the men, and a history of the Company generally - but on these points he was utterly silent. It may be said, however, in his behalf, that he was talking to THEM and not to us. SERGEANT OLIVER LAKIN. Sgt. Oliver Lakin, of Capt. Lawrence's Company, was taken prisoner in the action at Half-way Brook, though he subsequently escaped. The following entry in regard to him is found in the Journal of the Massachusetts House of Representatives for January 10, 1760: PETITION OF OLIVER LAKEN OF GROTON. A Petition of Oliver Laken of Groton, in the County of Middlesex, Massachusetts, showing that he was a Soldier in the pay of the Province, anno 1758, and was, on the 20th day of July the same year, captivated by the Indian Enemy, suffered many and great hardships and was obliged to borrow a sum of money to purchase his freedom from captivity - he therefore prays he may be allowed the sum of money he borrowed: also the charges of his passage home, and a further allowance for his loss of time and sufferings, etc. The answer to the Petition is found two days later, in the proceedings of January 12th, as follows: The Committee appointed to consider the Petition of Oliver Lakin - reported thereon. "Read and accepted in part, viz. Resolved that the sum of eight pounds be allowed and paid our of the public Treasury to William Lawrence, Esq., for the use of the Petitioner, in full consideration for his services and sufferings therein mentioned. - Sent up for concurrence." PARENTS OF OLIVER LAKIN - WILLIAM & MIRIAM LAKIN. OLIVER WAS A GREAT GRANDSON OF ENS. JOHN LAKIN, ONE OF GROTON'S ORIGINAL PROPRIETORS. The Petitioner, Oliver Lakin, was a son of William and Miriam Lakin and a great grandson of Ensign John Lakin, one of the original proprietors of the town of Groton. The following letter, from Lieutenant Woods to his company commander, is found in Miss Hemen- way's "Vermont Historical Gazetteer" (IV. 1155, 1156) and refers to Lakin's releas from captivity. p.162 GROTON, MASS., DURING THE INDIAN WARS. LETTER OF LIEUT. HENRY WOODS. "To Captain Ephraim Wesson, Groton, in the Bay Government: Camp at Ticonderoga - August ye 12, 1759. Sir: These with my regards to you and yours, are to let you know that I am in good health. To my great joy I received your letter, which informed me that you and all my friends are well; also that Oliver Lakin was returned from captivity and the remarkable account of his getting home from the enemy. Give my compliments to Oliver (Lakin) and tell him that we are paying them for their old tricks. As for the affairs among us, our employ is chiefly fatigue duty. Part of the army is at Crown Point, and a part is at this place (Ticonderoga). We are repairing this Fort with all expedition and the rest of the army are building a new fort at Crown Point. "We hear that there is a party of men gone to lay out a road to No. 4 (Charles- town, New Hampshire) The army is very healthy and our company are well that are at this place. So I conclude and subscribe myself, your well-wishing friend, Henry Woods." Insert. Around the eighth of August 1759, Captain John Stark and 200 members of Rogers Rangers set out from Crown Point to cut and mark a road to Fort No. 4 at Charlestown NH. Stark, already well acquainted with the culture of the Indians, was familiar with their trails which often led from Canada to the Connecticut River following smaller streams through the wilderness. The Crown Point Road would essentially follow a path laid down by the Indians along the Otter Creek and Black River. The Olde Fort No. 4. PETITION OF DAVID SARTWELL OF GROTON. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. ABEL SAWTELL KILLED. In the Journal of the House of Representatives, June 13, 1759 there is a petition by David Sartwell of Groton, Mass.: "A Petition of David Sartwell (Sawtell) of Groton in the County of Middlesex, setting forth that his son, Abel Sartwell (Sawtell) went forth in the expedition agains Canada the last year - that near Half-Way-Brook (so called) he was in an engagement with the Enemy and was killed; that his gun was lost. He therefore prays the stoppage may be taken off and the Treasurer be directed to allow him the three pounds mentioned." In the same Journal, March 30, 1761 is: - JOHN IRVING OF GROTON. "A Petition of John Ervin, Jun'r, of Groton, a soldier in the year 1758, setting forth, that he was wounded by the Enemy and lost his gun, praying for an allowance for his gun, etc." (Irvine is the surname) (p.29, Groton Historical Series by Dr. Samuel Abbott Green - Volu In the muster-roll of the Company, his name appears as Erwin. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. p.163 CAPTAIN LAWRENCE'S COMPANY. Interesting papers, relating to Capt. Lawrence's Company, are now in the possession of General A. Harleigh Hill of Groton, Vermont - a great grandson of Captain Wesson, who succeeded to the command after the unfortunate affair of July 20, 1758. General Hill was the author of the chapter on "The History of the Town of Groton, in Caledonia County," which appears in Miss A. M. Hemenway's "Vermont Historical Gazatteer," and gives many interesting facts about that town. Some of its early settlers were natives of Groton, Massachusetts; and it was through them that the name of their birthplace was carred into the Green Mountain country. I wish to acknow- ledge my obligations to General Hill for his kindness and courtesy, not only in furnishing copies of these papers but in many other ways. Owing to the want of space, some of the sub-headings in the muster roll and in the two "Returns" of the men enlisted, are omitted in this printed copy. The papers are as follows: "A Muster-Roll of a Company of Foot in his Majesty's Service, under the Command of Captain Thomas Law- rence from March 13, 1758 to July 20th. Then, Captain Ephraim Wesson to November 30th, 1758, in a Regiment raised by the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, for the reduction of Canada, Whereof EBENEZER NICHOLS, ESQ. is Colonel." MEN'S NAMES QUALITY OF WHAT TOWN NAMES OF FATHERS, & MASTERS OF SONS UNDERAGE & SERVANTS. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Thomas Lawrence, Esq. Captain Groton Ephraim Wesson 1st Lieutenant Pepperell ditto Captain Pepperell Leonard Spaulding 2nd Lieutenant Westford ditto 1st Lieutenant Westford Joseph Farwell Ensign Groton ditto 2nd Lieutenant Groton Henry Woods Sergeant Groton ditto Ensign Groton ditto 2nd Lieutenant Groton p.164 Nathaniel Lakin Sergeant Pepperell Oliver Wright Sergeant Westford Oliver Lakin Sergeant Groton Oliver Parker Corporal Groton ditto Sergeant Groton ditto Ensign Groton Nehemiah Gould Corporal No. I. Simon Gilson Corporal Pepperell Ephraim Severance Corporal Groton Moses Sawtell Centinel Groton ditto Corporal Groton ditto Sergeant Groton Oliver Shattuck Centinel Pepperell ditto Sergeant Pepperell Eleazer Spaulding Centinel Pepperell ditto Sergeant Pepperell Joseph Hartwell Centinel Westford ditto Corporal Westford Simeon Foster Centinel Groton ditto Corporal Groton David Shattuck Drummer Groton Eleazer Ames Centinel Groton William Lawrence, his guardian. Archelus Adams Centinel Groton William Lawrence, his guardian. John Boyden Centinel Groton Robert Blood Centinel Pepperell Aaron Blood Centinel Westford Ephraim Chandler, his guardian. Josiah Butterfield Centinel Westford Josiah Butterfield Moses Blood Centinel Pepperell John Chamberlain Centinel Pepperell Joel Crosby Centinel Westford Son-in-law to Andrew Spaulding Daniel Douglas Centinel Groton Servant to Israel Hobart. John Erwin Centinel Groton John Erwin James Fisk Centinel Groton James Fisk Oliver Farnsworth Centinel Groton Stephen Foster Centinel Groton William Farnsworth Centinel Pepperell Eleazer Fisk Centinel Westford Benjamin Farmer Centinel Westford GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. p.165 Daniel Gilson Centinel Groton. John Gragg Centinel Groton Jacob Gragg. Moses Gould Centinel Lunenburg Ephraim Hall Centinel Pepperell Joseph kemp Centinel Groton Samuel Kemp, Jun'r. Silas Kemp Centinel Groton Hezekiah Kemp Stephen Kemp Centinel Pepperell Servant to Edmund Bancroft. Simon Lakin Centinel Pepperell Simeon Nutting Centinel Pepperell Isaac Nutting Centinel Groton Isaac Nutting. Benjamin Nutting Centinel Westford Joseph Nutting. John Nutting Centinel Groton John Nutting. Eleazer Parker Centinel Groton Under ye care of the Selectmen. Joseph Page Centinel Groton Joseph Page William parker Centinel Groton William Parker Obediah Perry Centinel Groton Stephen Peirce Centinel Groton Stephen Peirce. Jonathan Phelps Centinel Groton Nathaniel Parker Centinel Pepperell Nathan1 Parker. Leonard Parker Centinel Groton Leonard Parker. Benjamin Richardson Centinel Westford David Shattuck, Jr. Centinel Pepperell Abel Sawtell Centinel Groton David Sawtell. Jonathan Sheple Centinel Groton James Prescott, Esq., his guardian. Lemuel Sheple Centinel Groton James Prescott, Esq., his guardian. Joseph Sawtell Centinel Groton Samuel Tarbell, his guardian. Thomas Shattuck Centinel Pepperell Thomas Scott Centinel Pepperell John Scott. Benjamin Shattuck Centinel Pepperell Josiah Sheple Centinel Groton Nathan Wesson Centinel Wilmington Son to Stephen Wesson. Zachariah Willis Centinel Westford Servant to Philip Robins. Benjamin Woods Centinel Groton Son to John Woods. Simon Wheeler Centinel Westford p.166 GROTON IN THE INDIAN WARS. FRENCH & INDIAN WAR. A Return of men Inlisted for his Majesty's Service in the intended Expedition against Canada, 1758. NAMES WHERE BORN IN WHAT COMPANY IN WHAT REGIMENT NAMES OF THE FATHERS OF SONS UNDER AGE ANDMASTERS OF SERVANTS. AGE. Archalus Adams Newbury Col. Charles Prescott Col Elisha Jones 25 John Nutting Groton Capt. Jer. Shattuck Col Oliver Wilder 20 Son of John Nutting,Jr Simon Gilson Groton Capt. Jer. Shattuck Col Oliver Wilder 27 Eleazer Fisk Groton Capt. Jer. Shattuck Col Oliver Wilder 26 Leonard Parker Groton Capt. John Bulkey Col Oliver Wilder 16 Son of Leonard Parker. The above written is a True Account of all the men by me enlisted for his Majesty's Service in the Expedition now carrying on against Canada in a Company to be commanded by Captain Thomas Lawrence in Colonel Ebenezer Nichol's Regiment. JOSEPH FARWELL. Groton - April ye 15th, 1758. A List of the Men I have listed for Canada etc. ADomini, 1758: Simon Lakin Silas Kemp Isaac Nutting, Jun'r. Jonathan Phelps in the rume (place of) Simon Ames of Groton. Nathaniel Parker, Jun'r. Robert Blood William Farnsworth Oliver Shattuck in the rume of Solomon Shattuck of Pepperell. John Chamberlin in the rume of Petet Thurston of Pepperell. Nathan Wesson Thomas Shattuck Thomas Scott Stephen Kemp Eleazer Spaulding in the rume of Joel Parkhurst of Dunstable. Stephen Foster. Ephraim Wesson, Lieutenant. p.167 GROTON IN THE FRENCH & INDIAN WAR. Groton, April 15th, 1758. This may certify whom it may concern that the above named soldiers were this day mustered and passed before me. William Lawrence, Muster Master. A Return of the Men Enlisted for his Majesty's service in the intended expedition against Canada - 1758. NAMES WHERE BORN IN WHAT COMPANY AGE TIME OF SERVICE. Simon Larkin Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 42 March 30. Silas Kemp Groton Capt. James Prescott 16 March 30. Isaac Nutting, Jr. Groton Capt. John Bulkley 19 March 30. Jonathan Phelps Andover Capt. John Bulkley 31 March 30. Nathan Wesson Wilmington Capt. Thomas Pierce 18 March 30. Thomas Shattuck Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 22 March 31st. Nathaniel Parker Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 19 April 3rd. Ebenezer Spaulding Groton Capt. Oliver Coburn 24 April 3rd. Stephen Foster Chelmsford Capt. John Bulkley 23 April 4. Robert Blood Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 27 April 5. Wm. Farnsworth Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 21 April 5. Oliver Shattuck Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 27 April 5. Thomas Scott Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 19 April 5. Stephen Kemp Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 17 April 5. John Chamberlain Groton Capt. Jeremiah Shattuck 36 April 10. CAPTAIN THOMAS LAWRENCE'S COMPANY. The above written contains a true account of the men that I have enlisted for his Majesty's Service in the intended expedition against Canada, in a Company to be commanded by Captain Thomas Lawrence, to be in Colonel Ebenezer Nichols' Regiment. EPHRAIM WESSON. Pepperell, April ye 15th, 1758. North Hampton, June 2, 1758. Sir: You are to repair to Hadley and there wait for Colonel Nichols arrival that you may give him an account of the spare blankets of the regiment which were left there at Mr. Oliver Smith's. If he doth not come by the 14th Instant, you are directed to join the regiment, by the first opportunity. I am your friend, John Cuming. To: Lieutenant Ephraim Wesson. From the day they are collected till they arrive at Worcester where the King's provisions, will be delivered out to the regiments, you are to take care that your men are victualized as follows: That is, Sixpence per day, sterling and no more. You are to take care they dont exceed that, and also such a part for each meal as to take the whole of said six pence for the day. You are to acquaint the Taverners: accordingly you are to deliver said Taverners a list of the names, and the number of the men are supplied at so much per meal and this list with the certificate shall be the Taverner's voucher to his account to be laid before the Governor & Council for their passing upon it and granting warranty for the payment of the same. You are to take particular care that no stragglers be left behind - and you are further directed to use the utmost of your endeavors that one quarter of your men provide their own arms. (signed) Ebenezer Nichols. An account of the arms that Captain Lawrence and his men had of their own that was lost in the fight at the half-way brook, July the 20th, 1758. THE GUNS LOST THE KING'S ARMS. Capt. Lawrence 1 Sergeant Oliver Lakin 1 Sgt. Oliver Wright 1 Corp. Nehemiah Gould 1 Simon Wheeler 1 Stephen Foster 1 Eleazer Ames 1 Abel Sawtell 1 Joel Crosby 1 ____ ____ TOTAL 5 TOTAL 4 The two papers here given refer to the Expedition against Crown Point. Groton. June ye 25th, 1755. Received of Lieut. Ephraim Wesson, six pounds, seven shillings and three pence, old tenor, as subsistance to Albany each of us are soldiers to Crown Point: Jonas Woods Japtha Richardson Isaac Patch Isaac Wesson Isaac Patch, Jr. Zachariah Wilthe (Withee) Jonathan Foster Nathaniel Nutting (his mark) Simeon X Foster John Trowbridge (his mark) Joseph X Denow Jonathan Green A List of the names that are enlisted for the Expedition to Crown Point into Capt. Reed's Company by me, Ephraim Wesson. Isaac Patch Zachariah Wethe (Withee) Isaac Patch, Jun'r Isaac Wesson Jonathan Green Nathaniel Wesson John Hobart Japtha Richardson Jonathan Foster Joseph Denoro Simeon Foster John Trowbridge Jonas Woods John Shepley Nathaniel Shattuck Nathaniel Nutting. COLONEL WILLIAM LAWRENCE. The following letter was written by Colonel William Lawrence, to the Honorable Spence Phipps, at that time the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province. Colonel Lawrence was then in command of the soldiers stationed along the frontiers in this neighborhood. The letter was dated a few weeks before the Battle of Lake George, a period of great excitement among the inhabitants of the border towns. Lieutenant Lawrence, who is mentioned, was a younger brother of the writer: May it please your Honour - I had desired Lieutenant Lawrence to order a scout to Pequage (Athol) before I received your Honour's letter which he had done & from thence to Northfield though none was placed at Pequage (Athol) but inasmuch as Pequage does not appear more exposed to the enemy if so much as several other places between ye rivers Merimack and Connecticut River that are within this Province, and I, apprehending your Honour not be p.170 GROTON IN THE FRENCH & INDIAN WAR. So well acquainted with the circumstances of those frontiers, I did not order ye Lieutenant to place but ten men at Pequage, for if fifteen had been sent there, other places may have been left naked that no scouting could have been done, which I am sensible was ye Court's design - but if what I have ordered should not be agreeable, I should be glad to know your Honor's mind. I find it is difficult to satisby the People with so few men in so long a frontier, but shall take best care I can so far as I am concerned, to give orders for everything to be done, that your Honour shall think best but if possible I thing the best to keep out all ye new plantations in this Province but I am afraid that thirty men is not sufficient. So with great regard, I remain your Honor's most humble and obedient servant to command. William Lawrance. Groton, July ye 29: 1755. To ye Honorable Spencer Phips, Esquire. [Massachusetts Archives, LIV. 521.] INSERT: Colonel William Lawrence. Colonel William Lawrence died May l9, l764 age 67. A Gentleman who in military life rose from Captain to Lieut. to the command of a regiment. In l739 he was made Justice of Peace and afterwards, Qurum Unus, a spec. Justice of the Court of Common Pleas for the County of Middlesex and a standing Justice of the Court. He for many yrs represented Groton with the Districts of Pepperell and Shirley in the Gen. Assembly of this province. In all his public betrustments he acquitted himself with fidelity and honour. In private life his behavior was be- coming his Christian profession. He was remarkably industrious in the improvement of time; Just in his dealings, a good neighbor; a faithful friend; patient of injuries and ready to forgive them, grateful to benefactors, ready in affording assistance to the widow and fatherless, and merci- ful to all proper objects of pity. He was a strict observer of the Lords Day, a constant and serious attender on public excercises of religion, a devout worshiper of God in his family. Source: Dr. Samuel Green. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. continued. NOVA SCOTIA. THE ACADIANS. In was in the spring of 1755 that the territory of Acadia, or Nova Scotia, fell under British authority, and the conquest was followed by a terrible act of cruelty and violence. The simple Acadians, unsuspicious of the designs of the English leaders, were assembled in their churches, in obedience to a mititary proclamation, and thence, without being allowed to return to their homes, were driven at the point of the bayonet to board ships to be scattered over all the English colonies in America. This was done with so little regard to humanity that, in many instances, wives were separated from husbands and children separated from their parents, never to see one another again. It was upon an incident connected with this act of tyranny that Longellow's poem "Evangeline" is founded. INSERT. EVANGELINE by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. Evangeline Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth THIS is the forest primeval. The murmuring pines and the hemlocks, Bearded with moss, and in garments green, indistinct in the twilight, Stand like Druids of eld, with voices sad and prophetic, Stand like harpers hoar, with beards that rest on their bosoms. Loud from its rocky caverns, the deep-voiced neighboring ocean Speaks, and in accents disconsolate answers the wail of the forest. This is the forest primeval; but where are the hearts that beneath it Leaped like the roe, when he hears in the woodland the voice of the huntsman? Where is the thatch-roofed village, the home of Acadian farmers -- Men whose lives glided on like rivers that water the woodlands, Darkened by shadows of earth, but reflecting an image of heaven? Waste are those pleasant farms, and the farmers forever departed! Scattered like dust and leaves, when the mighty blasts of October Seize them, and whirl them aloft, and sprinkle them far o'er the ocean. Naught but tradition remains of the beautiful village of Grand-Pre. Ye who believe in affection that hopes, and endures, and is patient, Ye who believe in the beauty and strength of woman's devotion, List to the mournful tradition still sung by the pines of the forest; List to a Tale of Love in Acadie, home of the happy. PART THE FIRST I IN THE Acadian land, on the shores of the Basin of Minas, Distant, secluded, still, the little village of Grand-Pre Lay in the fruitful valley. Vast meadows stretched to the eastward, Giving the village its name, and pasture to flocks without number. Dikes, that the hands of the farmers had raised with labor incessant, Shut out the turbulent tides; but at stated seasons the flood-gates Opened, and welcomed the sea to wander at will o'er the meadows. West and south there were fields of flax, and orchards and corn-fields Spreading afar and unfenced o'er the plain; and away to the northward Blomidon rose, and the forests old, and aloft on the mountains Sea-fogs pitched their tents, and mists from the mighty Atlantic Looked on the happy valley, but ne'er from their station descended. There, in the midst of its farms, reposed the Acadian village. Strongly built were the houses, with frames of oak and of chestnut, Such as the peasants of Normandy built in the reign of the Henries. Thatched were the roofs, with dormer-windows; and gables projecting Over the basement below protected and shaded the doorway. There in the tranquil evenings of summer, when brightly the sunset Lighted the village street, and gilded the vanes on the chimneys, Matrons and maidens sat in snow-white caps and in kirtles Scarlet and blue and green, with distaffs spinning the golden Flax for the gossiping looms, whose noisy shuttles within doors Mingled their sound with the whir of the wheels and the songs of the maidens. Solemnly down the street came the parish priest, and the children Paused in their play to kiss the hand he extended to bless them. Reverend walked he among them; and up rose matrons and maidens, Hailing his slow approach with words of affectionate welcome. Then came the laborers home from the field, and serenely the sun sank Down to his rest, and twilight prevailed. Anon from the belfry Softly the Angelus sounded, and over the roofs of the village Columns of pale blue smoke, like clouds of incense ascending, Rose from a hundred hearths, the homes of peace and contentment. Thus dwelt together in love these simple Acadian farmers -- Dwelt in the love of God and of man. Alike were they free from Fear, that reigns with the tyrant, and envy, the vice of republics. Neither locks had they to their doors, nor bars to their windows; But their dwellings were open as day and the hearts of the owners; There the richest was poor, and the poorest lived in abundance. Somewhat apart from the village, and nearer the Basin of Minas, Benedict Bellefontaine, the wealthiest farmer of Grand-Pre, Dwelt on his goodly acres; and with him, directing his household, Gentle Evangeline lived, his child, and the pride of the village. Stalworth and stately in form was the man of seventy winters; Hearty and hale was he, an oak that is covered with snow-flakes; White as the snow were his locks, and his cheeks as brown as the oak-leaves. Fair was she to behold, that maiden of seventeen summers. Black were her eyes as the berry that grows on the thorn by the way-side, Black, yet how softly they gleamed beneath the brown shade of her tresses! Sweet was her breath as the breath of kine that feed in the meadows. When in the harvest heat she bore to the reapers at noontide Flagons of home-brewed ale, ah! fair in sooth was the maiden. Fairer was she when, on Sunday morn, while the bell from its turret Sprinkled with holy sounds the air, as the priest with his hysop Sprinkles the congregation, and scatters blessings upon them, Down the long street she passed, with her chaplet of beads and her missal, Wearing her Norman cap, and her kirtle of blue, and the ear-rings, Brought in the olden time from France, and since, as an heirloom, Handed down from mother to child, through long generations. But a celestial brightness -- a more ethereal beauty -- Shone on her face and encircled her form, when, after confession, Homeward serenely she walked with God's benediction upon her. When she had passed, it seemed like the ceasing of exquisite music. Firmly builded with rafters of oak, the house of the farmer Stood on the side of a hill commanding the sea; and a shady Sycamore grew by the door, with a woodbine wreathing around it. Rudely carved was the porch, with seats beneath; and a footpath Led through an orchard wide, and disappeared in the meadow. Under the sycamore-tree were hives overhung by a pent-house, Such as the traveler sees in regions remote by the roadside, Built o'er a box for the poor, or the blessed image of Mary. Farther down, on the slope of the hill, was the well with its moss-grown Bucket, fastened with iron, and near it a trough for the horses. Shielding the house from storms, on the north, were the barns and the farm-yard. There stood the broad-wheeled wains and the antique plows and the harrows; There were the folds for the sheep; and there, in his feathered seraglio, Strutted the lordly turkey, and crowed the cock, with the selfsame Voice that in ages of old had startled the penitent Peter. Bursting with hay were the barns, themselves a village. In each one Far o'er the gable projected a roof of thatch; and a staircase, Under the sheltering eaves, led up to the odorous corn-loft. There too the dove-cot stood, with its meek and innocent inmates Murmuring ever of love; while above in the variant breezes Numberless noisy weathercocks rattled and sang of mutation. Thus, at peace with God and the world, the farmer of Grand-Pre Lived on his sunny farm, and Evangeline governed his household. Many a youth, as he knelt in the church and opened his missal, Fixed his eyes upon her, as the saint of his deepest devotion; Happy was he who might touch her hand or the hem of her garment! Many a suitor came to her door, by the darkness befriended, And as he knocked and waited to hear the sound of her footsteps, Knew not which beat the louder, his heart or the knocker of iron; Or at the joyous feast of the Patron Saint of the village, Bolder grew, and pressed her hand in the dance as he whispered Hurried words of love, that seemed a part of the music. But, among all who came, young Gabriel only was welcome; Gabriel Lajeunesse, the son of Basil the blacksmith, Who was a mighty man in the village, and honored of all men; For since the birth of time, throughout all ages and nations, Has the craft of the smith been held in repute by the people. Basil was Benedict's friend. Their children from earliest childhood Grew up together as brother and sister, and Father Felician, Priest and pedagogue both in the village, had taught them their letters Out of the selfsame book, with the hymns of the church and the plain-song. But when the hymn was sung, and the daily lesson completed, Swiftly they hurried away to the forge of Basil the blacksmith. There at the door they stood, with wondering eyes to behold him Take in his leathern lap the hoof of the horse as a plaything, Nailing the shoe in its place; while near him the tire of the cart-wheel Lay like a fiery snake, coiled round in a circle of cinders. Oft on autumnal eves, when without in the gathering darkness Bursting with light seemed the smithy, through every cranny and crevice, Warm by the forge within they watched the laboring bellows, And as its panting ceased, and the sparks expired in the ashes, Merrily laughed, and said they were nuns going into the chapel. Oft on sledges in winter, as swift as the swoop of the eagle, Down the hill-side bounding, they glided away o'er the meadow. Oft in the barns they climbed to the populous nests on the rafters, Seeking with eager eyes that wondrous stone, which the swallow Brings from the shore of the sea to restore the sight of its fledglings Lucky was he who found that stone in the nest of the swallow! Thus passed a few swift years, and they no longer were children. He was a valiant youth, and his face, like the face of the morning, Gladdened the earth with its light and ripened through into action. She was a woman now, with the heart and hopes of a woman. "Sunshine of Saint Eulalie" was she called; for that was the sunshine Which, as the farmers believed, would load their orchards with apples; She, too, would bring to her husband's house delight and abundance, Filling it full of love and the ruddy faces of children. II Now had the season returned, when the nights grow colder and longer, And the retreating sun the sign of the Scorpion enters. Birds of passage sailed through the leaden air, from the ice-bound, Desolate northern bays to the shores of tropical islands. Harvests were gathered in; and wild with the winds of September Wrestled the trees of the forests, as Jacob of old with the angel. All the signs foretold a winter long and inclement. Bees, with prophetic instinct of want, had hoarded their honey Till the hives overflowed; and the Indian hunters asserted Cold would the winter be, for thick was the fur of the foxes. Such was the advent of autumn. Then followed that beautiful season, Called by the pious Acadian peasants the Summer of All-Saints! Filled was the air with a dreamy and magical light; and the landscape Lay as if new created in all the freshness of childhood. Peace seemed to reign upon earth, and the restless heart of the ocean Was for a moment consoled. All sounds were in harmony blended. Voices of children at play, the crowing of cocks in the farmyards, Whir of wings in the drowsy air, and the cooing of pigeons, All were subdued and low as the murmurs of love, and the great sun Looked with the eye of love through the golden vapors around him; While arrayed in its robes of russet and scarlet and yellow, Bright with the sheen of the dew, each glittering tree of the forest Flashed like the plane-tree the Persian adorned with mantles and jewels. Now recommenced the reign of rest and affection and stillness. Day with its burden and heat had departed, and twilight descending Brought back the evening star to the sky, and the herds to the homestead. Pawing the ground they came, and resting their necks on each other, And with their nostrils distended inhaling the freshness of evening. Foremost, bearing the bell, Evangeline's beautiful heifer, Proud of her snow-white hide, and the ribbon that waved from her collar, Quietly paced and slow, as if conscious of human affection. Then came the shepherd back with his bleating flocks from the seaside, Where was their favorite pasture. Behind them followed the watch-dog, Patient, full of importance, and grand in the pride of his instinct, Walking from side to side with a lordly air, and superbly Waving his bushy tail, and urging forward the stragglers; Regent of flocks was he went the shepherd slept; their protector, When from the forest at night, through the starry silence, the wolves howled. Late, with the rising moon, returned the wains from the marshes, Laden with briny hay, that filled the air with its odor. Cheerily neighed the steeds, with dew on their manes and their fetlocks, While aloft on their shoulders the wooden and ponderous saddles, Painted with brilliant dyes, and adorned with tassels of crimson, Nodded in bright array, like hollyhocks heavy with blossoms. Patiently stood the cows meanwhile, and yielded their udders Unto the milkmaid's hand; whilst loud and in regular cadence Into the sounding pails the foaming streamlets descended. Lowing of cattle and peals of laughter were heard in the farmyard, Echoed back by the barns. Anon they sank into stillness; Heavily closed, with a jarring sound, the valves of the barn doors, Rattled the wooden bars, and all for a season was silent. Indoors, warm by the wide-mouthed fireplace, idly the farmer Sat in his elbow-chair; and watched how the flames and the smoke-wreaths Struggled together like foes in a burning city. Behind him, Nodding and mocking along the wall, with gestures fantastic, Darted his own huge shadow, and vanished away into darkness. Faces, clumsily carved in oak, on the back of his arm-chair Laughed in the flickering light, and the pewter plates on the dresser Caught and reflected the flame, as shields of armies the sunshine. Fragments of song the old man sang, and carols of Christmas, Such as at home, in the olden time, his fathers before him Sang in their Norman orchards and bright Burgundian vineyards. Close at her father's side was the gentle Evangeline seated, Spinning flax for the loom, that stood in the corner behind her. Silent awhile were its treadles, at rest was its diligent shuttle, While the monotonous drone of the wheel, like the drone of a bagpipe, Followed the old man's song, and united the fragments together. As in a church, when the chant of the choir at intervals ceases, Footfalls are heard in the aisles, or words of the priest at the altar, So, in each pause of the song, with measured motion the clock clicked. Thus as they sat, there were footsteps heard, and, suddenly lifted, Sounded the wooden latch, and the door swung back on its hinges. Benedict knew by the hob-nailed shoes it was Basil the blacksmith, And by her beating heart Evangeline knew who was with him. "Welcome!" the farmer exclaimed, as their footsteps paused on the threshold, "Welcome, Basil, my friend! Come, take thy place on the settle Close by the chimney-side, which is always empty without thee; Take from the shelf overhead thy pipe and the box of tobacco; Never so much thyself art thou as when through the curling Smoke of the pipe or the forge thy friendly and jovial face gleams Round and red as the harvest moon through the mist of the marshes." Then, with a smile of content, thus answered Basil the blacksmith, Taking with easy air the accustomed seat by the fireside -- "Benedict Bellefontaine, thou hast ever thy jest and thy ballad! Ever in cheerfulest mood art thou, when others are filled with Gloomy forebodings of ill, and see only ruin before them. Happy art thou, as if every day thou hadst picked up a horseshoe." Pausing a moment, to take the pipe that Evangeline brought him, And with a coal from the embers had lighted, he slowly continued -- "Four days now are passed since the English ships at their anchors Ride in the Gaspereau's mouth, with their cannon pointed against us. What their design may be is unknown; but all are commanded On the morrow to meet in the church, where his Majesty's mandate Will be proclaimed as law in the land. Alas! in the mean time Many surmises of evil alarm the hearts of the people." Then made answer the farmer: "Perhaps some friendlier purpose Brings these ships to our shores. Perhaps the harvests in England By the untimely rains or untimelier heat have been blighted, And from our bursting barns they would feed their cattle and children." "Not so thinketh the folk in the village," said, warmly, the blacksmith, Shaking his head, as in doubt; then, heaving a sigh, he continued -- "Louisburg is not forgotten, nor Beau Sejour, nor Port Royal. Many already have fled to the forest, and lurk on its outskirts, Waiting with anxious hearts the dubious fate of to-morrow. Arms have been taken from us, and warlike weapons of all kinds; Nothing is left but the blacksmith's sledge and the scythe of the mower." Then with a pleasant smile made answer the jovial farmer: "Safer are we unarmed, in the midst of our flocks and our cornfields, Safer within these peaceful dikes, besieged by the ocean, Than were our fathers in forts, besieged by the enemy's cannon. Fear no evil, my friend, and to-night may no shadow of sorrow Fall on this house and hearth; for this is the night of the contract. Built are the house and the barn. The merry lads of the village Strongly have built them and well; and, breaking the glebe round about them, Filled the barn with hay, and the house with food for a twelvemonth. Rene Leblanc will be here anon, with his papers and inkhorn. Shall we not then be glad, and rejoice in the joy of our children?" As apart by the window she stood, with her hand in her lover's, Blushing Evangeline heard the words that her father had spoken, And as they died on his lips the worthy notary entered. III BENT like a laboring oar, that toils in the surf of the ocean, Bent, but not broken, by age was the form of the notary public; Shocks of yellow hair, like the silken floss of the maize, hung Over his shoulders; his forehead was high; and glasses with horn bows Sat astride on his nose, with a look of wisdom supernal. Father of twenty children was he, and more than a hundred Children's children rode on his knee, and heard his great watch tick. Four long years in the times of the war had he languished a captive, Suffering much in an old French fort as the friend of the English. Now, though warier grown, without all guile or suspicion, Ripe in wisdom was he, but patient, and simple and childlike. He was beloved by all, and most of all by the children; For he told them tales of the Loup-garou in the forest, And of the goblin that came in the night to water the horses, And of the white Letiche, the ghost of a child who unchristened Died, and was doomed to haunt unseen the chambers of children; And how on Christmas eve the oxen talked in the stable, And how the fever was cured by a spider shut up in a nutshell, And of the marvelous powers of four-leaved clover and horseshoes, With whatsoever else was writ in the lore of the village. Then up rose from his seat by the fireside Basil the blacksmith, Knocked from his pipe the ashes, and slowly extending his right hand, "Father Leblanc," he exclaimed, "thou hast heard the talk in the village, And, perchance, canst tell us some news of these ships and their errand." Then with modest demeanor made answer the notary public -- "Gossip enough have I heard, in sooth, yet am never the wiser; And what their errand may be I know not better than others. Yet am I not of those who imagine some evil intention Brings them here, for we are at peace; and why then molest us?" "God's name!" shouted the hasty and somewhat irascible blacksmith; "Must we in all things look for the how, and the why, and the wherefore? Daily injustice is done, and might is the right of the strongest!" But, without heeding his warmth, continued the notary public -- "Man is unjust, but God is just; and finally justice Triumphs; and well I remember a story, that often consoled me, When as a captive I lay in the old French fort at Port Royal." This was the old man's favorite tale, and he loved to repeat it When his neighbors complained that any injustice was done them. "Once in an ancient city, whose name I no longer remember, Raised aloft on a column, a brazen statue of Justice Stood in the public square, upholding the scales in its left hand, And in its right a sword, as an emblem that justice presided Over the laws of the land, and the hearts and homes of the people. Even the birds had built their nests in the scales of the balance, Having no fear of the sword that flashed in the sunshine above them. But in the course of time the laws of the land were corrupted; Might took the place of right, and the weak were oppressed, and the mighty Ruled with an iron rod. Then it chanced in a nobleman's palace That a necklace of pearls was lost, and ere long a suspicion Fell on an orphan girl who lived as maid in the household. She, after form of trial condemned to die on the scaffold, Patiently met her doom at the foot of the statue of Justice. As to her Father in heaven her innocent spirit ascended, Lo! o'er the city a tempest rose; and the bolts of the thunder Smote the statue of bronze, and hurled in wrath from its left hand Down on the pavement below the clattering scales of the balance, And in the hollow thereof was found the nest of a magpie, Into whose clay-built walls the necklace of pearls was inwoven." Silenced, but not convinced, when the story was ended, the blacksmith Stood like a man who fain would speak, but findeth no language; All his thoughts were congealed into lines on his face, as the vapors Freeze in fantastic shapes on the window-panes in the winter. Then Evangeline lighted the brazen lamp on the table, Filled, till it overflowed, the pewter tankard with home-brewed Nut-brown ale, that was famed for its strength in the village of Grand-Pre; While from his pocket the notary drew his papers and inkhorn, Wrote with a steady hand the date and the age of the parties, Naming the dower of the bride in flocks of sheep and in cattle. Orderly all things proceeded, and duly and well were completed, And the great seal of the law was set like a sun on the margin. Then from his leathern pouch the farmer threw on the table Three times the old man's fee in solid pieces of silver; And the notary rising, and blessing the bride and the bridegroom, Lifted aloft the tankard of ale and drank to their welfare. Wiping the foam from his lip, he solemnly bowed and departed, While in silence the others sat and mused by the fire-side, Till Evangeline brought the draught-board out of its corner. Soon was the game begun. In friendly contention the old men Laughed at each lucky hit, or unsuccessful manoeuver, Laughed when a man was crowned, or a breach was made in the king-row. Meanwhile apart, in the twilight gloom of a window's embrasure, Sat the lovers, and whispered together, beholding the moon rise Over the pallid sea and the silvery mist of the meadows. Silently one by one, in the infinite meadows of heaven, Blossomed the lovely stars, the forget-me-nots of the angels. Thus passed the evening away. Anon the bell from the belfry Rang out the hour of nine, the village curfew, and straightway Rose the guests and departed; and silence reigned in the household. Many a farewell word and sweet good-night on the doorstep Lingered long in Evangeline's heart, and filled it with gladness. Carefully then were covered the embers that glowed on the hearthstone, And on the oaken stairs resounded the tread of the farmer. Soon with a soundless step the foot of Evangeline followed. Up the staircase moved a luminous space in the darkness, Lighted less by the lamp than the shining face of the maiden. Silent she passed through the hall, and entered the door of her chamber. Simple that chamber was, with its curtains of white, and its clothes-press Ample and high, on whose spacious shelves were carefully folded Linen and woolen stuffs, by the hand of Evangeline woven. This was the precious dower she would bring to her husband in marriage, Better than flocks and herds, being proofs of her skill as a housewife. Soon she extinguished her lamp, for the mellow and radiant moonlight Streamed through the windows, and lighted the room, till the heart of the maiden Swelled and obeyed its power, like the tremulous tides of the ocean. Ah! she was fair, exceeding fair to behold, as she stood with Naked snow-white feet on the gleaming floor of her chamber! Little she dreamed that below, among the trees of the orchard, Waited her lover and watched for the gleam of her lamp and her shadow. Yet were her thoughts of him, and at times a feeling of sadness Passed o'er her soul, as the sailing shade of clouds in the moonlight Flitted across the floor and darkened the room for a moment. And as she gazed from the window she saw serenely the moon pass, Forth from the folds of a cloud, and one star follow her footsteps, As out of Abraham's tent young Ishmael wandered with Hagar! IV PLEASANTLY rose next morn the sun on the village of Grand-Pre. Pleasantly gleamed in the soft, sweet air the Basin of Minas, Where the ships, with their wavering shadows, were riding at anchor. Life had long been astir in the village, and clamorous labor Knocked with its hundred hands at the golden gates of the morning. Now from the country around, from the farms and the neighboring hamlets, Came in their holiday dresses the blithe Acadian peasants. Many a glad good-morrow and jocund laugh from the young folk Made the bright air brighter, as up from the numerous meadows, Where no path could be seen but the track of wheels in the greensward, Group after group appeared, and joined, or passed on the highway. Long ere noon, in the village all sounds of labor were silenced. Thronged were the streets with people; and noisy groups at the house-doors Sat in the cheerful sun, and rejoiced and gossiped together, Every house was an inn, where all were welcomed and feasted; For with this simple people, who lived like brothers together, All things were held in common, and what one had was another's. Yet under Benedict's roof hospitality seemed more abundant: For Evangeline stood among the guests of her father; Bright was her face with smiles, and words of welcome and gladness Fell from her beautiful lips, and blessed the cup as she gave it. Under the open sky, in the odorous air of the orchard, Bending with golden fruit, was spread the feast of betrothal. There in the shade of the porch were the priest and the notary seated; There good Benedict sat, and sturdy Basil the blacksmith. Not far withdrawn from these, by the cider-press and the beehives, Michael the fiddler was placed, with the gayest of hearts and of waistcoats. Shadow and light from the leaves alternately played on his snow-white Hair, as it waved in the wind; and the jolly face of the fiddler Glowed like a living coal when the ashes are blown from the embers. Gayly the old man sang to the vibrant sound of his fiddle, Tous les Bourgeois de Chartres, and Le Carillon de Dunkerque, And anon with his wooden shoes beat time to the music. Merrily, merrily whirled the wheels of the dizzying dances Under the orchard-trees and down the path to the meadows; Old folk and young together, and children mingled among them. Fairest of all the maids was Evangeline, Benedict's daughter! Noblest of all the youths was Gabriel, son of the blacksmith! So passed the morning away. And lo! with a summons sonorous Sounded the bell from its tower, and over the meadows a drum beat. Thronged ere long was the church with men. Without, in the churchyard, Waited the women. They stood by the graves, and hung on the headstones Garlands of autumn leaves and evergreens fresh from the forest. Then came the guard from the ships, and marching proudly among them Entered the sacred portal. With loud and dissonant clangor Echoed the sound of their brazen drums from ceiling and casement -- Echoed a moment only, and slowly the ponderous portal, Closed, and in silence the crowd awaited the will of the soldiers. Then uprose their commander, and spake from the steps of the altar, Holding aloft in his hands, with its seals, the royal commission. "You are convened this day," he said, "by his Majesty's orders. Clement and kind has he been; but how you have answered his kindness, Let your own hearts reply! To my natural make and my temper Painful the task is I do, which to you I know must be grievous. Yet must I bow and obey, and deliver the will of our monarch; Namely, that all your lands, and dwellings, and cattle of all kinds Forfeited be to the crown; and that you yourselves from this province Be transported to other lands. God grant you may dwell there Ever as faithful subjects, a happy and peaceable people! Prisoners now I declare you; for such is his Majesty's pleasure!" As, when the air is serene in the sultry solstice of summer, Suddenly gathers a storm, and the deadly sling of the hailstones Beats down the farmer's corn in the field and shatters his windows, Hiding the sun, and strewing the ground with thatch from the house-roofs, Bellowing fly the herds, and seek to break their inclosures; So on the hearts of the people descended the words of the speaker. Silent a moment they stood in speechless wonder, and then rose Louder and ever louder a wail of sorrow and anger, And, by one impulse moved, they madly rushed to the doorway. Vain was the hope of escape; and cries and fierce imprecations Rang through the house of prayer; and high o'er the heads of the others Rose, with his arms uplifted, the figure of Basil the blacksmith, As, on a stormy sea, a spar is tossed by the billows. Flushed was his face and distorted with passion, and wildly he shouted -- "Down with the tyrants of England! we never have sworn them allegiance! Death to these foreign soldiers, who seize on our homes and our harvests!" More he fain would have said, but the merciless hand of a soldier Smote him upon the mouth, and dragged him down to the pavement. In the midst of the strife and tumult of angry contention, Lo! the door of the chancel opened, and Father Felician Entered, with serious mien, and ascended the steps of the altar. Raising his reverend hand, with a gesture he awed into silence All that clamorous throng; and thus he spake to his people; Deep were his tones and solemn; in accents measured and mournful Spake he, as, after the tocsin's alarum, distinctly the clock strikes. "What is this that ye do, my children? what madness has seized you? Forty years of my life have I labored among you, and taught you, Not in word alone, but in deed, to love one another! Is this the fruit of my toils, of my vigils and prayers and privations? Have you so soon forgotten all lessons of love and forgiveness? This is the house of the Prince of Peace, and would you profane it Thus with violent deeds and hearts overflowing with hatred? Lo! where the crucified Christ from His cross is gazing upon you! See! in those sorrowful eyes what meekness and holy compassion! Hark! how those lips still repeat the prayer, 'O Father, forgive them!' Let us repeat that prayer in the hour when the wicked assail us, Let us repeat it now, and say, 'O Father, forgive them!'" Few were his words of rebuke, but deep in the hearts of his people Sank they, and sobs of contrition succeeded that passionate outbreak; And they repeated his prayer, and said, "O Father, forgive them!" Then came the evening service. The tapers gleamed from the altar. Fervent and deep was the voice of the priest, and the people responded, Not with their lips alone, but their hearts; and the Ave Maria Sang they, and fell on their knees, and their souls, with devotion translated, Rose on the ardor of prayer, like Elijah ascending to heaven. Meanwhile had spread in the village the tidings of ill, and on all sides Wandered, wailing, from house to house the women and children. Long at her father's door Evangeline stood, with her right hand Shielding her eyes from the level rays of the sun, that, descending, Lighted the village street with mysterious splendor, and roofed each Peasant's cottage with golden thatch, and emblazoned its windows. Long within had been spread the snow-white cloth on the table; There stood the wheaten loaf, and the honey fragrant with wild flowers; There stood the tankard of ale, and the cheese fresh brought from the dairy; And at the head of the board the great armchair of the farmer. Thus did Evangeline wait at her father's door, as the sunset Threw the long shadows of trees o'er the broad ambrosial meadows. Ah! on her spirit within a deeper shadow had fallen, And from the fields of her soul a fragrance celestial ascended -- Charity, meekness, love, and hope, and forgiveness, and patience! Then, all-forgetful of self, she wandered into the village, Cheering with looks and words the disconsolate hearts of the women, As o'er the darkening fields with lingering steps they departed, Urged by their household cares, and the weary feet of their children. Down sank the great red sun, and in golden, glimmering vapors Veiled the light of his face, like the Prophet descending from Sinai. Sweetly over the village the bell of the Angelus sounded. Meanwhile, amid the gloom, by the church Evangeline lingered. All was silent within; and in vain at the door and the windows Stood she, and listened and looked, until, overcome by emotion, "Gabriel!" cried she aloud with tremulous voice; but no answer Came from the graves of the dead, nor the gloomier grave of the living Slowly at length she returned to the tenantless house of her father. Smouldered the fire on the hearth, on the board stood the supper untasted, Empty and drear was each room, and haunted with phantoms of terror. Sadly echoed her step on the stair and the floor of her chamber. In the dead of the night she heard the whispering rain fall Loud on the withered leaves of the sycamore-tree by the window. Keenly the lightning flashed; and the voice of the echoing thunder Told her that God was in heaven, and governed the world he created! Then she remembered the tale she had heard of the justice of heaven; Soothed was her troubled soul, and she peacefully slumbered till morning. V FOUR times the sun had risen and set; and now on the fifth day Cheerily called the cock to the sleeping maids of the farmhouse. Soon o'er the yellow fields, in silent and mournful procession, Came from the neighboring hamlets and farms the Acadian women, Driving in ponderous wains their household goods to the seashore, Pausing and looking back to gaze once more on their dwellings, Ere they were shut from sight by the winding road and the woodland. Close at their sides their children ran, and urged on the oxen, While in their little hands they clasped some fragments of playthings. There to the Gaspereau's mouth they hurried; and there on the sea-beach Piled in confusion lay the household goods of the peasants. All day long the wains came laboring down from the village. Late in the afternoon, when the sun was near to his setting, Echoing far o'er the fields came the roll of drums from the churchyard. Thither the women and children thronged. On a sudden the church-doors Opened, and forth came the guard, and marching in gloomy procession Followed the long-imprisoned, but patient, Acadian farmers. Even as pilgrims, who journey afar from their homes and their country, Sing as they go, and in singing forget they are weary and wayworn, So with songs on their lips the Acadian peasants descended Down from the church to the shore, amid their wives and their daughters. Foremost the young men came; and, raising together their voices, Sang they with tremulous lips a chant of the Catholic Missions -- "Sacred heart of the Saviour! O inexhaustible fountain! Fill our hearts this day with strength and submission and patience!" Then the old men, as they marched, and the women that stood by the wayside Joined in the sacred psalm, and the birds in the sunshine above them Mingled their notes therewith, like voices of spirits departed. Half-way down to the shore Evangeline waited in silence, Not overcome with grief, but strong in the hour of affliction -- Calmly and sadly waited, until the procession approached her, And she beheld the face of Gabriel pale with emotion. Tears then filled her eyes, and, eagerly running to meet him, Clasped she his hands, and laid her head on his shoulder and whispered -- "Gabriel! be of good cheer! for if we love one another, Nothing, in truth, can harm us, whatever mischances may happen!" Smiling she spake these words; then suddenly paused, for her father Saw she slowly advancing. Alas! how changed was his aspect! Gone was the glow from his cheek, and the fire from his eye, and his footstep Heavier seemed with the weight of the weary heart in his bosom. But with a smile and a sigh she clasped his neck and embraced him, Speaking words of endearment where words of comfort availed not. Thus to the Gaspereau's mouth moved on that mournful procession. There disorder prevailed, and the tumult and stir of embarking. Busily plied the freighted boats; and in the confusion Wives were torn from their husbands, and mothers, too late, saw their children Left on the land, extending their arms, with wildest entreaties. So unto separate ships were Basil and Gabriel carried, While in despair on the shore Evangeline stood with her father. Half the task was not done when the sun went down, and the twilight Deepened and darkened around; and in haste the refluent ocean Fled away from the shore, and left the line of the sand-beach Covered with waifs of the tide, with kelp and the slippery seaweed. Farther back in the midst of the household goods and the wagons, Like to a gypsy camp, or a leaguer after a battle, All escape cut off by the sea, and the sentinels near them, Lay encamped for the night the houseless Acadian farmers. Back to its nethermost caves retreated the bellowing ocean, Dragging adown the beach the rattling pebbles, and leaving Inland and far up the shore the stranded boats of the sailors. Then, as the night descended, the herds returned from their pastures; Sweet was the moist still air with the odor of milk from their udders; Lowing they waited, and long, at the well-known bars of the farmyard -- Waited and looked in vain for the voice and the hand of the milkmaid. Silence reigned in the streets; from the church no Angelus sounded, Rose no smoke from the roofs, and gleamed no lights from the windows. But on the shores meanwhile the evening fires had been kindled, Built of the driftwood thrown on the sands from wrecks in the tempest. Round them shapes of gloom and sorrowful faces were gathered, Voices of women were heard, and of men, and the crying of children. Onward from fire to fire, as from hearth to hearth in his parish, Wandered the faithful priest, consoling and blessing and cheering, Like unto shipwrecked Paul on Melita's desolate sea-shore. Thus he approached the place where Evangeline sat with her father, And in the flickering light beheld the face of the old man, Haggard and hollow and wan, and without either thought or emotion, E'en as the face of a clock from which the hands have been taken. Vainly Evangeline strove with words and caresses to cheer him, Vainly offered him food; yet he moved not, he looked not, he spake not, But, with a vacant stare, ever gazed at the flickering firelight. "Benedicite!" murmured the priest, in tones of compassion. More he fain would have said, but his heart was full, and his accents Faltered and paused on his lips, as the feet of a child on a threshold, Hushed by the scene he beholds, and the awful presence of sorrow. Silently, therefore, he laid his hand on the head of the maiden, Raising his eyes, full of tears, to the silent stars that above them Moved on their way, unperturbed by the wrongs and sorrows of mortals. Then sat he down at her side, and they wept together in silence. Suddenly rose from the south a light, as in autumn the blood-red Moon climbs the crystal walls of heaven, and o'er the horizon Titan-like stretches its hundred hands upon mountain and meadow, Seizing the rocks and the rivers, and piling huge shadows together. Broader and ever broader it gleamed on the roofs of the village, Gleamed on the sky and the sea, and the ships that lay in the roadstead. Columns of shining smoke uprose, and flashes of flame were Thrust through their folds and withdrawn, like the quivering hands of a martyr. Then as the wind seized the gleeds and the burning thatch, and, uplifting, Whirled them aloft through the air, at once from a hundred housetops Started the sheeted smoke with flashes of flame intermingled. These things beheld in dismay the crowd on the shore and on shipboard. Speechless at first they stood, then cried aloud in their anguish, "We shall behold no more our homes in the village of Grand-Pre!" Loud on a sudden the cocks began to crow in the farmyards, Thinking the day had dawned; and anon the lowing of cattle Came on the evening breeze, by the barking of dogs interrupted. Then rose a sound of dread, such as startles the sleeping encampments Far in the western prairies or forests that skirt the Nebraska, When the wild horses affrighted sweep by with the speed of the whirlwind, Or the loud bellowing herds of buffaloes rush to the river. Such was the sound that arose on the night, as the herds and the horses Broke through their folds and fences, and madly rushed o'er the meadows. Overwhelmed with the sight, yet speechless, the priest and the maiden Gazed on the scene of terror that reddened and widened before them; And as they turned at length to speak to their silent companion, Lo! from his seat he had fallen, and stretched abroad on the seashore Motionless lay his form from which the soul had departed. Slowly the priest uplifted the lifeless head, and the maiden Knelt at her father's side, and wailed aloud in her terror. Then in a swoon she sank, and lay with her head on his bosom. Through the long night she lay in deep, oblivious slumber; And when she woke from the trance, she beheld a multitude near her. Faces of friends she beheld, that were mournfully gazing upon her, Pallid, with tearful eyes, and looks of saddest compassion. Still the blaze of the burning village illumined the landscape, Reddened the sky overhead, and gleamed on the faces around her, And like the day of doom it seemed to her wavering senses, Then a familiar voice she heard, as it said to the people -- "Let us bury him here by the sea. When a happier season Brings us again to our homes from the unknown land of our exile, Then shall his sacred dust be piously laid in the churchyard." Such were the words of the priest. And there in haste by the seaside, Having the glare of the burning village for funeral torches, But without bell or book, they buried the farmer of Grand-Pre. And as the voice of the priest repeated the service of sorrow, Lo! with a mournful sound, like the voice of a vast congregation, Solemnly answered the sea, and mingled its roar with the dirges. 'T was the returning tide, that afar from the waste of the ocean, With the first dawn of the day, came heaving and hurrying landward. Then recommenced once more the stir and noise of embarking; And with the ebb of that tide the ships sailed out of the harbor, Leaving behind them the dead on the shore, and the village in ruins. PART THE SECOND I MANY a weary year had passed since the burning of Grand-Pre, When on the falling tide the freighted vessels departed, Bearing a nation, with all its household gods, into exile, Exile without an end, and without an example in story. Far asunder, on separate coasts, the Acadians landed; Scattered were they, like flakes of snow when the wind from the northeast Strikes aslant through the fogs that darken the Banks of Newfoundland. Friendless, homeless, hopeless, they wandered from city to city, From the cold lakes of the North to sultry Southern savannas -- From the bleak shores of the sea to the lands where the Father of Waters Seizes the hills in his hands, and drags them down to the ocean, Deep in their sands to bury the scattered bones of the mammoth. Friends they sought and homes; and many, despairing, heartbroken, Asked of the earth but a grave, and no longer a friend nor a fireside. Written their history stands on tablets of stone in the churchyards. Long among them was seen a maiden who waited and wandered, Lowly and meek in spirit, and patiently suffering all things. Fair was she and young; but, alas! before her extended, Dreary and vast and silent, the desert of life, with its pathway Marked by the graves of those who had sorrowed and suffered before her, Passions long extinguished, and hopes long dead and abandoned, As the emigrant's way o'er the Western desert is marked by Camp-fires long consumed, and bones that bleach in the sunshine. Something there was in her life incomplete, imperfect, unfinished; As if a morning of June, with all its music and sunshine, Suddenly paused in the sky, and, fading, slowly descended Into the east again, from whence it late had arisen. Sometimes she lingered in towns, till, urged by the fever within her, Urged by a restless longing, the hunger and thirst of the spirit, She would commence again her endless search and endeavor; Sometimes in churchyards strayed, and gazed on the crosses and tombstones, Sat by some nameless grave, and thought that perhaps in its bosom He was already at rest, and she longed to slumber beside him. Sometimes a rumor, a hearsay, an inarticulate whisper, Came with its airy hand to point and beckon her forward. Sometimes she spake with those who had seen her beloved and known him, But it was long ago, in some far-off place or forgotten. "Gabriel Lajeunesse!" said they; "O, yes! we have seen him. He was with Basil the blacksmith, and both have gone to the prairies; Coureurs-des-Bois are they, and famous hunters and trappers," "Gabriel Lajeunesse!" said others; "O, yes! we have seen him. He is a Voyageur in the lowlands of Louisiana." Then would they say: "Dear child! why dream and wait for him longer? Are there not other youths as fair as Gabriel? others Who have hearts as tender and true, and spirits as loyal? Here is Baptiste Leblanc, the notary's son, who has loved thee Many a tedious year; come, give him thy hand and be happy! Thou art too fair to be left to braid St. Catherine's tresses." Then would Evangeline answer, serenely but sadly -- "I cannot! Whither my heart has gone, there follows my hand, and not elsewhere. For when the heart goes before, like a lamp, and illumines the pathway, Many things are made clear, that else lie hidden in darkness." And thereupon the priest, her friend and father-confessor, Said, with a smile -- "O daughter! thy God thus speaketh within thee! Talk not of wasted affection, affection never was wasted; If it enrich not the heart of another, its waters, returning Back to their springs, like the rain, shall fill them full of refreshment; That which the fountain sends forth returns again to the fountain. Patience; accomplish thy labor; accomplish thy work of affection! Sorrow and silence are strong, and patient endurance is godlike, Therefore accomplish thy labor of love, till the heart is made godlike, Purified, strengthened, perfected, and rendered more worthy of heaven!" Cheered by the good man's words, Evangeline labored and waited. Still in her heart she heard the funeral dirge of the ocean, But with its sound there was mingled a voice that whispered, "Despair not!" Thus did that poor soul wander in want and cheerless discomfort, Bleeding, barefooted, over the shards and thorns of existence. Let me essay, O Muse! to follow the wanderer's footsteps; Not through each devious path, each changeful year of existence; But as a traveler follows a streamlet's course through the valley; Far from its margin at times, and seeing the gleam of its water Here and there, in some open space, and at intervals only: Then drawing nearer its banks, through sylvan glooms that conceal it, Though he behold it not, he can hear its continuous murmur; Happy, at length, if he find the spot where it reaches an outlet. It was the month of May. Far down the Beautiful River, Past the Ohio shore and past the mouth of the Wabash, Into the golden stream of the broad and swift Mississippi, Floated a cumbrous boat, that was rowed by Acadian boatmen. It was a band of exiles; a raft, as it were, from the shipwrecked Nation, scattered along the coast, now floating together, Bound by the bonds of a common belief and a common misfortune; Men and women and children, who, guided by hope or by hearsay, Sought for their kith and their kin among the few-acred farmers On the Acadian coast, and the prairies of fair Opelousas. With them Evangeline went, and her guide, the Father Felician. Onward, o'er sunken sands, through a wilderness somber with forests, Day after day they glided adown the turbulent river; Night after night, by their blazing fires, encamped on its borders, Now through rushing chutes, among green islands, where plumelike Cotton-trees nodded their shadowy crests, they swept with the current, Then emerged into broad lagoons, where silvery sandbars Lay in the stream, and along the wimpling waves of their margin, Shining with snow-white plumes, large flocks of pelicans waded. Level the landscape grew, and along the shores of the river, Shaded by china-trees, in the midst of luxuriant gardens, Stood the houses of planters, with negro-cabins and dove-cotes. They were approaching the region where reigns perpetual summer, Where through the Golden Coast, and groves of orange and citron, Sweeps with majestic curve the river away to the eastward. They, too, swerved from their course; and, entering the Bayou of Plaquemine, Soon were lost in a maze of sluggish and devious waters, Which, like a network of steel, extended in every direction. Over their heads the towering and tenebrous boughs of the cypress Met in a dusky arch, and trailing mosses in mid-air Waved like banners that hang on the walls of ancient cathedrals. Deathlike the silence seemed, and unbroken, save by the herons Home to their roosts in the cedar-trees returning at sunset, Or by the owl, as he greeted the moon with demoniac laughter. Lovely the moonlight was as it glanced and gleamed on the water, Gleamed on the columns of cypress and cedar sustaining the arches, Down through whose broken vaults it fell as through chinks in a ruin. Dreamlike, and indistinct, and strange were all things around them; And o'er their spirits there came a feeling of wonder and sadness -- Strange forebodings of ill, unseen and that cannot be compassed. As, at the tramp of a horse's hoof on the turf of the prairies, Far in advance are closed the leaves of the shrinking mimosa, So, at the hoof-beats of fate, with sad forebodings of evil, Shrinks and closes the heart, ere the stroke of doom has attained it. But Evangeline's heart was sustained by a vision, that faintly Floated before her eyes, and beckoned her on through the moonlight. It was the thought of her brain that assumed the shape of a phantom. Through those shadowy aisles had Gabriel wandered before her, And every stroke of the oar now brought him nearer and nearer. Then in his place, at the prow of the boat, rose one of the oarsmen, And, as a signal sound, if others like them peradventure Sailed on those gloomy and midnight streams, blew a blast on his bugle. Wild through the dark colonnades and corridors leafy the blast rang, Breaking the seal of silence, and giving tongues to the forest. Soundless above them the banners of moss just stirred to the music. Multitudinous echoes awoke and died in the distance, Over the watery floor, and beneath the reverberant branches; But not a voice replied; no answer came from the darkness; And when the echoes had ceased, like a sense of pain was the silence. Then Evangeline slept; but the boatmen rowed through the midnight, Silent at times, then singing familiar Canadian boat-songs, Such as they sang of old on their own Acadian rivers, And through the night were heard the mysterious sounds of the desert, Far off, indistinct, as of wave or wind in the forest, Mixed with the whoop of the crane and the roar of the grim alligator. Thus ere another noon they emerged from those shades; and before them Lay, in the golden sun, the lakes of the Atchafalaya. Water-lilies in myriads rocked on the slight undulations Made by the passing oars, and, resplendent in beauty, the lotus Lifted her golden crown above the heads of the boatmen. Faint was the air with the odorous breath of magnolia blossoms, And with the heat of noon; and numberless sylvan islands, Fragrant and thickly embowered with blossoming hedges of roses, Near to whose shores they glided along, invited to slumber. Soon by the fairest of these their weary oars were suspended. Under the boughs of Wachita willows, that grew by the margin, Safely their boat was moored; and scattered about on the greensward, Tired with their midnight toil, the weary travelers slumbered. Over them vast and high extended the cope of a cedar. Swinging from its great arms, the trumpet-flower and the grape-vine Hung their ladder of ropes aloft like the ladder of Jacob, On whose pendulous stairs the angels ascending, descending, Were the swift humming-birds, that flitted from blossom to blossom. Such was the vision Evangeline saw as she slumbered beneath it. Filled was her heart with love, and the dawn of an opening heaven Lighted her soul in sleep with the glory of regions celestial. Nearer and ever nearer, among the numberless islands, Darted a light, swift boat, that sped away o'er the water, Urged on its course by the sinewy arms of hunters and trappers. Northward its prow was turned, to the land of the bison and beaver. At the helm sat a youth, with countenance thoughtful and careworn. Dark and neglected locks overshadowed his brow, and a sadness Somewhat beyond his years on his face was legibly written. Gabriel was it, who, weary with waiting, unhappy and restless, Sought in the Western wilds oblivion of self and of sorrow. Swiftly they glided along, close under the lee of the island, But by the opposite bank, and behind a screen of palmettos, So that they saw not the boat, where it lay concealed in the willows, And undisturbed by the dash of their oars, and unseen, were the sleepers; Angel of God was there none to awaken the slumbering maiden. Swiftly they glided away, like the shade of a cloud on the prairie. After the sound of their oars on the tholes had died in the distance, As from a magic trance the sleepers awoke, and the maiden Said with a sigh to the friendly priest -- "O Father Felician! Something says in my heart that near me Gabriel wanders. Is it a foolish dream, an idle vague superstition? Or has an angel passed, and revealed the truth to my spirit?" Then, with a blush, she added -- "Alas for my credulous fancy! Unto ears like thine such words as these have no meaning." But made answer the reverend man, and he smiled as he answered -- "Daughter, thy words are not idle; nor are they to me without meaning. Feeling is deep and still; and the word that floats on the surface Is as the tossing buoy, that betrays where the anchor is hidden. Therefore trust to thy heart, and to what the world calls illusions. Gabriel truly is near thee; for not far away to the southward, On the banks of the Teche are the towns of St. Maur and St. Martin. There the long-wandering bride shall be given again to her bridegroom, There the long-absent pastor regain his flock and his sheepfold. Beautiful is the land, with its prairies and forests of fruit-trees; Under the feet a garden of flowers, and the bluest of heavens Bending above, and resting its dome on the walls of the forest. They who dwell there have named it the Eden of Louisiana." And with these words of cheer they arose and continued their journey. Softly the evening came. The sun from the western horizon Like a magician extended his golden wand o'er the landscape; Twinkling vapors arose; and sky and water and forest Seemed all on fire at the touch, and melted and mingled together. Ranging between two skies, a cloud with edges of silver, Floated the boat, with its dripping oars, on the motionless water. Filled was Evangeline's heart with inexpressible sweetness. Touched by the magic spell, the sacred fountains of feeling Glowing with the light of love, as the skies and waters around her. Then from a neighboring thicket the mocking-bird, wildest of singers, Swinging aloft on a willow spray that hung o'er the water, Shook from his little throat such floods of delirious music, That the whole air and the woods and the waves seemed silent to listen. Plaintive at first were the tones and sad; then soaring to madness Seemed they to follow or guide the revel of frenzied Bacchantes. Single notes were then heard, in sorrowful, low lamentation; Till, having gathered them all, he flung them abroad in derision, As when, after a storm, a gust of wind through the tree-tops Shakes down the rattling rain in a crystal shower on the branches. With such a prelude as this, and hearts that throbbed with emotion, Slowly they entered the Teche, where it flows through the green Opelousas, And through the amber air, above the crest of the woodland, Saw the column of smoke that arose from a neighboring dwelling; Sounds of a horn they heard, and the distant lowing of cattle. III NEAR to the bank of the river, o'ershadowed by oaks, from whose branches Garlands of Spanish moss and of mystic mistletoe flaunted, Such as the Druids cut down with golden hatchets at Yule-tide, Stood, secluded and still, the house of the herdsman. A garden Girded it round about with a belt of luxuriant blossoms, Filling the air with fragrance. The house itself was of timbers Hewn from the cypress-tree, and carefully fitted together. Large and low was the roof; and on slender columns supported, Rose-wreathed, vine-encircled, a broad and spacious veranda, Haunt of the humming-bird and the bee, extended around it. At each end of the house, amid the flowers of the garden, Stationed the dove-cotes were, as love's perpetual symbol, Scenes of endless wooing, and endless contentions of rivals. Silence reigned o'er the place. The line of shadow and sunshine Ran near the tops of the trees; but the house itself was in shadow, And from its chimney-top, ascending and slowly expanding Into the evening air, a thin blue column of smoke rose. In the rear of the house, from the garden gate, ran a pathway Through the great groves of oak to the skirts of the limitless prairie, Into whose sea of flowers the sun was slowly descending. Full in his track of light, like ships with shadowy canvas Hanging loose from their spars in a motionless calm in the tropics, Stood a cluster of trees, with tangled cordage of grape-vines. Just where the woodlands met the flowery surf of the prairie, Mounted upon his horse, with Spanish saddle and stirrups, Sat a herdsman, arrayed in gaiters and doublet of deerskin. Broad and brown was the face that from under the Spanish sombrero Gazed on the peaceful scene, with the lordly look of its master. Round about him were numberless herds of kine, that were grazing Quietly in the meadows, and breathing the vapory freshness That uprose from the river, and spread itself over the landscape. Slowly lifting the horn that hung at his side, and expanding Fully his broad, deep chest, he blew a blast, that resounded Wildly and sweet and far, through the still damp air of the evening. Suddenly out of the grass the long white horns of the cattle Rose like flakes of foam on the adverse currents of ocean. Silent a moment they gazed, then bellowing rushed o'er the prairie, And the whole mass became a cloud, a shade in the distance. Then, as the herdsman turned to the house, through the gate of the garden Saw he the forms of the priest and the maiden advancing to meet him. Suddenly down from his horse he sprang in amazement, and forward Rushed with extended arms and exclamations of wonder; When they beheld his face, they recognized Basil the Blacksmith. Hearty his welcome was, as he led his guests to the garden. There in an arbor of roses with endless question and answer Gave they vent to their hearts, and renewed their friendly embraces, Laughing and weeping by turns, or sitting silent and thoughtful. Thoughtful, for Gabriel came not; and now dark doubts and misgivings Stole o'er the maiden's heart; and Basil, somewhat embarrassed, Broke the silence and said -- "If you come by the Atchafalaya, How have you nowhere encountered my Gabriel's boat on the bayous?" Over Evangeline's face at the words of Basil a shade passed. Tears came into her eyes, and she said, with a tremulous accent -- "Gone? is Gabriel gone?" and, concealing her face on his shoulder, All her o'erburdened heart gave way, and she wept and lamented. Then the good Basil said -- and his voice grew blithe as he said it -- "Be of good cheer, my child; it is only to-day he departed. Foolish boy! he has left me alone with my herds and my horses. Moody and restless grown, and tried and troubled, his spirit Could no longer endure the calm of this quiet existence. Thinking ever of thee, uncertain and sorrowful ever, Ever silent, or speaking only of thee and his troubles, He at length had become so tedious to men and to maidens, Tedious even to me, that at length I bethought me and sent him Unto the town of Adayes to trade for mules with the Spaniards. Thence he will follow the Indian trails to the Ozark Mountains, Hunting for furs in the forests, on rivers trapping the beaver. Therefore be of good cheer; we will follow the fugitive lover; He is not far on his way, and the Fates and the streams are against him. Up and away to-morrow, and through the red dew of the morning We will follow him fast and bring him back to his prison." Then glad voices were heard, and up from the banks of the river, Borne aloft on his comrades' arms, came Michael the fiddler. Long under Basil's roof had he lived like a god on Olympus, Having no other care than dispensing music to mortals, Far renowned was he for his silver locks and his fiddle. "Long live Michael," they cried, "our brave Acadian minstrel!" As they bore him aloft in triumphal procession; and straightway Father Felician advanced with Evangeline, greeting the old man Kindly and oft, and recalling the past, while Basil, enraptured, Hailed with hilarious joy his old companions and gossips, Laughing loud and long, and embracing mothers and daughters. Much they marvelled to see the wealth of the ci-devant blacksmith, All his domains and his herds, and his patriarchal demeanor; Much they marveled to hear his tales of the soil and the climate, And of the prairies, whose numberless herds were his who would take them; Each one thought in his heart that he, too, would go and do likewise. Thus they ascended the steps, and, crossing the airy veranda, Entered the hall of the house, where already the supper of Basil Waited his late return; and they rested and feasted together. Over the joyous feast the sudden darkness descended. All was silent without, and illuming the landscape with silver, Fair rose the dewy moon and the myriad stars; but within doors, Brighter than these, shone the faces of friends in the glimmering lamplight. Then from his station aloft, at the head of the table, the herdsman Poured forth his heart and his wine together in endless profusion. Lighting his pipe, that was filled with sweet Natchitoches tobacco, Thus he spake to his guests, who listened, and smiled as they listened: "Welcome once more, my friends, who so long have been friendless and homeless, Welcome once more to a home, that is better perchance than the old one! Here no hungry winter congeals our blood like the rivers; Here no stony ground provokes the wrath of the farmer. Smoothly the plowshare runs through the soil as a keel through the water. All the year round the orange-groves are in blossom; and grass grows More in a single night than a whole Canadian summer. Here, too, numberless herds run wild and unclaimed in the prairies; Here, too, lands may be had for the asking, and forests of timber With a few blows of the axe are hewn and framed into houses. After your houses are built, and your fields are yellow with harvests, No King George of England shall drive you away from your homesteads, Burning your dwellings and barns, and stealing your farms and your cattle." Speaking these words, he blew a wrathful cloud from his nostrils, And his huge, brawny hand came thundering down on the table, So that the guests all started; and Father Felician, astounded, Suddenly paused, with a pinch of snuff half-way to his nostrils. But the brave Basil resumed, and his words were milder and gayer -- "Only beware of the fever, my friends, beware of the fever! For it is not like that of our cold Acadian climate, Cured by wearing a spider hung round one's neck in a nutshell!" Then there were voices heard at the door, and footsteps approaching Sounded upon the stairs and the floor of the breezy veranda. It was the neighboring Creoles and small Acadian planters, Who had been summoned all to the house of Basil the Herdsman. Merry the meeting was of ancient comrades and neighbors; Friend clasped friend in his arms; and they who before were as strangers, Meeting in exile, became straightway as friends to each other, Drawn by the gentle bond of a common country together. But in the neighboring hall a strain of music, proceeding From the accordant strings of Michael's melodious fiddle, Broke up all further speech. Away, like children delighted, All things forgotten beside, they gave themselves to the maddening Whirl of the dizzy dance, as it swept and swayed to the music, Dreamlike, with beaming eyes and the rush of fluttering garments. Meanwhile, apart, at the head of the hall, the priest and the herdsman Sat, conversing together of past and present and future; While Evangeline stood like one entranced, for within her Olden memories rose, and loud in the midst of the music Heard she the sound of the sea, and an irrepressible sadness Came o'er her heart, and unseen she stole forth into the garden. Beautiful was the night. Behind the black wall of the forest, Tipping its summit with silver, arose the moon. On the river Fell here and there through the branches a tremulous gleam of the moonlight, Like the sweet thoughts of love on a darkened and devious spirit. Nearer and round about her, the manifold flowers of the garden Poured out their souls in odors, that were their prayers and confessions Unto the night, as it went its way, like a silent Carthusian. Fuller of fragrance then they, and as heavy with shadows and night-dews, Hung the heart of the maiden. The calm and the magical moonlight Seemed to inundate her soul with indefinable longings, As, through the garden gate, beneath the brown shade of the oak-trees, Passed she along the path to the edge of the measureless prairie. Silent it lay, with a silvery haze upon it, and the fire-flies Gleaming and floating away in mingled and infinite numbers. Over her head the stars, the thoughts of God in the heavens, Shone on the eyes of man, who had ceased to marvel and worship, Save when a blazing comet was seen on the walls of that temple, As if a hand had appeared and written upon them, "Upharsin." And the soul of the maiden, between the stars and the fire-flies, Wandered alone, and she cried -- "O Gabriel! O my beloved! Art thou so near unto me, and yet I cannot behold thee? Art thou so near unto me, and yet thy voice does not reach me? Ah! how often thy feet have trod this path to the prairie! Ah! how often thine eyes have looked on the woodlands around me! Ah! how often beneath this oak, returning from labor, Thou hast lain down to rest, and to dream of me in thy slumbers. When shall these eyes behold, these arms be folded about thee?" Loud and sudden and near the note of a whippoorwill sounded Like a flute in the woods; and anon, through the neighboring thickets, Farther and farther away it floated and dropped into silence. "Patience!" whispered the oaks from oracular caverns of darkness; And, from the moonlit meadow, a sigh responded, "To-morrow!" Bright rose the sun next day; and all the flowers of the garden Bathed his shining feet with their tears, and anointed his tresses With the delicious balm that they bore in their vases of crystal. "Farewell!" said the priest, as he stood at the shadowy threshold; "See that you bring us the Prodigal Son from his fasting and famine, And, too, the Foolish Virgin, who slept when the bridegroom was coming." "Farewell!" answered the maiden, and, smiling, with Basil descended Down to the river's brink, where the boatmen already were waiting. Thus beginning their journey with morning, and sunshine and gladness, Swiftly they followed the flight of him who was speeding before them, Blown by the blast of fate like a dead leaf over the desert. Not that day, nor the next, nor yet the day that succeeded, Found they trace of his course, in lake or forest or river, Nor, after many days, had they found him; but vague and uncertain Rumors alone were their guides through a wild and desolate country, Till, at the little inn of the Spanish town of Adayes, Weary and worn, they alighted, and learned from the garrulous landlord, That on the day before, with horses and guides and companions, Gabriel left the village, and took the road of the prairies. IV FAR in the West there lies a desert land, where the mountains Lift, through perpetual snows, their lofty and luminous summits. Down from their jagged, deep ravines, where the gorge, like a gateway, Opens a passage rude to the wheels of the emigrant's wagon, Westward the Oregon flows and the Walleway and Owyhee. Eastward, with devious course, among the Windriver Mountains, Through the Sweetwater Valley precipitate leaps the Nebraska; And to the south, from Fontaine-qui-bout and the Spanish sierras, Fretted with sands and rocks, and swept by the wind of the desert, Numberless torrents, with ceaseless sound, descend to the ocean, Like the great chords of a harp, in loud and solemn vibrations. Spreading between these streams are the wondrous, beautiful prairies, Billowy bays of grass ever rolling in shadow and sunshine, Bright with luxuriant clusters of roses and purple amorphas. Over them wander the buffalo herds, and the elk and the roebuck; Over them wander the wolves, and herds of riderless horses; Fires that blast and blight, and winds that are weary with travel; Over them wander the scattered tribes of Ishmael's children, Staining the desert with blood; and above their terrible war-trails Circles and sails aloft, on pinions majestic, the vulture, Like the implacable soul of a chieftain slaughtered in battle, By invisible stairs ascending and scaling the heavens. Here and there rise smokes from the camps of these savage marauders; Here and there rise groves from the margins of swift-running rivers; And the grim, taciturn bear, the anchorite monk of the desert, Climbs down their dark ravines to dig for roots by the brookside, And over all is the sky, the clear and crystalline heaven, Like the protecting hand of God inverted above them. Into this wonderful land, at the base of the Ozark Mountains, Gabriel far had entered, with hunters and trappers behind him. Day after day, with their Indian guides, the maiden and Basil followed his flying steps, and thought each day to o'ertake him. Sometimes they saw, or thought they saw, the smoke of his camp-fire Rise in the morning air from the distant plain; but at nightfall, When they had reached the place, they found only embers and ashes. And, though their hearts were sad at times and their bodies were weary, Hope still guided them on, as the magic Fata Morgana Showed them her lakes of light, that retreated and vanished before them. Once, as they sat by their evening fire, there silently entered Into the little camp an Indian woman, whose features Wore deep traces of sorrow, and patience as great as her sorrow. She was a Shawnee woman returning home to her people, From the far-off hunting-grounds of the cruel Camanches, Where her Canadian husband, a Coureur-des-Bois, had been murdered. Touched were their hearts at her story, and warmest and friendliest welcome Gave they, with words of cheer, and she sat and feasted among them On the buffalo meat and the venison cooked on the embers. But when their meal was done, and Basil and all his companions, Worn with the long day's march and the chase of the deer and the bison, Stretched themselves on the ground, and slept where the quivering firelight Flashed on their swarthy cheeks, and their forms wrapped up in their blankets, Then at the door of Evangeline's tent she sat and repeated Slowly, with soft, low voice, and the charm of her Indian accent, All the tale of her love, with its pleasures, and pains, and reverses. Much Evangeline wept at the tale, and to know that another Hapless heart like her own had loved and had been disappointed. Moved to the depths of her soul by pity and woman's compassion, Yet in her sorrow pleased that one who had suffered was near her, She in turn related her love and all its disasters. Mute with wonder the Shawnee sat, and when she had ended Still was mute; but at length, as if a mysterious horror Passed through her brain, she spake, and repeated the tale of the Mowis; Mowis, the bridegroom of snow, who won and wedded a maiden, But, when the morning came, arose and passed from the wigwam, Fading and melting away and dissolving into the sunshine, Till she beheld him no more, though she followed far into the forest. Then, in those sweet, low tones, that seem like a weird incantation, Told she the tale of the fair Lilinau, who was wooed by a phantom, That, through the pines o'er her father's lodge, in the hush of the twilight, Breathed like the evening wind, and whispered love to the maiden, Till she followed his green and waving plume through the forest, And never more returned, nor was seen again by her people. Silent with wonder and strange surprise Evangeline listened To the soft flow of her magical words, till the region around her Seemed like enchanted ground, and her swarthy guest the enchantress. Slowly over the tops of the Ozark Mountains the moon rose, Lighting the little tent, and with a mysterious splendor Touching the somber leaves, and embracing and filling the woodland. With a delicious sound the brook rushed by, and the branches Swayed and sighed overhead in scarcely audible whispers. Filled with the thoughts of love was Evangeline's heart, but a secret, Subtile sense crept in of pain and indefinite terror, As the cold, poisonous snake creeps into the nest of the swallow. It was no earthly fear. A breath from the region of spirits Seemed to float in the air of night; and she felt for a moment That, like the Indian maid, she, too, was pursuing a phantom. And with this thought she slept, and the fear and the phantom had vanished. Early upon the morrow the march was resumed; and the Shawnee Said, as they journeyed along -- "On the western slope of these mountains Dwells in his little village the Black Robe chief of the Mission. Much he teaches the people, and tells them of Mary and Jesus; Loud laugh their hearts with joy, and weep with pain, as they hear him." Then, with a sudden and secret emotion, Evangeline answered -- "Let us go to the Mission, for there good tidings await us!" Thither they turned their steeds; and behind a spur of the mountains, Just as the sun went down, they heard a murmur of voices, And in a meadow green and broad, by the bank of a river, Saw the tents of the Christians, the tents of the Jesuit Mission. Under a towering oak, that stood in the midst of the village, Knelt the Black Robe chief with his children. A crucifix fastened High on the trunk of the tree, and overshadowed by grape-vines, Looked with its agonized face on the multitude kneeling beneath it. This was their rural chapel. Aloft, through the intricate arches Of its aerial roof, arose the chant of their vespers, Mingling its notes with the soft susurrus and sighs of the branches. Silent, with heads uncovered, the travelers, nearer approaching, Knelt on the swarded floor, and joined in the evening devotions. But when the service was done, and the benediction had fallen Forth from the hands of the priest, like seed from the hands of the sower, Slowly the reverend man advanced to the strangers, and bade them Welcome; and when they replied, he smiled with benignant expression, Hearing the homelike sounds of his mother tongue in the forest, And with words of kindness conducted them into his wigwam. There upon mats and skins they reposed, and on cakes of the maize-ear Feasted, and slaked their thirst from the water-gourd of the teacher. Soon was their story told; and the priest with solemnity answered: "Not six suns have risen and set since Gabriel, seated On this mat by my side, where now the maiden reposes, Told me this same sad tale; then arose and continued his journey!" Soft was the voice of the priest, and he spake with an accent of kindness; But on Evangeline's heart fell his words as in winter the snowflakes Fall into some lone nest from which the birds have departed. "Far to the north he has gone," continued the priest; "but in autumn, When the chase is done, will return again to the Mission." Then Evangeline said, and her voice was meek and submissive -- "Let me remain with thee, for my soul is sad and afflicted." So seemed it wise and well unto all; and betimes on the morrow, Mounting his Mexican steed, with his Indian guides and companions, Homeward Basil returned, and Evangeline stayed at the Mission. Slowly, slowly, slowly the days succeeded each other -- Days and weeks and months; and the fields of maize that were springing Green from the ground when a stranger she came, now waving above her, Lifted their slender shafts, with leaves interlacing, and forming Cloisters for mendicant crows and granaries pillaged by squirrels. Then in the golden weather the maize was busked, and the maidens Blushed at each blood-red ear, for that betokened a lover, But at the crooked laughed, and called it a thief in the corn-field. Even the blood-red ear to Evangeline brought not her lover. "Patience!" the priest would say; "have faith, and thy prayer will be answered! Look at this delicate plant that lifts its head from the meadow, See how its leaves all point to the north, as true as the magnet; It is the compass-flower, that the finger of God has suspended Here on its fragile stalk, to direct the traveler's journey Over the sea-like, pathless, limitless waste of the desert. Such in the soul of man is faith. The blossoms of passion, Gay and luxuriant flowers, are brighter and fuller of fragrance, But they beguile us, and lead us astray, and their odor is deadly. Only this humble plant can guide us here, and hereafter Crown us with asphodel flowers, that are wet with the dews of nepenthe." So came the autumn, and passed, and the winter -- yet Gabriel came not; Blossomed the opening spring, and the notes of the robin and bluebird Sounded sweet upon wold and in wood, yet Gabriel came not. But on the breath of the summer winds a rumor was wafted Sweeter than song of bird, or hue or odor of blossom. Far to the north and east, it said, in the Michigan forests, Gabriel had his lodge by the banks of the Saginaw river. And, with returning guides, that sought the lakes of St. Lawrence, Saying a sad farewell, Evangeline went from the Mission. When over weary ways, by long and perilous marches, She had attained at length the depths of the Michigan forests, Found she the hunter's lodge deserted and fallen to ruin! Thus did the long sad years glide on, and in seasons and places Divers and distant far was seen the wandering maiden; Now in the tents of grace of the meek Moravian Missions, Now in the noisy camps and the battle-fields of the army, Now in secluded hamlets, in towns and populous cities, Like a phantom she came, and passed away unremembered. Fair was she and young, when in hope began the long journey; Faded was she and old, when in disappointment it ended. Each succeeding year stole something away from her beauty, Leaving behind it, broader and deeper, the gloom and the shadow. Then there appeared and spread faint streaks of gray o'er her forehead, Dawn of another life, that broke o'er her earthly horizon, As in the eastern sky the first faint streaks of the morning. V IN that delightful land which is washed by the Delaware's waters, Guarding in sylvan shades the name of Penn the apostle, Stands on the banks of its beautiful stream the city he founded. There all the air is balm, and the peach is the emblem of beauty, And the streets still re-echo the names of the trees of the forest, As if they fain would appease the Dryads whose haunts they molested. There from the troubled sea had Evangeline landed, an exile, Finding among the children of Penn a home and a country. There old Rene Leblanc had died; and when he departed, Saw at his side only one of all his hundred descendants. Something at least there was in the friendly streets of the city, Something that spake to her heart, and made her no longer a stranger: And her ear was pleased with the Thee and Thou of the Quakers, For it recalled the past, the old Acadian country, Where all men were equal, and all were brothers and sisters. So, when the fruitless search, the disappointed endeavor, Ended, to recommence no more upon earth, uncomplaining, Thither, as leaves to the light, were turned her thoughts and her footsteps. As from a mountain's top the rainy mists of the morning Roll away, and afar we behold the landscape below us, Sun-illumined, with shining rivers and cities and hamlets, So fell the mists from her mind, and she saw the world far below her, Dark no longer, but all illumined with love; and the pathway Which she had climbed so far, lying smooth and fair in the distance. Gabriel was not forgotten. Within her heart was his image, Clothed in the beauty of love and youth, as last she beheld him, Only more beautiful made by his deathlike silence and absence. Into her thoughts of him time entered not, for it was not. Over him years had no power; he was not changed, but transfigured; He had become to her heart as one who is dead, and not absent; Patience and abnegation of self, and devotion to others, This was the lesson a life of trial and sorrow had taught her. So was her love diffused, but, like to some odorous spices, Suffered no waste nor loss, though filling the air with aroma. Other hope had she none, nor wish in life, but to follow Meekly, with reverent steps, the sacred feet of her Saviour. Thus many years she lived as a Sister of Mercy; frequenting Lonely and wretched roofs in the crowded lanes of the city, Where distress and want concealed themselves from the sunlight, Where disease and sorrow in garrets languished neglected. Night after night, when the world was asleep, as the watchman repeated Loud, through the gusty streets, that all was well in the city, High at some lonely window he saw the light of her taper. Day after day, in the gray of the dawn, as slow through the suburbs Plodded the German farmer, with flowers and fruits for the market, Met he that meek, pale face, returning home from its watchings. Then it came to pass that a pestilence fell on the city, Presaged by wondrous signs, and mostly by flocks of wild pigeons, Darkening the sun in their flight, with naught in their craws but an acorn. And, as the tides of the sea arise in the month of September, Flooding some silver stream, till it spreads to a lake in a meadow, So death flooded life, and o'erflowing its natural margin, Spread to a brackish lake, the silver stream of existence. Wealth had no power to bribe, nor beauty to charm, the oppressor; But all perished alike beneath the scourge of his anger -- Only, alas! the poor, who had neither friends nor attendants, Crept away to die in the almshouse, home of the homeless; Then in the suburbs it stood, in the midst of meadows and woodlands -- Now the city surrounds it; but still with its gateway and wicket Meek, in the midst of splendor, its humble walls seem to echo Softly the words of the Lord -- "The poor ye always have with you." Thither, by night and by day, came the Sister of Mercy. The dying Looked up into her face, and thought, indeed, to behold there Gleams of celestial light encircle her forehead with splendor, Such as the artist paints o'er the brows of saints and apostles, Or such as hangs by night o'er a city seen at a distance. Unto their eyes it seemed the lamps of the city celestial, Into whose shining gates ere long their spirits would enter. Thus, on a Sabbath morn, through the streets, deserted and silent, Wending her quiet way, she entered the door of the almshouse. Sweet on the summer air was the odor of flowers in the garden; And she paused on her way to gather the fairest among them, That the dying once more might rejoice in their fragrance and beauty. Then, as she mounted the stairs to the corridors, cooled by the east wind, Distant and soft on her ear fell the chimes from the belfry of Christ Church, While, intermingled with these, across the meadows were wafted Sounds of psalms, that were sung by the Swedes in their church at Wicaco. Soft as descending wings fell the calm of the hour on her spirit; Something within her said -- "At length thy trials are ended;" And, with a light in her looks, she entered the chambers of sickness. Noiselessly moved about the assiduous, careful attendants, Moistening the feverish lip, and the aching brow, and in silence Closing the sightless eyes of the dead, and concealing their faces, Where on their pallets they lay, like drifts of snow by the roadside. Many a languid head, upraised as Evangeline entered, Turned on its pillow of pain to gaze while she passed, for her presence Fell on their hearts like a ray of the sun on the walls of a prison. And, as she looked around, she saw how Death, the consoler, Laying his hand upon many a heart, had healed it forever. Many familiar forms had disappeared in the night-time; Vacant their places were, or filled already by strangers. Suddenly, as if arrested by fear or a feeling of wonder, Still she stood with her colorless lips apart, while a shudder Ran through her frame, and, forgotten, the flowerets dropped from her fingers, And from her eyes and cheeks the light and bloom of the morning. Then there escaped from her lips a cry of such terrible anguish, That the dying heard it, and started up from their pillows. On the pallet before her was stretched the form of an old man. Long, and thin, and gray were the locks that shaded his temples; But, as he lay in the morning light, his face for a moment Seemed to assume once more the forms of its earlier manhood; So are wont to be changed the faces of those who are dying. Hot and red on his lips still burned the flush of the fever, As if life, like the Hebrew, with blood had besprinkled its portals, That the Angel of Death might see the sign, and pass over, Motionless, senseless, dying, he lay, and his spirit exhausted Seemed to be sinking down to infinite depths in the darkness, Darkness of slumber and death, forever sinking and sinking. Then through those realms of shade, in multiplied reverberations, Heard he that cry of pain, and through the hush that succeeded Whispered a gentle voice, in accents tender and saint-like, "Gabriel! O my beloved!" and died away into silence. Then he beheld, in a dream, once more the home of his childhood; Green Acadian meadows, with sylvan rivers among them, Village, and mountain, and woodlands; and, walking under their shadow, As in the days of her youth, Evangeline rose in his vision. Tears came into his eyes; and as slowly he lifted his eyelids, Vanished the vision away, but Evangeline knelt by his bedside. Vainly he strove to whisper her name, for the accents unuttered Died on his lips, and their motion revealed what his tongue would have spoken. Vainly he strove to rise; and Evangeline, kneeling beside him, Kissed his dying lips, and laid his head on her bosom Sweet was the light of his eyes; but it suddenly sank into darkness, As when a lamp is blown out by a gust of wind at a casement. All was ended now, the hope, and the fear, and the sorrow, All the aching of heart, the restless, unsatisfied longing, All the dull, deep pain, and constant anguish of patience! And, as she pressed once more the lifeless head to her bosom, Meekly she bowed her own, and murmured, "Father, I thank thee!" Still stands the forest primeval; but far away from its shadow, Side by side, in their nameless graves, the lovers are sleeping. Under the humble walls of the little Catholic churchyard, In the heart of the city, they lie, unknown and unnoticed; Daily the tides of life go ebbing and flowing beside them, Thousands of throbbing hearts, where theirs are at rest and forever, Thousands of aching brains, where theirs no longer are busy, Thousands of toiling hands, where theirs have ceased from their labors, Thousands of weary feet, where theirs have completed their journey! Still stands the forest primeval; but under the shade of its branches Dwells another race, with other customs and language. Only along the shore of the mournful and misty Atlantic Linger a few Acadian peasants, whose fathers from exile Wandered back to their native land to die in its bosom; In the fisherman's cot the wheel and the loom are still busy; Maidens still wear their Norman caps and their kirtles of homespun, And by the evening fire repeat Evangeline's story, While from its rocky caverns the deep-voiced, neighboring ocean Speaks, and in accents disconsolate answers the wail of the forest. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Two of the French families, ten persons in all, were sent to Groton, where one of the mothers died, not many months after here arrival, perhaps from the rude transplanting. A few years later, an Acadian family is mentioned as living here in Groton but the household had p.171 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. Arcadians. become divided, some of the little children being sent to neighboring towns. Our pity for these unfortunate people will be stronger when we reflect that they were miserably poor - among a race who spoke a strange language and followed other customs. Under these circumstances, their homesickness must indeed have been bitter; but we have reason to be- lieve that they were treated with tender care by the people of Groton. We learn from the records that they were furnished with medical attention and given articles necessary for their bodily comfort. Arcadians, aka, French Neutrals. Many interesting papers bearing on this subject are found among the Archives at the State House, in the two volumes marked "French Neutrals," as these people were sometimes called. The following documents are there given: THE PROVINCE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY. ARCADIANS. To the Town of Groton, for keeping ten French persons and finding them many necessaries for their support when many of them were sick, etc. Beginning the 21st of May, A.D. 1756. To January ye 6th, 1757. Paid James Prescott, Esq. as by his account - £ 0 6 0 0 Paid Mr. Benjamin Stone 0 16 4 0 Paid Mr. Samuell Bowers for provisions, etc. 1 17 7 0 Paid Barnibus Mach Charril and others for a loom wheel & tacklin about said loom. 1 12 0 0 Paid John Page for sundries,etc. 0 1 2 2 Paid Amos Lawrence for provisions, etc. 0 2 0 0 Paid Isaac Woods for pork and cider, etc. 1 12 0 0 Paid Capt. Thomas Tarball for milk & meat, etc. 0 07 8 0 Paid Jacob Grag for cider, milk and wood carting, etc. 2 0 0 3 Paid Abraham wheeler for provisions, etc. 0 5 2 0 Paid James Stone for meal 0 1 8 0 Paid Nathaniel Parker for wood & house rent 0 10 0 0 _____________ Amount carried forward £ 7 16 4 1 p.172 Paid Doctor Oliver Prescott for doctering them (Acadians) 2 5 6 0 Paid Josiah Sawtell (Sartell) for sugar, rum, molasses & peas 0 7 7 0 Paid Lieutenant William Nutting for house rent & other things that he provided for them 2 13 4 0 Paid the widow, Elizabeth Sheple for what she did for the French and for provisions, etc. 0 08 0 0 ____________ Total £15 10 9 1 SELECTMEN OF GROTON: James Prescott Amos Lawrence Benjamin Stone Thomas Tarbell Josiah Sawtell. [Massachusetts Archives, XXIII. 306.] The Province of the Massachusetts Bay. "To the town of Groton from January ye 20th, 1757 to this day, for supporting the two French families in said town, etc. being ten in number: Paid: Benjamin Lawrence for wood £ 0 1 4 0 Israel Hobart for wood & milk, etc. 1 6 1 0 Israel Hobart (again) for more wood, meat & salt 0 14 8 0 Doctor Oliver Prescott, for them 0 4 1 0 Doctor Oliver Prescott for meats 1 8 0 0 Israel Hobart for malts and wood and milk 0 9 4 0 Israel Hobart for house rent & milk 1 3 4 0 Josiah Sawtell for rum, molasses & sugar, when they were sick at sundry times and for wood 1 18 3 0 John Ames for removing the French 0 2 8 0 and also for one axe provided for them 0 6 0 0 ____________ TOTAL £ 7 13 9 0 By order of the Selectmen of said Town, Groton - September ye 2nd, 1757 by: Josiah Sawtell. Since the above was paid for the French (Acadians) and we have paid out in October last for their support in life for for burying one of p.173 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. men's wife, and finding funerial things etc the whole sum to Israel Hobart, which is: £ 1 19 9 2 Paid Abel Lawrence for digging the grave 0 02 8 0 Paid Doctor Oliver Prescott for visits & Medicines 0 8 11 0 _____________ 2 11 4 2 Paid this by Order of the Selectmen of said Town, November ye 22nd, 1757 7 13 9 0 _____________ A little above 6 p week Total 10 5 1 2 Per Josiah Sawtell. [Massachusetts Archives XXIII 461.] On the back of the paper is written: "Warn't advised December 6, 1757." In the report of a committee dated April 18, 1761, appointed by the General Court to distribute French Neutrals among the towns of Middlesex County, Massachusetts, it is stated that they have assigned to: Town Name of French Neutral Aged Groton Rain Bobbin 37 Margaret, his wife 39 John, his son 13 Matturen ditto 11 Joseph ditto 8 Eliz 5 weeks Pepperell Margaret Marshal 18 Mary Bobbin, dau. of Rain Bobbin 5 Townsend Paul Oliver Bobbin 7 Peter Bobbin, son to Rain Bobbin of Groton 5 [Massachusetts Archives, XXIV. 468.] Bobbin name. This surname, Bobbin, perhaps, is spelled wrong, as peopole in those days were not used to writing foreign words - very likely it should have been "Beaubien" The colonial authorities showed but little humanity when they took away these small children from their mother and put them in different towns. Other p.174 GROTON AND THE ARCADIANS. families were sent at the same time to Dunstable, Westford, and Littleton. Many Groton men were in that expedition sent against Nova Scotia, which brought away these poor Acadian French families. The Journal of Colonel John Winslow, the commander of the expedition, in three folio volumes, containing copies of the various muster-rolls of his command, is preserved in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The force was made up of two battalions, and each had a Lieutenant Colonel and two Majors. It appears that each of the field officers comm- anded a company, or had one called by his name; and there was one known as Governor Shirley's Company. The muster-rolls have a common heading, dated "Basin of Annapolis Nova Scotia, May 28th 1755." From the Journal, I gather the following names of soldiers, either natives or residents of this town, (Groton) who took part in the affair: LIEUTENANT COLONEL JOHN WINSLOW'S COMPANY. MEN'S NAMES STATION AGE PLACE OF BIRTH LAST RESIDENCE OCCUPATION. Abiel Parker Sergeant 28 Groton Groton laborer. Gideon Parker Private 32 " " " Samson Blood " 21 " " " John Lakin " 24 " " " Gabriel Lakin " 18 " " " Nathaniel Ballard " 32 Framingham " " John Gilson " 28 Groton " " CAPTAIN HUMPHREY HOBB'S COMPANY. Isaac Holden Sergeant 31 Groton Groton Laborer. Joseph Farwell " 29 " " " Thomas Woods Private 27 " " " Samuel Sawtell " 25 " " " Jonathan Gould " 23 Lunenburg " " Josiah Williams " 29 Groton Shirley " Asa Holden " 22 " Groton Tanner John Sherrin " 23 Boxford " Cooper Wiliam Holden " 27 Bloody Point " Laborer Jonas Green " 24 Groton " " Ephraim Parker " 23 " " " p.175 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. CAPTAIN HUMPHREY HOBBS'S COMPANY. continued. Samuel Baron " 20 Townsend Groton Cordwainer. Silas Parker " 18 Groton " Laborer. Amasa Gilson " 20 " " Laborer. Solomon Gilson " 18 " " " Jacob Nutting " 28 " " " Jonathan Holden " 18 " " " Elijah Robbins " 23 " Westford Cordwainer. Benjamin Robbins " 22 " Westford Laborer. Nathan Whipple " 22 " Groton Saddler. CAPTAIN THOMAS OSGOOD'S COMPANY. Phineas Kemp " 24 Groton Billerica Husbandman. Phineas Parker " 21 " Littleton " Samuel Green " 22 " Medford Cordwainer LIEUTENANT COLONEL GEORGE SCOTT'S COMPANY. William Saunderson drummer 19 " Groton Farmer Aaron Davis private 23 Groton Hardwick Carpenter. John Burt " 20 " Hardwick Farmer. Josiah Boyden " 20 " Groton Farmer. CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEPHEN'S COMPANY Benjamin Gilson " 20 Groton Hinsdale Husbandman. Charles Reeve " 22 " Keene " CAPTAIN ABIJAH WILLARD'S COMPANY William Burt " 28 Groton Harvard Laborer. Jonathan Cressey " 25 " Groton Laborer. Jonah Chamberlain " 25 " " " Nehemiah Gould " 21 " " " Nehemiah How " 21 " " " Samuel Martin " 18 Lunenburgh " Cooper Joseph Patterson " 25 Groton " Laborer. David Saunders " 19 " Lancaster " Lemuel Turner " 18 " Lancaster " Nathaniel Turner " 18 " Lancaster " Zechariah Tarbell " 22 " Lunenburgh " CAPTAIN EPHRAIM JONES'S COMPANY. Isaac Green Sergeant 39 Groton Groton Yeoman. Ezekiel Brown " 34 Concord " " Moses Woods Corporal 45 Groton Pepperell " William Spaulding " 23 " " " Abraham Boynton Private 42 " " Husbandman. Oliver Eliot " 20 " " Yeoman. Samuell Fisk " 24 " " Cooper. Nathan Fisk " 24 " " Cooper. Jonas Fletcher " 25 Weston Groton Laborer Jabez Kemp " 18 Groton Pepperell " John Kemp " 23 " " Husbandman. Oliver Kemp " 19 " " Laborer. Hezekiah Kemp " 17 " Groton " Simon Lakin " 42 " Pepperell Yeoman. Simon Lakin, Jr. " 18 " " Laborer. George Lessley " 19 " Hollis " John Nutting " 17 " Groton " William Shed " 18 " Pepperell " Job Shattuck " 18 " Groton " Nathaniel Sawtell " 17 Boston " Husbandman. Eleazer Spaulding " 21 Groton Pepperell Yeoman. Jonathan Stevens " 17 " " Laborer. Isaac Williams " 22 Groton Pepperell Yeoman. David Wright " 19 " " Cordwainer. Jonathan Woods " 39 Groton Pepperell Yeoman. Eleazer Whipple " 20 " " Laborer. Josiah Wright " 17 " " " CAPTAIN SAMUEL GILBERT'S COMPANY. Isaac Robbins Private 40 Groton Stow Joiner. BAYONET-MEN. During the latter part of this War, some of the soldiers - I think it was one half - were supplied with bayonets, and were known as "bayonet-men." At the State House are found the lists of such as belonged to the two Groton companies. They are now of considerable interest, as showing some of the men who did military duty in that eventful period. The lists are largely represented in the families living in the town at the present day. CAPTAIN JOHN BULKLEY'S COMPANY OF BAYONET MEN. The following is the list of the bayonet-men who belonged to Captain John Bulkley's company: p.177 Stephen Pierce, Sergeant Simeon Foster Ephraim Severance, Corporal Caleb Blood Peter Parker, Corporal Jonathan Pratt Lemuel Parker Peter Gilson David Shattuck John Erwin Jonathan Peirce Nathaniel Woods, Jr. Shattuck Blood Nehemiah Turner Jacob Nutting Seth Phillips Jacob Gragg, Jr. Nehemiah Trowbridge Jeremiah Shattuck John Woods, Jr. Ephraim Nutting, Jr. Jonathan Gilson Benjamin Green Jonathan Phelps Oliver Lakin Nathaniel Lawrence, 3rd. John Sheple On the back of the paper are given the names also of Sgt. Reuben Woods and Jonathan Sheple, Jr. Captain James Prescott's Bayonett Company. The following is the list of the Bayonet-men in Captain James Prescott's Company. John Page, Sergeant Joseph Page, Jr. Timothy Moors, Corporal David Brown John Stone Jonathan Stone Isaac Farnsworth Obadiah Sawtell Isiah Holden Ebenezer Kemp Ebenezer Farnsworth Ebenezer Hartwell Ebenezer Farnsworth, Jr. Nathaniel Stone Joseph Metcalf Jonas Stone John Archable Joshua Holden Nathan Whipple Jonathan Adams David Tarbell David Sawtell David Sawtell, Jr. William Parker, Jr. Abijah Warren Elisha Rockwood, Jr. Silas Parker Barron Oliver Farwell The names also of Sgt. Elisha Rockwood, Corp. Abel Lawrence and Ephraim Sawtell, Jr., appear in another place on this same paper. p.178 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. JOSEPH LONGLEY OF GROTON. Joseph Longley, of Groton, a son of John Longley, who was taken prisoner by the Indians in July, 1694, was mortally wounded at the siege of Fort William Henry, in August, 1758. His son, Joseph Longley, Jr., also served as a very young man, during one year of the French & Indian War, and subsequently with great credit during five years of the Revolution. The son died at Hawley, Mass., July 8, 1836, at the advanced age of 92 years. CAPTAIN ABRAM CHILD. According to the inscription on the monument to the Memory of Captain Abram Child, in the old burying ground at Groton, he entered the army at the age of seventeen years and served under General Amherst at the capture of Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point during the summer of 1759. Insert: Source: Epitaphs from the Old Burying Ground, Groton by Dr. Samuel A. Green, M.C. Boston, 1878 p.180 Sacred To the Memory of Capt. Abram Child. Captain Abram Child who was born at Waltham, 1741 and died at Groton, January 3, 1834, aged 93 years. He entered the army in the French War at the age of 17 years. He was with General Amherst at the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point in 1759. He was a Lieutenant among the Minute Men and aided in the Concord fight, and at the Battle of Bunker Hill, in 1775, joining George Washington, he was one of the "Immoratl Band" which crossed the Delaware, December 25, 1776, and turned the tide of war, in the victories of Trenton, and Princeton. Detached to the north, he fought in the two battles of Stillwater, and witnessed the surrender of Burgoyne in 1777. Rejoining Washington, he bore equally in the frosts at Valley Forge and the heats of Monmouth in 1778. Detailed with General Wayne, he crowned his military career, by heading the Infantry as the oldest Captain in the gallant capture of Stoney Point, in 1779, where he received the only wound that marked his event- ful career. Rebecca (Stowell) his wife, died November 1830, AEt., 84 yrs. (Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth) CHAPTER VII. MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS. JOHN TINKER. The following papers are found among the files of the Middlesex County Court, at East Cam- bridge, in the bundle marked "1659, April 5." They appear to be in the nature of prommiss- ory notes and are in the handwriting of John Tinker, who a few months later, had from the government a monopoly to trade with the Indians at Groton and Lancaster. My attention was called to them by Henry Stedman Nourse, of Lancaster, to whom I am indebted for the copies. The Indian Name for GROTON. Petobawok and Petapowok are different forms Petaupaukett - the Indian name of Groton, Mass. Cattaconamak and Catacomumok are other forms of Catacoonamug, and apply to that tract of land in the neighborhood of Shirley. There is a Catacoonamug Brook in Shirley. Boundary lines between places were never dist- inctly marked by the Indians, but were left indefinite. The expression "in foure moones" evidently means four months; but I am in doubt in regard to that of "2 hunting times:" "These presents testefieth that "James Indian" otherwise called Quagnisheman of Cattaconamak: Nomahnacomak of Petobawok and p.180 MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS. JOHN TINKER. Mahmachecomak of Cataconamak, do acknowledge ourselves to owe and to be indebted unto John Tinker the sum of twenty-five pounds and ten shillings at the rates of six a penny wompom, to be given to him the said John Tinker, his kindred friends or whome ever he shall appoynt, the one halfe thereof in foure moons in good beaver at prices as all merchants give, and the other halfe in nine months in like good beaver at like prices at his house at Petapowak, and for the good performance we binde ourselves and either of us - our kindred friends and all we have, in Witness whereof we the said James, Nomanacomak and Mahmacheckomok having here- unto sett our markes - dated February 13, 1656 - signed by James and Nomanacomak in the presents of Richarc Smith the mark on of John Whitcum James Indian his mark Signed by Mamachecomak in the the mark X of p'sents of Robert Blood Nomanacomak the mark 2W of The mark X of John Whitcom Mamachecomak This within said engagement is againe owned and consented to and confirmed and delivered as theire act and deed at the house of John Tinker in Lancaster the 18th: 12th month: 1657 and we do agree all shall be paid in two hunting times after this date, at least - ddy (delivered?) in the presents of Jacob Ffarrer John Whitcomb, Jun., his marke. These presents testefieth that wee Wamscahacetts and Mamachecomak of Cattacomumok and of Nomanacomak of Petapowok do hereby acknowledge to be indebted to John Tinker of Petapowok the sume of twenty pounds thirteen shillings which is fourscore & six fadum and three shillings at 6 wampums a penny and five shillings a fadum to be paid to said John Tinker, or his kindred or friends which he shall appoint, one halfe thereof in foure monthes and the other halfe in ten months and to the true performance, or to be well paid, wee, Wamscahacet - Mamachecomak & Nomanacomok do binde ourselves p.181 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. and either of us our kindred and friends and all that we have, to make it good, wittness our markes: February 14th, 1656. Signed by: the mark X of Mamachecomak Mamachecomak and the mark X of Nomanacomak Nomanacomak in the presence of the mark _ of Wamscahacet Robert Blood The mark of John Whitcom This within said engagement is againe consented to, acknowledged and confirmed by the within said Womscahacett, Nomanacomack and Mamachecamak, by owning it and delivering of it as their act and deed, only they agree amongst themselves that Nomanacomek shall pay one of the skins, Mahanuet one and James two, and Womscahacet sixteen. Today at the house of John Tinker, Lancaster: 18th: 12th month: 1657. In the presents of us: Jacob Ffarrer John Whitcomb, Jun'r. his mark. The following entry in the records (I.174) of the Middlesex County Court, April 5, 1659, appears to be connected with this transaction: Nanamakamucke, Mamakekummuk, Indians, appearing with an Indian interpreter, before the Court, do acknowledge a Judgement of forty & two pounds, seventeen shillings & six pence, to be paid in peage, at six a penny, to Mr. John Tinker for the payment of several bills cancelled, and left on file in Court. ______*____ The Company of Massachusetts Bay received from the Council for New England their Grand of land, or the patent by which they held their territory; and they received from the King, their Charter, securing to them the right to make their own laws and choose their own officers. Property in p.182 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. the soil was given to the Company by the patent; yet the rights of the Indians as previous occupants were recognized by the local government and often regarded by the English proprietors in the acquisition of land. It was certainly to the credit of the early settlers that they acknowledged these rights and were willing to extinguish them by purchase. This action on their part did not make the title to the land any clearer in a court of law, but it established a principle. During some years before the Charter was annulled, its impending fate was feared, and the colonists thought that their landed possessions might be forfeited to the Crown. In this state of affairs they undertook to strengthen their claims by purchase from the Indians; and many instances are recorded of sales to them. It was thought, moreover, that buying the land of the original owners would give a title paramount even to that of the King. Various entries are found in the town records of Groton, which show that the early proprietors took similar action in regard to their territory. I herewith give several extracts from the records, bearing on this point, without any attempt to correct the spelling or modernize the language. The crude illiterate phrases impart a coloring to that period, and deepen the light and shade of those times, which a finished pic- ture would not represent. Moreover, they are a fair expression of the daily life of the common people, which was rough, honest, and true. "At a ginerall town meting upon the 25 day 10th mo 1683, John Page, John Parish, Ens. Lawrence - as you are chosin a committee and in the behalf of the Towne - you are desired for to prove the rite and tital we have to our town ship by all the legall testimony which can be procured when the Towne is sent to by any authority and if any ingins (indians) can prove a legal tital to the remainder of our township you have power to buy it as easy a lay as you can and make it as sure as may be in p.183 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. behalfe of the Town and you shall have reasonable satisfaction for your pains. Jonathan Mors, Clerk In the name of the Selectmen 31st day, 10th month, 1683." It will be noticed that the town-meeting was held on Christmas, and three weeks later the Committee made their report, giving the expenses of their work, as follows: "At a ginnrall Town Meeting upon the 14th day - 11th month, 1683 - the Town commity did give it thar account of thar charges for the pruchis of our township, with the Indians. The charges in money - expenses 1 10 Two for their tyme in town pay - twelve shillings apiece which do amount to ............ 1 16 6 Voted that the comity (committee) was to enter the deed into the County records for this sum. 14d 11m 1683. At a General Town meting it was agreed upon and voted that this publick charge consarning the purchis of our Town ship be raised by the first grants and to whom they wer first granted to. At the same meeting it was agreed upon and by us declared that if any person do refuse to pay for the purchis of this ingin (Indian) title to our township their proportion, their names are to be entered into the Town buck (book). At a general town meeting upon the 14th day, 11th month, 1683-4, it was agreed upon and voted that this publick charge consarning our purchase of our Indian title shall be levied upon our first grants of lands and they shall pay, in whose hands they are found. In accordance with the vote passed at this town meeting, "that the committee was to enter in to the county records," the instrument was duly recorded in the Middlesex Registry of Deeds (IX.27), at East Cambridge, Mass. It is as follows: "To all people whom these presents shall come greeting - know yee that Mr. John Tom dublit & his wife & their eldest son, little Jame ffox, alias Gasumbitt, Mr. Jacob, alias Patatuck, all p.184 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. CORPORAL JOHN PAGE, NATHANIEL LAWRENCE & JOHN PARRISH. of Weymessit, and Tomas Waban of Natick, all of them Indians and inhabitants as aforesaid and within the Massachusetts Colony in New England for and in consideration of the full & just sum of £28-10: Twenty eight pounds, ten shillings, to me well and truly payed & security given to them according to law by Corporal John Page, Ens: all of the Towne of Groton, which is to the full satisfaction & content of the aforesaid Indians and thereof and of every part thereof do aquitt, release and discharge ye said John Page, Nathaniel Lawrence & John Parrish & their heirs & administrators forever by these presents - have granted, bargained and sold, aliened, enfeoffed and confirmed and by these presents do fully and freely and clearly and absolutely grant, bargain and sell, alien, enforce and confirme to the now inhabitants of the Towne of Groton, aforesaid, and to their heirs & associates forever - all & every part of that tract of land which is called Groton Plantation, according to the full extent of the bounds thereof, on both sides of the Nashaway River, as it is granted to them by the Honorable General Court of the Massachusetts Colony. To hve and to hold, the above said tract of land with all the priviledges & appurtenances to the same, apperteyning or in any wise belonging to them the said inhabitants of the Town of Groton and to their heirs & associates forever & to their & their proper use and behoofe. And they the said Mr. John Dublitt & his wife and their son the eldest of them, little James ffox & Jacob Pataatuck & Thomas Waaban (indians) for themselves, their heirs & administrators do covenant, promise and grant to and with the aforesaid John Page, Nathaniel Lawrence & John Parrish, as trustees for & in behalfe of the whole inhabi- tants of the aforesaid town of Grotton & with their heirs & assigns forever, that they the said Mr. John Tom Dublitt & his wife and their eldest son and little james ffox, alias Gasumbitt and Jacob Patatuck & Thomas Waaban and each of them the true and proper heirs of the abovsaid tract of land as to all manner of Indian title, that either is or may conceived to be. And that they hae good right, full power & lawfull authority the promises to grant, bargaine & confirme to them the said inhabitants of Groton & to their heirs, associates & assigns forever. And they they the said inhabitants of the town of Groton, their heirs, associates & assigns, forever shall and may at all times and from time to time p.185 Miscellaneous Matters. GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. forever hereafter quietyly and peaceably have, hold, occupy, possess & enjoy the said whole tract of land or plantation with all the priviledges, profits & commodities of the same with- out the lawfull lett, hindrance, eviction, expulsion, suit, molestation or denial of them the said Mr. John Tom Dublitt & his wife & their eldest son little James Fox, Jacob, alias Patatuck and Thomas Waaban, their heirs, or executors, administrators or assigns of them or of either of them or of any other person or persons whatsoever whither Indian or English claiming or having any right, title or interest therein or thereunto by from or under them or either of them (as to Indian Title of land) or by any other lawfull ways or means whatsoever. IN THE YEAR OF OUR LORD GOD 1683 - 1684. In witness whereof, the said Mr. John Indian & Tom Dublitt and his wife & their eldest son, little James ffox, Jacob, alias Patatuck & Thomas Waaban have affixed their hands & seals, hereunto this tenth day of January in the year of our Lord God, one thousand six hundred eighty & three, four and in the 35th year of ye reign of our Sovereigne Lord, King Charles II. Read, signed, sealed and delivered in ye presence of us: Thomas Hinchman - his mark & seal + Mr. John and seal. John Ffiske Tom Dublitt, his mark & seal. Jonathan Danforth, Sr. His mark (E) & wife & her mark & seale. James Brown Little 0 - James his mark & seale. James Rumbly Marsh Jacob Patatuck 8 his mark & seale. Captain Tom Thomas Waban & seale. his marke Tom S. Dublitt's son & seal - mark. Pompequout, alias Mr. John, Thomas Neepamimp, alias Bublitt & Sarah his wife. Pasumbitt, alias Little James Fox & Petatook, alias Jacob, Indians of Weymeset & Thomas Waban, Indian of Natick, acknowledged the within written instrument to be their Act & Deed. January 11, 1683/4 - Before Peter Bulkeley, Assistant. Recorded 17.3.1684 by Thomas Danforth, Jr. p.186 GROTON: MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS. James Rumbly Marsh, one of the witnesses to the deed, was a friendly Indian of much service to the English during King Philip's War. He is mentioned by Daniel Gookin in the "History of the Christian Indians," where his middle name is written Rumney, which is the correct spelling. He was the spy who gave timely information in regard to the intended attack on Lancaster, which, however, was not heeded. Rumney Marsh is the old name for the town of Chelsea, Mass. and James, by living in that town, acquired this designation. Sometimes he was called James Quannapohit or Quanapaug. By referring to the proceedings of a town meeting, held on June 8, 1702, it will be seen that other persons besides the Committee, acting, doubtless on their own responsibility, had acquired nominal rights from the Indians. The following votes were then passed: The heirs of Peleg Lawrence. At a town meeting legally warned June 8, 1702, the town did vote that they would give Peleg Lawrence's heirs three acres of meadow where they ust to improve and ten acres of upland neare that meadow, upon the conditions following - that the above said Peleg Lawrence's heirs do deliver up that Indian title which they now have, to the town. James Blanchard, Clerk. At a town meeting legally warned, June 8, 1702 - the town did uot that they would give to Robert Robbins, Sr., three acres of meadow where he used to improve: and ten acres of upland near his meadow, upon the conditions following - that he above said Robert Robbins doth deliver up that Indian title which he now hath, to the town. James Blanchard, town clerk. The general practice of selling land to the English caused some hard feelings among those Indians who received non of the purchase money. Naturally they felt dissatisfied with the proceedings and only a few months after the sale to the town of Groton, a considerable number of them requested the p.187 GROTON - MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS. General Court to have a committee appointed - who should examine the subject in all its bearings. The Petition is as follows: "To the Honored Governor, Deputy Governor and Assistants, together with the Honored House of Deputyes now sitting in General Court assembled in Boston, September 10th, 1684. The Petition of Captain Tom and Will Nahaughton and Thomas Dublett (Indians) & divers others, most humbly sheweth that whereas your servants have been and are approved friends to the English and since the war (King Philip's) the Honored General Court was pleased to state for the Indians several plantations, one of which we understand to be at Marlbery, we doe under- stand that no man is to buy Indian land without leau from your Honors, we see daily that Thomas Woban and great James (some others interlined) appropriate to themselves the Indian land at Malbery and sell it and that without order and - and keep all the pay to themselves, and challenge the land of Groton and Concord, Chelmsford and Billerica - now we beseech that your honors would be pleased to take so much notice of the business for us as to appoint a committee to inquire into business that justice may be dun for the Indians in this case for many Indians are much disquieted about - we having shrouded ourselves under the wing of your honors protection - do rest, hoping for a gracious answer and subscribe ourselves - your ready servants to our power. Date: The 1st of September, 1684. Captain Tom Witt Nahaughton Thomas Dublett (and twenty five other Indians who signed by making their marks.) [Massachusetts Archives, XXX. 287.] MAJOR SIMON WILLARD. The grant of land made in the spring of 1658, by the General Court, to Major Simon Willard, was in satisfaction of a debt due him from John Sagamore, an Indian living at Pawtucket in the neighborhood of the present city of Lowell, Massachusetts. NONACOICUS - AYER. The land lay in the south part of Groton then known as Nonacoicus, and now included within the limits of Ayer. The entry in the General Court Records is as follows: p.188 GROTON DURING THE INDIAN WARS. In Answer to the Petition of Major Simon Willard, The Court Judgeth it meet to grant his request viz - a farm of five hundred acres on the south side of the River that runneth from Nashaway (Lancaster) to Merrimack between Lancaster and Groton and is in satis- faction of a debt of forty four pounds John Sagamore of Pawtucket doth owe to him pro- vided he make over all his right title & interest in the execution obtained against the said sagamore to the country, which was done. (IV.281). The following Indian names, applied by the early settlers to streams, ponds or places, in the original township of Groton and its neighborhood, are for the most part still in common use. The spelling of these words varies, as they were first written according to their sound and not according their derivation. They have been twisted and distorted so much by English pronunciation and misapplication, that it is doubtful whether an Indian would recognize them in their foreign garb. Yet, even with this drawback, they furnish one of the few links in the chain of historical facts connecting us with pre-historic times in America. It is rare to find an Indian word in an early document, spelled twice alike: Babittasset - the name of a village in Pepperell. Baddacook - the name of a pond in the eastern part of Groton. Catacoonamug - the name of the neighborhood of Shirley, as well as of a brook in that town. Chicopee - the name of a district in the northern part of the town, but now applied to a highway approaching it, called Chicopee Row. Humshaw - the name of a brook in Westford. Kissacook - the name of a hill in Westford. Massapoag - the name of a pond, lying partly in Groton and partly in Dunstable. Mulpus - the name of a brook in Shirley. Nagog - the name of a pond in Littleton. p.189 Nashoba - the old name of Littleton, now applied to a hill in that town, as well as to a brook in Westford. Nashua - the name of the river running through the township. Nissitisset - the name of a river in Pepperell. Nonacoicus - the name of a brook in Ayer, though formerly applied to a tract of land. Sometimes the word is abbreviated to Coicus. Nubanussuck - the name of a pond in Westford. Petaupaukett - a name found in the original petition to the General Court, for the grant of the town and used in connection with the territory of the neighborhood; sometimes written Petapawage and Petapaway. Quosopanagon - the name of a meadow "on the other side of the river," mentioned in the land grant of Thomas Tarbell, Jr.; the same word as Quasaponikin, formerly the name of a tract of land in Lancaster, but now given to a meadow and a hill in that town, where it is often contracted into Ponikin. Squannacook - the name of a river in the western part of the town flowing into the Nashua; formerly applied to the village of West Groton. Tadmuck - the name of a brook and a meadow in Westford. Unquetenassett, or Unquetenorset - the name of a brook in the northern part of the town. It is sometimes shortened into Unquety. Wabansconcett - another word found in the original petition for the grant of the town and used in connection with the territory of the neighborhood. The following letter from the Honorable James Hammond Trumbull, whose authority in Indian philology is unquestioned, gives the meaning and derivation of the original name of the town of Groton: Hartford, December 22, 1877. My dear Mr. Green - Petaupauket and Petapawage are two forms of the same name, the former having the locative post-postition (-et), meaning "at" or "on" a place; and both are corruptions of one or the other of two Indian names, found at several localities in p.190 GROTON MISCELANEOUS. New England. From which of the two your Groton name came, I cannot decide without some knowledge of the place itself. I leave you the choice, confident that one or the other is the true name. "Pootuppog," used by Eliot for "bay" in Joshua, xv.2,5, literally means "spreading" or "bulging water," and was employed to designate either a local widening of a river, making still water, or an inlet from a river expanding into something like a pond or lake. Hence the name of a part of (old) Saybrook, now Essex, Conn., which was variously written Pauta- paug, Poattapoge, Potabauge and, later, Pettipaug, etc., so designated from a spreading cove or inlet from the Connecticut River. Pottapoug Pond in Dana, Mass., with an outlet to, or rather from Chicopee River, is probably a form of the same name. So is "Port Tobacco," Charles County, Maryland (the "Potapaco" of John Smith's map), on the Potomac. But there is another Algonkin name from which Petaupauk and some similar forms may have come from, which denotes a swamp, a bog, or quagmire - literally, a place into which the foot sinks; represented by the Chippeway petobeg, a bog or soft marsh, and the Abnaki potepaug. There is a Pautipaug (otherwise, Pootapaug, Portipaug, Patapogue, etc) in the town of Sprague, Conn., on or near the Shetucket River, which seems to have this derivation. If there was in ancient Groton a pond or speading cove, connected with the Nashua, Squannacook, Nissitissit, or other stream, or a pond-like enlargement or "bulge" of a stream, this may, without much doubt, be accepted as the origin of the name. If there is none such, the name probably came from some "watery swamp" like those which (as the "Wonder Working Providence" relates) the first explorers of Concord "sunke, into an uncertaine bottome in water and waded up to their knees." Yours truly, J. Hammond Trumbull. The last suggestion, that the name came from an Algonkin word signifying swamp or bog, is probably the correct one. There are many bog meadows, of greater or less extent, in different parts of the town. Two of the largest - one situated on the eaterly side of the village, and known as Half-Moon Meadow, p.191 and the other on the westerly side, and known as Broad Meadow, each covering perhaps a hundred acres of land - are now in a state of successful cultivation. Before they were drained and im- proved, they would have been best designated as swamps or bogs. ________*____________ A singing-book, entitled "Indian Melodies," was published in New York in the year 1845, con- taining a tune called "Groton." The compiler of the work was Thomas Commuck, a Narragansett Indian, then living at Manchester, Wisconsin Territory. He asserts that all the tunes mentioned in the book, as well as their names, are Indian - which is a mistake. Groton is an old English word, in use more than eight hundred years ago and its Latin form is found in the Domesday Book. There are several tunes called Groton, given in different singing books but the earliest one that I can find is in Jacob Kimball's "Rural Harmony," published in Boston in the year 1793; and I am inclined to think that the author of the work wrote it himself. Mr. Kimball was born at Topsfield, Mass., on February 15, 1761 and graduated at Harvard college in the class of 1780. He studied law with Judge William Wetmore at Salem and was admitted to the bar in the year 1795. Before this time he was a school-teacher and a noted composer of music. He wrote quite a number of tunes and some of them were named after the towns where he taught singing. At one time he lived in Amherst, New Hampshire; and it is highly probable that he named the tune for this town. He died at Topsfield on July 24, 1826. p.192 GIBBET HILL, GROTON. Gibbet Hill, in the immediate neighbor hood of the village of Groton - it is mentioned in the land-grant of Sgt. James Parker, which was entered in the town records by Richard Sawtell, the first Town Clerk, who filled the office from June, 1662 to January, 1664-5. The tradition is that the hill was so called from the fact that once an Indian was gibbeted on its summit. If this ever occurred, it must have happened before Richard Sawtell's term of office. The town of Groton was incorporated by the General Court on May 25, 1655 but no public records were kept before June 23, 1662. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth End. Insert. Major Simon Willard and his home in Groton. Nonacoicus Farm Groton Historical Series by Dr. Samuel A. Green 1887 Vol 1 p.14 MAJOR SIMON WILLARD. One of the most prominent men in the early history of the Massachusetts Colony was Major Simon Willard, a Kentish man from England. He had lived at Concord, Lancaster and Groton and in all these places exerted a wide influence. He had filled various civil offices and in his day was a noted military man. For his public services the General Court at the session beginning May 6, 1657, granted him five hundred acres of unappropriated land, wherever he could find it. One year later at the session beginning May 19, 1658, after the tract had been selected, a definite grant was made, though under a misapprehension - which appears to have been in satisfaction, in part at least, of a debt due Major Willard from John Sagamore, an Indian living at Pawtucket, in the neighborhood of the present city of Lowell, though sometimes mentioned as of Groton. The land lay in the south part of Groton, and is now in- cluded within the town of Ayer. Major Willard's petition for five hundred acres in this particular locality was granted by the General Court through a mistake, as the tract of land had been previously taken up by the proprietors of Groton Plantation, though no proper return had been made to the court. This neglect or oversight led to the mistake which was recognized years later and rectified by the Legislature. About the year 1671 Major Willard removed to Groton from Lancaster where he had previously lived for ten or twelve years, and built a house on this tract of land now situated in the town of Ayer and then known as Nonacoicus, which he continued to occupy until it was burnt by the Indians during Philip's War. It is said to have been the first house destroyed in the assault on the town. At a town meeting held on Oct 14, 1672, Major Willard was made a free commoner for feed for cattle and for wood and timber, and he must have been a resident at that time. His place was well known and often the rendezvous of troops employed in military expeditions. Soon after the destruction of his house he re- moved to Charlestown where he died April 24, 1676, only a few weeks after Groton had been abandoned. The outlines of his farm according to Noye's survey, were somewhat irregular but they can still be traced in part by the angular boundary of the town of Ayer along the western half of its southern border. Originally Nonacoicus included the dist- rict now known as the Old Mill, in Harvard, two miles away from Willard's farm, where Jonas Prescott had his gristmill. JOHN PRESCOTT AND NONACOICUS. John Prescott of Lancaster, in his will dated Oct 8, 1673 and on file in the Middlesex Probate Office at East Cambridge, says, in reference to his third son, Jonas Prescott, that "he hath received a full childs portion at Nonecoicus in a corne mill and lands and other goods." Singularly enough, Mr. Caleb Butler who was familiar with the word, called it Monafocus and in his History (of Groton) p. 287 so prints it. The name of Nonacoicus is still kept up in the neighborhood as applied to a brook, though it is frequently contracted to "Coicus". In the summer of 1674, Major Willard conveyed one quarter part of the Nonacoicus grant to his son Henry Willard and in the following year another quarter to his son Simon. Both these sons afterward recon- veyed their respective interests to their mother, then a widow and administratrix of her husband's estate. The original deed of Major Simon Willard to his son Henry Willard is now in my possession, given to me more than thirty five years ago by the late Honorable John Boynton of Groton. A copy of it was printed in the New England Histori- cal and Genealogical Register, (VII. 114) for April 1852; and soon afterward at the suggestion of the late Joseph Willard, Esq., it was recorded in the Middlesex Registry of Deeds at East Cambridge. The deed is in the handwriting of the Rev. Samuel Willard, then of Groton and it is as follows: "Whereas upon a contract, between my son Henry Willard & Mary Lakin daughter of Sergeant Jn'o Lakin, both of Groton, I thought meet to settle something upon him for his outward subsistence; I doe therfore by these presents, give, grant, aliene & confirme as a free deed of gift without any entails, one quarter part of my farm at Nonacoiacus in an equal portion and proportion to meadow, entervaile, & upland, with all the appurtenances therto belonging; excepting any part of the broken up land from coming into the division of the said quarter, only four acres of broken land hee shall have freely to improve for a yeer or two, or till hee bring some of his own into tillage: reserving also to my selfe during my life all the ponds & swamps with free egresse & regresse: & for his quartar part of meadow hee shall not have liberty during my life, to hire to any other, till I have the forsaking it, on reasonable terms & in answer to his desire, I grant him the liberty of taking up sixty acres of his proportion of upland, entervail & meadow neere the river in an entire & formable body; also, as to that part of his meadow wch shall fall to be above the bridge I reserve liberty of flowing & damming the brooke, for the subduing of meadow, unto which worke hee shall contribute proportionably: To the said Henry Willard, his heirs, executors, administrators & assignes, to have & to hold, to occupye & possesse for ever, without any just molestation, emcumbrance, lawsuit, whatsoever from mee, my heirs, executors & assignes for ever, or from any former alienation, mortgaze, deed of gift, or sale, or obligation to any person, or persons whatsoever. In Testimony wherof I here set to my hand & seals, this sixteenth day of July 1674. Simon Willard (seal) Signed, sealed, delivered In presence of: Cyprian Stevens and Benjamen Allen. p.18 At the time of his death, Major Willard owed the estate of Hezekiah Usher, a merchant of Boston, the sum of f272, 2s, 3d; and on June 20 1679 the widow Willard in payment of the debt, sold the farm to the Usher heirs, three quarters to Hezekiah Usher, Jr and one quarter to Samuell Nowell who had married the widow of the elder Usher. The record of the deed reads: "of all the farme or Tract of Land commonly called & knowne by the Name of Nonaicoicus farme." Both these parcels of land were afterward conveyed on May 11, 1687 to Jonathan Tyng of Dunstable in trust for his son John, a nephew of Hezekiah Usher. On Dec 3, 1713, Tyng in his own name transferred the farm to William Farwell and John Sollendine, both of Dunstable. Mr. Caleb Butler in his History (of Groton) p. 91, mentions among the garrisons at Groton in the year 1692 one "at Mr. Hezekiah Usher's farm, where there were stationed three soldiers, besides Samuel Bennett and ___Bennett, in all five men. He says further, that "the location of Mr. Usher's farm and the Bennett's is not known," but he inclines to the opinion that it was in that part of Groton now included in Little- ton. It was, in fact, the , which ten belonged to the Usher family; and the Bennetts undoubedlty lived in the neighborhood. There is a brook rising near the Shaker Village in Harvard, and running into Spectacle Pond, which has been known for a long period as Bennett's Brook; and it is highly probable that it took its name from this family. Hezekiah Usher Jr. who owned for a while the Willard farm, married Bridget Hoar the widow of President Leonard Hoar of Harvard College who was a daughter of John Lisle one of the Commissioners of the Great Seal under Cromwell; but the marriage was not a happy one. She left him and went to England in the year 1687 and did not return until after his death which took place at Lynn on July 11, 1697. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth