Cumberland County ME Archives Biographies.....Jones, Stephen  
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Author: Sprague's Journal of Maine History 

Stephen Jones, the First Justice of Peace East of the
Penobscot & Autobiography of Stephen Jones



See  Sprague's Journal, Vol. 1, P. 187 and also references to
him in Vol. 2, pp 25-54-87-247-256.

and see below: Autobiography of Stephen Jones ontributed by
HENRY SEWALL WEBSTER OF GARDINER, MAINE. Vol 3 April 1916 #5
pages199-219


Stephen Jones, the First Justice of Peace East of the
Penobscot page 87

Stephen Jones, Junior, was the son of Stephen and Lydia
(Jones) Jones, of Falmouth, Maine, now Portland, where he was
born 1739.  The father, Stephen Jones, Senior, was born in
Weston, Massachusetts, August 17, 1709.  He married Lydia
Jones, daughter of Captain James Jones, July 31, 1735, and
settled in Falmouth, now Portland, where his two sons were
born. Reverend Thomas Smith of Portland, in his journal says :
"Oct. 2, 1745, Capt.  Stephen Jones sailed in quest of
Penobscot Indians," and "Nov. 1, 1745, Capt.  Jones returned
having seen no Indians." In 1746, be enlisted as a captain in
Colonel Noble's regiment in the French War.      In an attack
by the French at Minas, now Horton, Nova Scotia, Colonel Noble
and Captain Jones were both killed January 7, 1747.  Parson
Smith says in his journal under date of February 22, 1747,
"Col.  Noble and our Capt.  Jones killed at Menis."

After the death of his father, Stephen Jones, the son, went to
live with his mother's father at Weston, living there for some
years.  He went to Worcester to learn the carpenter's trade
with his uncle, Noah Jones.      In February, 1757, he
enlisted in the regiment of Colonel Joseph Fry, to serve in
the French War.  He was at Ticonderoga, Fort Edward and Lake
Champlain and served through the campaign of 1757-58.  Where
he was during the next few years I do not learn.        His
uncle, Ichabod Jones, was merchant in Boston, and interested
in trading to the eastward. In March, 1764 or '65 he went with
his uncle to Machias River on a trading expedition.  There he
concluded to settle.  In 1766, he made his permanent
settlement.  He bought or built a house on the spot where the
post office is, in which he lived all the years of his
residence in Machias.     He and others built a mill in 1765.
In 1769 he was chosen captain of a "Company of Foot, at a
place called Machias in the county of Lincoln in the regiment
whereof Thomas Goldthwait is colonel.  " In 1769, he heads the
petition to the general court for grant of land.   He was the
first justice of the peace, I think, appointed east of
Penobscot River, and as the higher courts were then at
Pownalborough, his office was of great importance.  When the
Revolutionary   War broke out be did not hesitate, but
espoused the cause of    the colonies with all his abilities
and influence. Several of his  relatives took the other side,
which made it harder for him. No     town in the State was
more patriotic than Machias, and this too    with but little
or no protection from the United States.   Several remarkable
papers relative to this crisis are re-corded on the records of
the town, nearly all of which were written by Mr. Jones.
Honorable George F. Talbot in his speech at the Machias
Centennial said that " Judge Jones' papers in the town records
show him to be a master of the political style in which
Jefferson was adept." At the first town meeting held after the
incorporation of the town of Machias, June 23, 1784, he was
elected moderator and continued to be elected every year until
his advancing age pre-vented.    He held many other town
offices.         He was authority in all matters of business,
politics or religion.      Upon the incorpora-tion of
Washington County, June 25, 1789, which took effect May, 1790,
Mr. Jones was appointed chief justice of the court of common
pleas, and judge of probate for the new county, which offices
be filled for many years with great acceptance. In religion he
was of the " standing order," a Puritan in faith and practice.
He believed that the minister and the school master were both
necessary to build up a state, in all the elements of
greatness.  His house was open to all, his hospitality un-
bounded ; food and grog, as was the custom, were dispensed in
plenty. No   man of any consideration thought of going by
Machias Bail without going up to Machias to see Judge Jones.
Among those who partook of his hospitality were Albert
Gallatin upon his first arrival in this country, in 1780 ;
General Rufus Putnam, his old compatriot in the French War, on
his Way to Sur-vey Moose Island, and other towns in 1784 ;
Reverend Seth Noble, an old friend, the first minister of
Bangor, on his way to St. John River in Jul , 1791;
Talleyrand, the great French minister in 1793 ; General David
Cobb, of Gouldsborough, in 1797-8, who drove his horse and
sleigh through the old horseback road from Jonesborough to
Machias, being the only man who ever went through that ancient
path with a horse except on horseback. Park Holland, later of
Bangor, in his journal, tells of a visit he and General Rufus
Putnam (the founder of Ohio) made Judge Jones in August, 1784,
as follows:     "Judge Jones treated us very kindly, and
politely invited General Putnam and myself to take tea with
him that afternoon ; said      he had some friends from
Boston, whom he was expecting, and      would try to make our
time pass pleasantly. The time came, and     we told our men
they might get their supper and not wait for us, and proceeded
to make our visit. We passed the afternoon very pleasantly
indeed.         Tea at length arrived with which we had
anticipated a good supper, but, alas ! it was carried round,
as the expression is, and a servant came in with it, poured
out, and a slice of bread and butter in each saucer.   He came
first to General Putnam, who on taking his tea from the tray,
upset it the first thing he did, and what was worse, what his
saucer did not catch, fell scalding hot on his knees and
destroyed his comfort for the evening.       I succeeded in
lifting mine in safety from the tray and lo ! my bread was
thickly spread with butter, an article of which I never
partook, in any way, in my life.     We tried, however, to
make the best of our mis-fortunes, though to eat bread with
butter on it, I could not.             We returned to our
camp, General Putnam scolding and I laughing, and ordered a
supper to be prepared for us.  We had eaten in the army for
months together, from a clean chip, with a knife and fork
among half a dozen of us, and our soup with a clam shell for a
spoon thrust into a split stick for a handle, and got along
very well ; but this carrying round tea was a little too much
for us." He was a strong Federalist, as were nearly all the
old soldiers. In 1810, he wrote a letter to his friend,
General Rufus Putnam, ;at Marietta, Ohio, a copy of which I
give: Boston, 21st. of Feb. 1810. Rufus Putnam, Esq. Dear Sir
: I expect this letter will be handed to you by Mr. Oliver
Putnam, a very respectable merchant of this town, and whom I
would recommend to your notice and particular attention. Any
civilities shown him will be thankfully acknowledged by me.
Mr. Putnam, having mentioned to me, a few days since that he
proposed setting out in a day or two on a visit to your part
of the country.  I mentioned to him my acquaintance with you,
and that I wished to write you by him.  For I presumed it
would not be un-pleasant to you to hear from an old friend,
who had been your messmate during the campaign of 1757, and
who had waded through the deep snow on the banks of the
Hoosick river, and over the lofty mountains of that name, in
the cold month of February, 1758, and reduced to the sad
necessity of eating dog.  Friendships formed on such trying
occasions are not easily obliterated, and I assure you that I
still feel a lively friendship for you, and have often thought
of writing you; but no direct opportunity offering, have
hitherto neglected it.  You are the only one of my old
comrades that I know of who is living.  There may be others
yet alive, but I do not know where they dwell.  I observed
last summer in the news-papers, the insertion of the death of
Samuel Wiswal.  I expect you to remember his leaving us at
Fort Edward, soon after the taking of Fort Wm, Henry. I
noticed in the public prints, a few years since, that T.
Jefferson had honored you by removing you from an office be-
stowed upon you by the great and virtuous Washington, the real
father of his country.  Your removal from office is full
evidence of your adherence to the principles of the good old
Washington school, of which I avow myself to be a true
disciple; and the numerous removals of honest, capable men
from office, and in many instances the vacancies so made by T.
Jefferson filled again by him with d-d rascals, has excited my
warmest indignation. I consider that heaven, in its wrath for
the sins of our nation, permitted him to preside over our
nation.  I did hope that his successor was fully convinced of
the mad, weak and foolish meas-ures of his immediate
predecessor, and that he would administer the government with
impartiality; but I find myself disappointed, and that we are
still to bear French insults and that Great Britain is to be
treated with every possible insult, to provoke her to com-
mence hostilities against us, and we thus compelled to go to
war with her, and to form an alliance with the tyrant and
scourge of Europe, which I pray heaven to avert. You will see
that this letter is dated at Boston.  I came here about a
month since, on a visit to my son and daughter, who live here,
they being all the children I have.  My daughter is married
and her husband and my son are doing business together as mer-
chants under the firm of Richards & Jones.  My wife is still
living, but has not enjoyed very good health for some years
past.  I have generally enjoyed very good health, but now feel
the infirmities of old age.  I entered my 72d year the 8th
instant.  I believe your age is not much different from mine.
I came on from Machias to Boston by land, and expect to return
again the same way, the fore part of next month.  If you have
any federal newspapers edited with you, the spirited
resolutions passed by our legislature in their present
session, will undoubtedly be published in them and you will
read them with much satisfaction; they manifest the true
spirit of '75.  If you find it convenient to write to me, I
assure you that it will be very acceptable to Your old friend
and humble servant, STEPHEN JONES.

He was the most conspicuous and eminent citizen of his town
and county for nearly forty years.  At a public dinner lie was
once toasted as "the first man in the town and the first man
in the county." He married Sarah Barnard.  She died in Machias
and was buried in the old burying ground in the rear of the
town house, where I saw a few years since, her gravestone
covered with weeds and bushes        In memory of Sarah, wife
of Hon. Stephen Jones, Esquire, who   died May 24, 1820, aged
78. " After the death of his wife he  went to Boston to live
with his children.      I think he died about 189.6. Their
children were : Stephen J., born April 15, 1775, Boston,
merchant ; Sally, b. July 4, 1779, died prior to 1810 ; Polly,
b. Jan. 5, 1781, died prior to 1810 ; Sukey Coffin, b. Feb. 3,
1783.  She married John Richards of Gouldsborough, (Jan. 19,
1800.) He was an agent with General Cobb, of the Bingham
estate for some years ; then moved to Boston where he was a
merchant in company with his brother-in-law, Stephen Jones.
Mr. and Mrs. Richards had chil-dren, John, Henry, Frances and
Maria.



Page 24 Vol 2 Sprague's Journal

In Wayfare's Notes Vol 1, page 187, of the Journal, appearded
a sketch of Judge Stephen Jones of Machias, one of the most
interesting characters in Eastern Maine during the Revolution.
We Have recently recieved from Henry S. Webster of Gardiner an
autobiography of the Judge Jones, written by himself to his
daughter. It is of much historical value and we hope to
publish it in the Journal in the near future.

Vol 2 pg 54

MR. HENRY L. WEBSTER of Gardiner, Maine, treasurer of' the
Gardiner Savings, Bank, and a writer of Maine history, says:
"I was much interestsed in the sketch of Judge Jones in the
last number of the Journal.        Francis Richards, there
mentioned as a grandson of the Judge, came to Gardiner where
he married a daugh-ter of Robert Hallowell Gardiner.  There
are four sons now living, Geo.  H. Richards, a Boston lawyer,
Gen.  John T. Richards, now at the head of the Soldiers' Home
at Togus, Henry Richards of Gardiner, and Robert Richards, a
Harvard professor.  The wife of Henry Richards is Laura E.
Richards, the authoress, and a daughter of Julia Ward Howe."




Sprague's Journal of Maine History Vol. III APRIL. 1916       
No. 5


Autobiography of Stephen Jones



Contributed by HENRY SEWALL WEBSTER OF GARDINER, MAINE. A
sketch of the life of judge Stephen Jones of Machias was
published in the January number of the journal!  In 1819 and
1820 when he had passed 'his eightieth year, judge Jones, in a
series of letters to his daughter, Susan Coffin Richards (Mrs.
John Richards), undertook to recall the principal events of
his life.  The original letters were not preserved, but the
substance of them was copied by the daughter into a book which
is in the possession of one of her grandsons, George H.
Richards, Esq., of Boston.  After the book had come into the
hands of Mr. Richards, he sent a copy to each of his three
brothers, and from one of those copies the following
transcript has been taken.

My dear daughter, I have never related to you the particular
events of my life: and thinking it might afford you some
satisfaction to be informed of them, shall relate to you those
of the most importance.  I was born as told me by my mother on
Sunday morning the 28th of Jan. I738-9 (so they reckoned time
at that period) and in that part of Falmouth now called
Portland.  After entering my fourth year in parents sent me to
school to a Mrs. Munford.  I remained at her school till I
reached my sixth year.  I was then sent to the town school of
which the late Stephen Longfellow, Esqr., was the master. I
had made considerable progress in reading and spelling at Mrs.
Munford's and I continued to improve under     Mr. Longfellow.
It was my father's wish to give his sons a liberal education
and oil entering my seventh year I was put to learn the latin
grammar. What progress I made I do not recollect but it could
not have been much for in the beginning of Sept. of that year,
I went with my mother to Weston on a visit to her parents to
make some arrange-ments with them respecting herself and
children during the absence

(1) See Journal, Vol. 1, P. 187 and also references to him in
Vol. 2, pp 25-54-87-247-256.

200 SPRAGUE'S JOURNAL OF MAINE HISTORY



of my father, who was ordered with the rest of the Regt. to
which he belonged to that part of Nova Scotia then called
Minas, at the head of the Bay of Fundy. in the winter of 1746,
after the taking of Cape Breton, an expedition was set on foot
against Quebec, for the next summer.  My father took
recruiting orders as a captain in a Regiment to be commanded
by Col.  Arthur Noble.  My father recruited a sufficient
number of men to entitle him to his commis-sion as Capt., but
the ships and troops not arriving from England the expedition
against Quebec failed and Colonel Noble was ordered to proceed
to Nova Scotia with his Regiment to check some hostile conduct
manifested by the neutral French, in that province.  My father
having spent much time and money in recruiting his men and not
being willing to give them up to another officer and being
acquainted at Minas, where the Regt. was ordered, he consented
to accept a Lieutenancy under Capt.  Morris, an older officer.
I accompanied my mother as I before mentioned to Weston.  We
had a short passage to Boston and stopped at Deacon Kettle's,
an old acquaintanc of the family, till she could have an
opportunity to get on to Weston.  While there I wandered off
of the street on which Deacon Kettle lived and very soon got
lost and frightened and cried, but I was able to tell the
people who observed me, where I had wandered from and was
taken back to the good Deacon's. never got lost afterwards in
Boston. We soon went on to my grandfather's, where we staid a
short time and then my mother returned home as they thought it
best anti when my father embarked on his destined expedition
she should return to Weston with the other children and remain
during his absence, but he was destined never to return. She
returned to Weston with my two sisters, leaving my brother
with Capt.  Ephraim Jones her brother and lie remained with
him until he was 15 years old. Nothing of any importance
occurred till the end of February or beginning of March, when
the distressing and melancholy news was received in Boston
that a party of French and Indians from Beau-jour now called
Cumberland had made an attack upon Col.  Noble's quarters on
the night of the 3oth of Jan. in a violent snow storm, that my
father, the Colonel and several officers were killed and the
remainder capitulated the next day.  The weather was so storm
that they had no apprehension of an attack and the sentry at
the door did not discover the enemy until they were very near.
He discharged his musket and gave the alarm.  My father who I
was

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF STEPHEN JONES   20I



told always laid down prepared for a surprise, was immediately
at the door of his quarters and met the enemy by whom he was
immediately shot.  They then entered the house and killed some
of the officers before they could get out of their beds. 1 was
eight years old when this distressing event happened, my
brother one year and eight months younger, my two sisters of
the ages of four and two.  My father's death prevented my
mother',; return to Falmouth to reside there again with her
family.           My father was joint executor with my uncle
Phineas Jones' widow for settling his estate and by my
father's death she was left sole execu-trix and she soon after
married a Mr. Fox, who was a man of talents and sufficiently
artful to make the most of any advantages he had. My mother
was unfortunately advised to let him administer on in father's
estate, how the business was managed I never knew, but there
was very little allowed to my mother.  I got one hundred
dollars a few years since for a quitclaim for a piece of flats
that belonged to my father in the town of Portland, for which
two persons had been quarreling about and neither had any
title to. think much more might have been picked up if it had
been properly looked after in time.  My mother, my sisters and
myself it was decided should remain at my grandfather's who
had his two young est sons unmarried living with him, my
uncles Aaron and Isaac. My mother's situation was now a very
dependent one and tho very active awl industrious and
ingenious with her needle, she feared she should become a
burden to her brothers and her parents being aged.  She
thought it therefore best to accept an offer of marriage from
Mr. Graves, of a plantation called Cold Spring, now Belcher-
town, in the county of Hampshire, a respectable farmer, and
was married to him in 1750 and took her two daughters with
her.  Mr. Graves was introduce(] to my mother by Col. Williams
of Deerfield, a friend of hers and son of the minister of
Weston.  The families were very intimate.  He thought highly
of Mr. Graves and believe 1 he would make her a good husband,
which he did. But for the death of my father and my mother's
marriage with Mr. Graves brought about by the friendship of
Col.  Williams, it is not probable I should have ever known or
seen your mother or my sisters their husbands, the eldest
having married your mother's eldest brother and the youngest
Mr. Lyman of Northampton. I continued at my grandfather's
until the year I755, when it was decided by him and my mother
that I had better learn a trade and I was placed with my uncle
Noah, my father's brother, who was a carpenter, to learn that
trade.    I travelled on foot to his housed about thirty miles
from my grandfather's in one day. He resided on the westerly
side of Worcester.  They were all strangers to me both in the
family and in the town, except my uncle whom I had seen
before.  It was the hay-harvest and I was set to work on the
farm.  The family consisted of himself and wife, three
daughters and two sons from the ages of 11 to 2 years, also a
lad about 6 years of age, the son of a poor man.  This lad and
myself were put to do all the work of the farm with occasional
assistance from my uncle, which was quite contrary to my
expectations.  I found my uncle and his wife very parsimonious
and economical.  He was a man of quick passions and had no
tender feelings.  I was very shy, tender-hearted and timid and
had never been accustomed to hard-ships of any kind, which my
uncle had been accustomed to from his childhood.  I grew fast
and was not strong and my appetite was great and 1 was too shy
to eat as much as I wanted at mealtimes and I was never
allowed to eat between them, which I had been accustomed to at
my grandfather's, and my uncle would often speak harshly to me
and accuse me of being more hearty to eat than to work and at
times I was almost broken-hearted and the tears would run down
my cheeks in spite of all my efforts to prevent them and when
he observed it, he would accuse me of being babyish.  I do not
suppose that cayenne pepper rubbed upon his eyes would have
made any water run out of them.  Another thing which vexed me
very much was that if he saw me put on mittens of a cold
winter's morning, he would scold me for it.  I was always
subject to cold hands and feet and to take hold of axe handles
and other implements of a cold winter's morning without
mittens it did seem as if my hands would freeze, but because
he could handle ice and snow without feeling it he supposed
everybody else could.  I had no time for the carpenter's trade
and was very awkward in handling the tools as I had never been
accustomed to anything of the kind, but instead of treating me
with gentleness, he was very harsh and unkind.  His wife was
the daughter of one of the most respectable farmers in
Worcester.  She was several years younger than himself, very
industrious and economical and made him a very good wife, was
of a mild disposition, but never showed any great kindness or
goo," will toward me.  I was no more to her than the son of
any stranger' My uncle's harshness, his wife's indifference
towards me and having to do all the work of the farm and of
course but a small part of the time devoted to the profession
I went to learn, I consequently grew dissatisfied with my
situation and made my guardian ac-t, quainted with it.  He
came to see me and endeavored to persuade me to be contented. 
I consented to try, but found it in vain. Therefore in April,
1757, when our provincial officers were recruit-ing for
volunteers to go to the lakes, I with others enlisted without
asking the consent of my master or guardian. In the winter of
this year several young lads and myself go" into a frolic at
the tavern, where there was a recruiting officer (a cousin of
in mother's) belonging to Rogers Rangers and we all enlisted,
but the next day, when their parents heard of it, they applied
for their release to the officer and I consented that my uncle
should apply for mine and we were all released.  I was very
thankful that I was, as that Corps was unsuitable for me to
serve in. My mother's cousin went on with his recruits to join
his corps at Lake George, where he arrived early in March. few
days afterwards a large detachment was ordered to Ticonderoga
as a reconnoitering party, and was discovered by the French
and In-dians and the officer with almost the whole party
killed, but Rogers, who deserved the same fate for his folly
and imprudence took care to make his escape as soon a-; the
action commenced.  Had I gone with my relation when I enlisted
I should in all probability have fallen with him.  I have
always considered it a providential escape. The second time of
my enlisting in April, 1757, there were only 1,8oo men raised
in Mass. that year and they with those raised in the New
England Provinces and that of New York were only intended to
defend the northern frontier.  The company I belonged to
consisted of above 100 active young men commanded by Capt.
Leonard of Oxford.  We were ordered on to Greenbush near Al-
bany to join the other troops and soon after our assembling
there, the whole were ordered to Fort Edward.  Some time after
our arrival at that post, our Capt. being a brave active
officer had orders for raising a company of men to be employed
as a reconnoitering party.  About half of his company joined
him. But I preferred remaining with the other half and doing
camp duty.  Early in Sept. information came to Gen.  Webb, the
British officer (who had com-mand at Fort Edward and was the
commander of the Department that an army of French and Indians
were on their way to attack Fort Wm.  Henry at Lake George.
The Massachusetts and other provincial troops were ordered on
to reinforce the garrison at Lake George, but the troops were
entirely ignorant of the intended attack on Fort Wm.  Henry.
Capt.  Leonard was ordered to remain at Fort Edward and those
who had joined him from other compa-nies had permission to
rejoin their own companions and those Who had originally
belonged to his company had permission to join him, when the
whole (myself among the number) did so, excepting one Lieut.
and fifteen men, who marched with the other troops to Lake
George. The morning      after Capt. Leonard was about two
miles from Fort Edward in the woods on a reconnoitering
excursion. when we heard a cannon in the direction of Fort
William and thought it was the morning gun, but we soon heard
a number and concluded that the Fort was attacked and we made
our way back as soon as possible.  It was quite a surprise as
we had no idea the Fort was threatened. The siege continued
some days, when the commander of the Fort despairing of relief
capitulated, but the capitulation was violated by the Indians,
who stripped the officers and men and killed those who
resisted.  Here I had another escape by remaining at Fort
Edward.  The Massachusetts men were en-listed that year to
continue in service till the 2nd of Feb., 1758. Those who were
concluded in the capitulation of Fort Wm. Henry and escaped
the Indians went directly home, those who remained at Fort
Edward were at the close of the season ordered down to
Stillwater on the Hudson 25 miles above Albany, where we took
lip cur winter quarters in huts, built by some Scotch troops
the preced-ing summer.  We were not pleased with our
detention, after the campaign was over, and officers and men
determined to set out for home as soon as our time expired
whether discharged or not and to take our route up the Hoosack
river, which empties into the Hudson near Stillwater.  The
snow was very deep and in order to perform our march it was
necessary that every man should be pro-vided with a pair of
snowshoes and each one was obliged to make them for
themselves, although few of us had ever seen a pair and fewer
still had ever attempted to walk with them.  Those who were
best acquainted with making the rackets (as those that we made
were called) instructed the others and we all had ingenuity
enough to make our own excepting one "paddy" and he took a
couple of barrel hoops and nailed pieces of the barrel heads
across them and tied them to his feet and waddled after us.
About 2 o'clock on the morning -of the 3rd of Feb., 1758, 25
years previous to the morning of your birth we had our snow
shoes and our packs with three days' provisions on our backs.
It being a fine clear winter morning we set out upon our march
to Fort Massachusetts at the foot of Hoosack mountain, where
the town of Adams now is, the snow at the- least four and a
half feet deep and very light which made the travelling very
heavy it being nearly tip to the hips of those who went
forward and of course most fatiguing and as we had never been
accustomed to travel on snow shoes, we got many tumbles into
the snow and were half buried by it sometimes and frequently
had great difficulty in getting upon our feet again, but after
the first day's march we got very few falls. We took the
Hoosack river as our direction, not one of our party ever
having passed through from the North river to Fort
Massachusetts.  We knew, however nearly the distance and was
sure that three days would bring us to the Fort and therefore
went on with resolution. Towards the end of the second day, we
came to a broad interval on the north side of the river and
concluding it would be better travelling on that, we left the
river and after travelling some time bore away again for the
river and unfortunately struck an-other branch of it as wide
as the river and did not discover our mistake till we had gone
some distance and found the stream nar-rowing; and thinking we
had traveled far enough to have reached our destination, we
held a consultation and determined to leave the stream and
ascend the mountains and seek a new direction.  In that
opinion all were united and we commenced our ascent up that
lofty ridge called the Green Mountains.  Early on the fifth
day we had reached the height of them and discovered a pond.
Our object now was to find its outlet and take that for our
direction, which we soon did.  Our provisions were nearly all
consumed on the third day.  It was now nearly two days that
numbers of us had not eaten any-thing.  It was decided to kill
a large dog that was attached to the company and divide it
into 70    shares. One of the men had been more careful of his
provisions than the rest of us and lie sold me his share for 7
coppers, which I thought a great bargain for I would not have
parted with it for its  weight in gold. After travelling as
long as the daylight would permit, we encamped.  Some of the
party would scrape away the snow with our snow shoes and
others would cut wood for fires and brush from the hemlocks
for our beds.  In the morning the remains of the fire would be
two feet below us and by daylight we were on our march again.
The sixth (lay we felt con-fident we were upon the Deerfield
river, but it abounded in rapids which compelled us frequently
to ascend the sides of the mountains to pass them, which were
so steep that we had to take hold of the shrubs to climb up.
After frequent ascents and descents we found on the seventh
day the river to be free from rapids and by the middle of the
day we were convinced we were near Rice's Fort on the cast
side of the river, near the foot of Hoosack mountain and be-
fore night came on we found we were not mistaken and finding a
convenient place for encamping, we thought it best to do so,
though a few of the men who had done duty at Rice's Fort
thought it could not be more than three or four miles distant,
but as many of the party had become very feeble, we feared
that they might give out if we attempted to go on and perish
before relief could be obtained. it was therefore decided that
lo or 12 of the stoutest men should be sent on to the Fort and
acquaint the people there with our situa-tion and having a
breakfast prepared for us.  The remainder lay down to rest
with the hope that their danger and distress was near its
termination.  On the morning of the 8th day after leaving our
encampment at Stillwater we resumed our march and reached the
Fort after travelling about four miles, all feeling grateful
for our providential deliverance. After recruiting ourselves
we marched on to Deerfield about 13 miles.  Many of the men
were detained there from having had their feet much frost-
bitten.  I had fortunately escaped and proceded on to Mr.
Graves' at Belchertown and after spending some (lays with my
mother and sisters, went on to my uncle's at Worcester, where
my appearance was most unexpected as it was thought I could
not have survived the fatigue of the campaign. In the ensuing
April orders were issued for recruiting men for the reduction
of Crown Point and the French at Ticonderoga and I again
enlisted for the campaign and joined a company commanded by
Capt.  James Johnson.  Capt.  Leonard was refused an appoint-
ment (tho' he was an excellent officer) because of his
marching his company away from Stillwater without waiting for
a proper dis-charge from headquarters.  In fact it was a very
imprudent act, both in officers and men and we very narrowly
escaped perishing in the woods.  We were well treated and well
paid and had very little duty to do and if we had waited for
our discharge, we could have returned by the public road, been
supplied at the public expense an,! received pay until we
reached home.  After Capt.  Johnson's company was raised they
were marched on by the way of Northampton and from that town
through the woods to Pittsfield, where Col.  Wil-liams, the
friend of my mother, had a farm and a Stockade Fort called
Williams Fort.  He also had this year the command as Col. of
one of the Massachusetts Regiments.  From thence we marched to
Stockbridge and to Greenbush the place of rendezvous and
afterwards to Lake George.  After the army were collected
there we embarked in boats early in Sept. for Ticonderoga and
arrived at the landing place at the end of the lake, three
miles from the French Fort on the second day after our
embarcation.  Some skir-mishing took place on the landing of
the van of the army and the troops at that station, and during
that action Lord Howe was killed. He was the acting General
but old Gen. Abercrombie was the com-mander in chief.  The
death of Lord Howe disconcerted his meas-ures and retarded the
progress of the army and prevented the attack on the French
lines until the third day after landing, which gave the enemy
time to complete their defences and to defeat our forces when
they made the attack, which was done by the regular troops the
provincials being the rear guard or Corps of reserve stationed
in the woods, but tho' we were not ordered into action, yet a
number were so imprudent as to join the attacking party. Capt.
Johnson and a part of his company were among those who went
into the action without orders, himself and fifteen of his men
never returned, a cousin of my own, a sergeant, was one of the
number. I saw him fall, a ball entered the right side of his
head and he fell never to rise again till the general
resurrection at the end of the world.  He was a fine young man
and third son of my father's brother, Nathaniel.  I was in the
action amidst a shower of balls and remained till the army
retreated, but by the goodness of Divine Providence I had
another wonderful escape from death and without injury. As
soon as I was out of the reach of the balls I halted and
rescued one of the many poor wounded soldiers I fell in with.
Having cut a couple of poles I fastened a blanket to them and
per-sua  ded three others to assist me to get him on to it and
after many trials we succeeded and after carrying him about a
mile and a hall, we found his company encamped for the night.
What became of the poor fellow afterwards I never heard.  The
company to which I was attached encamped near that of the
wounded man.  I wrapt myself in my blanket and lay down by the
side of my messmates expecting to be aroused early in the
morning to renew the attack on the French lines, but about 12
o'clock when I was in a profound slumber, I was awakened with
the information that the orders were to retreat to our boats.
This I could not at first believe, but soon found it was true
and marched on with the rest, but with a sad and heavy heart
at leaving our wounded men to be knocked in the head by the
tomahawks of the Indians, but which I could not individually
prevent.  By sunrise in the morning, what remained of the army
were all in the boats and on their way to their old
encampments at the south end of Lake George, where we arrived
safely and re-mained till sometime in November, when we were
regularly dis-charged and I returned home.  Mr. Graves' eldest
son was a Ser-geant in Col.  Williams' Regt.  He was attacked
with the camp disorder sometime after we returned from
Ticonderoga and died. I do not recollect that I missed a day's
duty from illness (luring the two campaigns, but during a
great part of the time I kept spruce beer by me and drank
freely of it. On my return I spent some days with my mother
and sisters at Mr. Graves' who always treated me with
kindness.  I afterwards went on to Worcester and bargained
with my uncle for a release of my indentures and then returned
to Mr. Graves' with a determina-tion not to engage in the
service again, but Government thinking it would be necessary
to have a small force placed at Charlestown on the Connecticut
river for the security of that frontier against the Indians,
and Capt.  Elijah Smith, a very pleasant man and neighbor of
Mr. Graves, was authorized to raise a company and as it was
supposed it would be a very light and rather pleasant service,
I engaged with him.  He soon recruited a sufficient number
from the neighboring towns and we were marched to Charlestown,
where our duty was very easy.  We boarded with the
inhabitants, giving our rations and a small sum in addition
per week.  The time we were there was passed very pleasantly,
but in the month of August, after the taking of Ticonderoga by
Gen.  Amherst, it was thought unnecessary to continue Capt.
Smith's company at Charlestown and he was ordered to Deerfield
and then to proceed across the Hoop& mountain and on to
Flatbush on the north river and wait further orders, these
were to divide his company into detachments.  The detachment
that I belonged to was commanded by the first Lieut. Hunt, who
afterwards married George Strong's second sister and settled
in Charlestown, N. H. His father was a large farmer and
related to the Hunts of Northampton.  Our detachment was
ordered to Millers Falls on the easterly side of the Hudson
and half way between Fort Saratoga and Fort Edward.  From
thence we were to transport stores in boats to Fort Edward
which took up the time till the end of the term we had
enlisted for, about the middle of November.  Four of us then
set out for home, passed down the north river to Stillwater,
then took the road to Hoosack mountain. The day we crossed it
proved to be rainy, but fortunately for us, when we got to
Deerfield river at the foot of the east side of the mountain
it was not so much swollen but that we could ford it with
safety.  We stopped that night at Rice's Fort, where I was
with Capt.  Leonard's company in February, 1758.  At the Fort
we were told there was a stream we must cross about two miles
distant, that could not be forded without a horse, which could
be got at a Mr. Taylor's who lived about half a mile on that
side.  We procured the horse and proceeded to the stream. It
was about five rods wide and ran quickly and was swollen to
the banks.  The names of my companions were Alverd, Smith and
Williston. (Alverd was an uncle of Mrs. Steele's.) Alverd and
I mounted first, as to make dispatch, two were to cross at a
time.  Alverd got on first and I behind him.  At the bottom of
the stream were small round stones and when the horse got into
the middle of it, he trod upon them, crippled down and slipt
me off into the stream.  When my feet reached the bottom, I
found I could just keep my chin above the water and by
supporting myself with my musket against the current I was
able to keep my feet at the bottom and get back to the side I
went from, fearing to go forward as I thought the stream might
be deeper.  Alverd after crossing turned the horse back.  I
mounted and got safe across. I was completely   wet from head
to foot and it was a very cold day in the middle of November
and more than 12 miles to Deerfield and no house before I got
there.  You will see that here I had another very narrow
escape with my life.  I did not even take cold and was able to
go on the next (lay to Mr. Graves' where I arrived once more
in safety and found my mother, sisters and friends all well. I
passed part of the winter as a jour-neyman with a carpenter at
Belchertown and in the spring made a visit to Northampton to
see my old companions Alverd and Smith at Hadley. At this time
I first commenced my acquaintance at Northampton with Mr.
Lyman (who afterwards married my youngest sister) and Mr.
Allen, his partner.  I engaged to work as a journeyman with
them during the summer and joined them the first of May,
although I had acquired but little knowledge of the business
or of the use of tools.  I was treated with great kindness by
them and introduced into the most respectable families in the
town.    The Pomroys, Hunts, Lymans and the Strongs were of
the first  class and all had one or more young ladies
belonging to them and   by all of them I was treated with the
greatest civility. Several of  the ladies I was then
acquainted with are still living but not more  than one or two
of the gentlemen that belonged to that set are now alive.

The next year I joined a young man by the name of King, who
was a house carpenter and went to Charlestown, where I served
as a soldier in I759.  We worked there until winter set in and
then returned and spent the winter with our friends at
Northampton and Belchertown.  King's father was dead and his
mother had married a second husband and lived in Belchertown.
He was an Ensign in the provincial service in 1759 and was a
merry, lively fellow and a pleasant companion.  We engaged
employments for the next season and I set out on my return on
the first of March.  I stopped at Deerfield for a month and
worked with a carpenter by the name of Munn as the business at
Charlestown did not require my imme-diate return.  It was then
for the first time, that I saw your mother, but did not become
acquainted with her.  Munn's sister married a brother of Col.
Williams' wife, one of the Tylers of Boston who considered
themselves of the first class in society.  The family was so
much annoyed at the marriage that they would not give him any
assistance whilst he lived with her and in order to separate
them, they procured a midshipman's berth for him on board one
of his Majesty's ships in which he served some years and died
about the time he was promoted to a Lieutenancy.  They had one
daughter who married respectably and the widow passed the
remainder of her life in comfort with her.  My sister Rebecca
had learnt dress-making and to perfect herself she came to
Deerfield at this time to live with a dressmaker and her going
there was the means of her being acquainted with your uncle
Barnard, whom she married two years afterwards, and that led
to my acquaintance and marriage with your mother.* My stopping
at Deerfield at that time brought about those family
connections which it is not probable would have hap-pened but
for that circumstance.  After working the second sum-mer at
Charlestown I made a visit during the winter to Weston and
Boston.  My uncle Isaac, my mother's brother, then kept a
retail store at Weston and wanted an assistant and invited me
to come and live with him for that office and I accepted his
offer and went back to Charlestown and settled my business
there and returned to my uncle's at Weston, and remained there
with him until May, I765, when two of Col.  Nathan Jones'
brothers, Israel and Josiah, and I agreed to go to Gouldsboro'
and commence clearing land for a farm for each of us.  We
began with good resolution, felling the trees on the easterly
side of the Bay, below where Col.  Jones after-wards lived,
and after labouring hard for six months we were obliged to
abandon it and wholly lost our time and labor. During the
summer.  I was at Gouldsboro' my uncle Jones of Boston made a
voyage to Mt.  Desert, but finding no business could be done
there he proceeded to Machias, where there were mills and the
people in want of supplies, and finding he could do business
to advantage he made two or three voyages during the season
and entered into engagements for building mills the next year
at East river.          I returned to Weston in December and
on visiting my uncle in Boston soon after, he proposed to me
to go to Machias and take charge of his business there, and
thinking his proposal advantageous, I went with him to Machias
and arrived there on Friday, the 22nd of March, I776, having
left Boston the previous Monday.  I con-tinued at Machias
without paying any visit to Boston or my friends in the
country until August, I77I.  A committee of council con-
sisting of the late Gov.  Bowdoin, Gen.  Brattle and Thomas
Hubbard, Esqr., with the Rev.  Dr. Lothrop of Boston as their
chaplain came to Machias with my uncle Jones in one of his
vessels        to make inquiry into the grounds of a complaint
exhibited by the    O'Briens and some others against Jonathan
Longfellow, Esqr., of Machias for mal-conduct as a magistrate.
Wbilst they were at Machias they lived with my uncle and
myself in the old house that   stood on the ground where my
present house stands and when they returned to Boston I
accompanied them.  After our arrival in Boston these gentlemen
treated me with great civility and attention, both before I
went into the country and after my return.  During my absence
in the country the committee made their report to the governor
and council and they found that justice Longfellow had
misconducted in his office, but they considered that in the
then lawless state of the place it would be injurious to the
due execution of the laws to remove Mr. Longfellow and
recommended the appointment of another magistrate, and I was
selected for the office, which was quite unexpected by me, but
I received notice of it before I left the country on my
return, and during my visit to Deerfield my engagement with
your mother took place and I returned to Machias in December
of that year and went again to Boston and Deerfield in August
of the next year, I772, and we were married and arrived in
Machias in October, after a passage of four weeks from Boston.
I now entered into a joint partnership with my uncle and his
son, J. C. Jones, for carrying on the Machias business, and we
were doing very well until the commencement of the
Revolutionary war in April, 1775.  That put an end to our
business and at the close of the year, I with your mother and
brother, then about 7 months old, embarked on board a vessel
for Newburyport, where we arrived in safety after a perilous
passage of 28 days. Then from thence we went to your
grandfather Barnard's at Deerfield, where she with your
brother remained until March, 1778.         I returned to
Machias in May, '76, and in August of the same year again
embarked for Newburyport.  The vessel in which I had taken
passage was captured at the mouth of the Narraguagus river by
the boats of the British sloop of war Viper, Samuel Graves
commander, and we were sent to Annapolis and put on shore.  I
got back to Machias the end of September and sailed again on a
vessel bound to New-buryport, the first of December.     We
arrived in safety after a passage Of 20 days and I event on
immediately to Deerfield and found your mother, brother and
friends all in good health.  They had not heard of me from the
time of my embarking in August until I was within a short
distance of Deerfield.  Your mother, brother and myself soon
after joined your aunt Lyman and the elder children at
Northampton and went on to Chesterfield to an establishment
for the small-pox, where we all took the disease by
inoculation.  We were confined there three weeks and were
nearly starved and frozen.  The building had been hastily put
up and was very slight and the weather very cold during the
time we were there, but we were carried safely through the
disease and were very thankful when it was over. It was a
necessary precaution to be taken as the disease had been
spread by the soldiers and had become very prevalent
throughout.  I left them again the first of May, '77, for
Machias, went to Boston and embarked on a vessel owned and
commanded by the late Mr. Holway of Machias.  The vessel was
'very unseaworthy, but there being no other opportunity for me
I took passage in her.  On the third day we encountered a
heavy thunder storm and were very nearly driven oil shore, but
by the exertions of the crew and passengers this disaster was
averted, the storm abated and the next day we arrived in
safety at Machias. This I viewed as another providential
escape, when in a very peril-ous situation.  I remained at
Machias until Jan.  A '78, when I again embarked on board of
one of my uncle's vessels, commanded by one Haines, a very
timid and careful man.  Old Mrs. Chaloner was also a
passenger.  We were four weeks getting to Winter har-bor.  I
left the vessel then and went on to Saco, in company with
Capt. Daniel Sullivan, the eldest brother of the late     Gov.
Sullivan. He lived at Frenchman's Bay and was passenger in
another vessel. Gov.  Sullivan then lived at Saco and was one
of the judges of the Supreme Court.  We supped and slept at
his house and breakfasted at a Mr. Gray's, whose daughter had
Carried John Cassie, Esqr., of Passamaquoddy, whom I was
acquainted with.  I dined with I judge Sullivan and the
afternoon appearing fine, I set off by land for Newburyport. I
reached a tavern near the town of Wells and put up for the
night.  The weather became very cold and it froze hard during
the night.  I set out again early in the morning and found it
very slippery, got to Preble's tavern at Old York between 6
and 7 O'clock and put up for the night, but the next morning I
was so stiff and lame from the previous day's journey over the
slippery roads that I could hardly move.  It was now the 31st
Of January.  I went on 6 miles to breakfast and afterwards
went on to Greenland, where I dined about 2 P. M. It commenced
snowing and I put up for the night.  The next morning being
fair I again set out between 7 and 8 o'clock.  Found the
travelling very bad, went 7 miles to Leavitt's tavern at
Hampton to breakfast.  Afterward. went on and reached
Salisbury Ferry opposite Newburyport about 3 o'clock, but was
detained some time before I could cross.  I then went on to my
cousin's, J. C. Jones, and stayed a fortnight, for the arrival
of the vessel I left at Winter harbor, as I had left the
principal part of my wardrobe on board.  But I became tired of
waiting and set out with a horse and chaise for Deerfield to
bring your mother and brother back.  I arrived at Deerfield
the third day after I left Newburyport and found all well. We
left Deerfield early in March on our return, spent. a  few
days with my sister Lyman at Northampton and then went on to
Belcher-town and passed a couple of days with our friends
there.  On the 14th of March, a day to be remembered, we
proceeded on our journey and as the chaise was heavily laden
with ourselves and our luggage, I walked up the hills, which
were numerous and some of them very high.  The day was so hot
that I was very glad to lay aside my coats and walk in my
shirt-sleeves and your mother was obliged to throw off her
cloak and have the back side of the chaise rolled up.  We
reached a tavern in Weston and put up for the night, in the
course of which the wind got into the N. W. and blew a gale,
but as we were anxious to get on and the weather was bright,
after breakfast we set off, wishing very much to get to Dr.
Fox-craft's at Brookfield, about 8 miles on the road.  After
we set out we found the cold intense and were almost overcome
by it before we could reach the Inn at West Brookfield, only 5
miles distant, where we stopped and warmed ourselves
thoroughly and again set off for Dr. Foxcraft's.  Part of the
road was miry and our wheels became almost a solid body from
the mud freezing upon them.  We however arrived safely at the
Doctor's and passed a very pleasant day and night.  The next
day the weather having moderated we proceeded on our journey
and reached Newburyport the third day afterwards, and remained
there with our friends, Mr. and Mrs. J. C. Jones till a
schooner of about 30 tons, belonging to him was ready to sail
for Machias.  Haines again had the command.  We had a pleasant
passage along shore and arrived at Machias without accident of
any kind in about 10 days. I omitted mentioning in its place
that   the winter of '77 a num-ber of restless refugees from
Cumberland in Nova Scotia besieged the Mass'tts Legislature,
until in March, they consented to assist them in an expedition
against Fort Cumberland, to consist of 2 Reg'ts, one of them
to consist of refugees, the other of citizens of Mass., both
to rendezvous at Machias.  When I heard of the plan I
disapproved of it entirely, as a piece of folly and madness
and that must terminate in defeat as a former attempt had in
I775, to the mortification of those who went from amongst us
and the ruin of those who joined in Cumberland, and for my
opposition to this and the former expedition, I was
stigmatized as a Tory, but con-scious of the rectitude and
correctness of my opinion, I did not fear any of them, and
they were all convinced afterwards that I was right, and Gen.
Washington when he heard of the intended expedition
disapproved of it in toto, and orders came to counter-mand it,
but the British commander in chief having obtained informa-
tion of the intended attack against Cumberland and that it was
to rendezvous at Machias, dispatched Commodore Barclay with
three Frigates to proceed to Machias and defeat it.  They
arrived about the middle of August. when they passed
Moosepecky, I was at my salt works at Englishman's river and
inmediately set out for my house in Machias and arrived there
about the same time that the information of the appearance of
the ships at the mouth of the river did.  The news spread in
all directions and the women and children of West Machias were
sent back into the woods.  I removed all my furniture from my
house to a point of land on Middle river. The British passed
the day after their arrival in making prepara-tions for the
attack.  The next morning the ship's boats, with about 400
troops and marines, came up to Indian Jene and landed under a
thick fog and got very near our people at Avery's Point, then
Scott's, before they were discovered, but fortunately escaped.
The enemy set fire to two houses and some other buildings on
the Point.  In the afternoon the brig Hope, 16 or 18 guns with
the boats and a sloop they had taken below and all the troops
came up with flood tide.  It being calm they towed 'the brig
and sloop to White Point, where they anchored.  We were in
momentary ex-pectation of their landing at White Point and a
number of men and several Indians were sent to oppose their
landing.  One boat's crew was sent to take something and
whilst they were doing so Francis Joseph, son of the Governor
of Passamaquoddy, discharged a long gun at the boat and it was
said killed one or more of the men.  The boat immediately
returned to the Brig and the anchors were imme-diately hove up
and the whole flotilla proceeded down the river. A party was
immediately sent to attack them as they passed the headland of
Deacon Libby's farm, from that point they fired upon the boats
and disabled many of the men so that they were obliged to give
up towing the Brig and she grounded on the flats opposite the
house where Palmer now lives.  Had the party been reinforced
and remained to have attacked her in the morning, they could
have picked off every man that appeared on deck, but they were
all very much fatigued, having had no rest for 24 hours and
the opportunity was lost.  By some oversight the breastwork at
Scott's Point was left with only London Atus (a young negro)
to guard it, only one man was killed in this affair on our
side and Capt.  Farnsworth very slightly wounded.  A grist
mill above the Phinny's was burnt by the enemy and this with
the buildings before mentioned was all the injury that was
done, although they published a pompous account in a book
called the Field of Mars, of their having destroyed three
magazines of rice, flour and tanned hides.  I do not suppose
there was a pound of flour or rice in the buildings they
burnt, nor any-thing like tanned hides, excepting some parings
of leather in one of the buildings, where a shoemaker had
worked. I had this year, '77, taken down some salt kettles for
the purpose of making salt, and set them up at a place called
Englishman's river, thinking it would not be safe to establish
the works at the mouth of the Machias river.  This was the
place I was at when the ships passed.  I expended a good deal
of money and labored very hard myself, but to very little
profit and receiving paper money for what I sold, which became
so depreciated, that my hopes were great.

Your mother and I lived in a small house at the salt works,
from the autumn of the year, '78, till May, '79, when we again
moved to Machias as she was very soon expecting her
confinement and in July your sister Sally was born.  In March
before we removed, I took passage with Capt.  Haines for
Newburyport, in the same schooner that took us to Macliias. We
reached south west harbor, Mt. Desert, when we were informed
that a Liverpool Privateer from Nova Scotia had passed up a
few days before and would without doubt be back again in a day
or two.  We had heard of her before we left home and had some
fear of her.  We therefore decided if the weather would permit
we would make a run back and get within Mt. Desert.  The next
morning proved fine with a westerly breeze and we got under
way and stood to the eastward along the shore of the mount,
but a strong ebb-tide setting out of Frenchman's Bay and the
wind being light we were compelled to come to anchor in a cove
near the easterly end of the moutain to wait for the flood
tide and in the afternoon we got round to the narrows and
anchored for the night.  We afterwards heard that the
Privateer arrived at south west harbor about two hours after
we left it, so that we had a fortunate escape. The schooner
had a valuable cargo of furs, etc., etc., belonging to J. C.
Jones, Esq.  We proceeded on our voyage up the narrows, but on
the westerly side of them we found a mass of thick old ice
extending from shore to shore with the wind north which
continued for several days, but after a good deal of labor we
forced a passage through and got on to the head of Eggemoggin
reach, but the next morning being overtaken by a snow storm we
put into Long Island harbor (Penobscot Bay) and the next day
got to Owl's Head and anchored, the wind being against us.
The next morning the wind being fair for running along shore
we got under way, altho' there was every appearance of an
impending snow storm, but there being frequent harbors on our
lee, the Capt. ven-tured on, altho' timid himself, his brother
who was his mate, was a stout hearted sailor.  The storm
passed off and we passed Townsend harbor in the hope of
getting to Portland, but before we reached the mouth of the
Kennebec river, a thick snow storm set in and we found it
necessary to run for the river and try to get into Beal's
harbor near the mouth of it.  The wind was directly against us
and the passage narrow, but the vessel worked well and we got
Safely in and anchored before the tide turned against us.
Here I had another providential escape from most imminent
danger for a violent gale from the northeast with heavy snow
continued during the night.  As soon as the weather cleared
and the gale ceased we went on to Portland, where I met Col.
Jones, who had arrived there a few hours before us.  We found
there had been so great a fall of snow the day and night
before as almost to block up the streets. We were detained
several days by head winds and I passed the time very
pleasantly with my friends in the town, but the place had a
desolate appearance in remaining in the same state that it was
reduced to by the fire set by Capt.  Mowat in the autumn of
1775. As soon as the wind favored us we proceeded to
Newburyport and I joined my friends, Mr. and Mrs.   J. C.
Jones again. Afterwards I reached home in safety.  In June
178o, having received a message from Col. Jones that he was
about   to sail for Boston in a vessel of his own and offering
me a passage, I determined to accept it as I was in want of
some supplies and I walked from Machias to French-man's Bay.
We arrived in Boston on St. John's day.  I paid a visit to
Weston and made an excursion with Col.  Jones to Lancaster and
Provincetown, where we both had friends and acquaintances. We
also visited Mr. Dunbar at Harvard (Worcester Co.), whose wife
was Col.  Jones' sister. We came back to Boston and I returned
with him to Frenchman's Bay and walked from thence to Machias.
I did not attempt to go to the westward again until after the
close of the Revolutionary war.  I worked hard in the summer
in culti-vating the land and in the winter cut and hauled my
own firewood, made my own fires and tended my cattle, gave up
the salt works altogether, as it was attended with great labor
and no profit, in fact it involved me in debt to my kind
friend, Mr. J. C. Jones.  He has always treated me with the
kindness of a brother and from his first and present wife, I
have received great kindness and attention, much more than I
had any right to expect and from his late father, my honored
uncle, whose parental kindness I shall recollect with respect
and gratitude while my life and memory last. In the month of
June, I783, I went to Boston to make some arrangements with
Mr. Jones respecting the Machias business and lie recommended
that Mr. Coffin and myself should enter into part-nership for
carrying on the business, which we agreed to and I returned
home with a stock of provisions and goods to begin with and
proceeded with every prospect of success until the year '86,
when the State Legislature in their mad folly passed a non-
intercourse law prohibiting British vessels coming into our
ports, unless the vessels belonging to the State were
permitted to enter British Provin-cial ports, and the other
states not passing a similar law, the whole British trade was
drawn from the Commonwealth and our boards which were worth $8
a thousand were at once reduced to less than $3. By this we
suffered greatly in our business and the term          of our
partnership terminating the next year, was never renewed.  I
have since continued to do some business in a small way so as
to cover necessary expenses and through the goodness of Divine
Provi-dence and the assistance of kind friends I continue to
this day in the enjoyment of as much health and strength as
can be expected by a person, who has entered the third month
of the eighty-first year of his age and also in the enjoyment
of as many of the com-forts of life as are necessary for
health.  Whilst I was an appren-tice, I wounded myself three
times, twice in the ankle and once on the outside of my right
foot and also when I lived at Charlestown. I wounded myself
severely across my left foot, cutting it quite to the bone and
I still feel the inconvenience to this day of the wound I then
received, probably from its not being skillfully treated at
the time.  In the month of November, I773, I was attacked with
a vio-lent lumbago and during ten days I suffered the most
excruciating pain and was confined to the house the most part
of the winter and several years  since I attended our May
Meeting at East river, and the day being a very raw and cold
one, I increased a cold I already had and was   for several
days confined to the house and threatened with a fever.  I
never had a serious illness or a bone broken or misplaced.  I
escaped two vices that young men who go into the army
frequently fall into, that is intemperance and profane swear-
ing.  The second summer after I went to Worcester, I was
mowing in a meadow on my uncle's farm and I came upon a
rattlesnake coiled up directly before me.  It was the first
one I ever saw.  I retreated and procured a club and killed
it.  If I had passed on cne side of him, he might have sprung
upon me and given me a fatal bite.  I considered it as a
providential escape.  The foregoing is a narrative of some of
the important event of my past life.  The perusal may be
interesting to you and this feeling prevents my con-signing it
to the flames.  The want of early instruction and the busy
life of my riper years, prevented my acquiring an accurate
knowl-edge of grammar or composition.  It cannot therefore be
expected that I can write very correctly, but as I do not
write for publication. it is not essential.  The child will
excuse the errors of the parent, which are the effect of the
want of early instruction.

Courtesy of the Androscoggin Historical Society


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