The Germans in Maine (Waldoboro', Lincoln County, Maine) Copied from the Sprague's Journal page 140 to 146 Vol #5 The Germans in Maine By GARRETT W. THOMPSON, University of Maine, Orono, Maine.. (Continued from page 7.) During his many visits to Europe, Waldo was untiringly active in inducing emigrants to join his settlements. With such purpose he went to Germany in 1738 (#20) spread circulars among the people with most alluring notices and promises, making at the same time arrangements for the transportation of all who might accept his offer. The results of his efforts are embodied in the following citations. There (#21) were two or three families at Broad Bay in 1739 and accessions were made in '40. A few (#22) emigrants located at Broad Bay, supposed to have come in the summer or autumn Of '39 on a vessel which brought letters of marque and reprisal from the King of England against the subjects of Spain. In (#23) '40 and '41-2 other families came from Brunswick and Saxony, tempted by the imposing offers of Waldo. A few (#24) families came in '39; the next year more; by '60 nearly 1000. Germans (#25) come from Brunswick and Saxony in '40 To Waldoboro, (#26) Maine, 40 or more families of Germans had been decoyed by flattering promises, which were never fulfilled, as early as 1740. Waldoboro', (#27) plantation name Broad Bay, was inhabited by the Germans and perhaps a few Irish as early as 1740. Accessions (#28) were made to Broad Bay in '40. In (#29) '40 Waldo succeeded in inducing 40 families to come. In the promises (#30) of '40 Waldo gave lots of 100 acres, 25 rods in front and running back into the wilderness 2 miles. In 1740 (#31) he succeeded in persuading 40 families from Brunswick and Saxony to accept his offers to form a colony at Broad Bay. They settled on both sides of the Medomak river, but lived in poor circumstances until a larger number joined them. They did not understand the art of fishing and complained much of disappointment in their expectations. ________________ (20) Eaton's Annals of Warren, 2nd Ed. p. 62. Also Der Deutsche Pionier, XIV, P. 9. (21) Rev, John W. Starman in a letter to Wm. Willis Aug. 31, 1848. (22) The German Colony and the Lutheran Church in Maine, by Rev Dr Pohlman. (23) Eaton's Annals of Warren, 2nd Ed. p. 65. (24) Hist. Sketch of the Moravian Mission in Maine, by John W. Jo d (25) The Ancient Dominions of Maine, by R. K. Sewall, p. 269. (26) Hist. of the Evang. Lutb. Ch. in the U. S., by Henry E. Jacobs (Am. Ch. Hist. Series). (27) Williamson Hist. of Maine, Vol. IT, P. 398. (28) Ibid., p. 285. (29) Rattermann in "Der deutsche Pionier," Vol. XIV, p. 9. (30) Rev. Dr. Pohlman, as above. (31) Eaton's Annals of Warren, 2nd Ed. p. 62. THE GERMANS IN MAINE 141 As Williamson's History of Maine appeared in 1832 the foregoing going statements, all of which are later, are based on his findings, while he in turn refers (#32) to the MS. letters of M. R. Ludwig as authority. Even Ratterman's assertion rests on a similar one in Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., Vol. VI, p. 322 (series 1), which goes back to Williamson as source. (#33) In speaking, however, of the arrival of the Colonists Of 42 Rattermann says: By the few German families which had already settled here, from Brunswick and Saxony, they received with loud acclamations. The evidences of a settlement in '40 at Broad Bay are therefore to the above extent clearly established. But Waldo soon discovered that the business of immigration, if properly attended to would require more attention at home and abroad than he could personally bestow upon it; he therefore engaged Sebastian Zuberbuhler (#34) to act as agent for him, and we find him in the Palatinate in the year 1741 working for the colonization of the Broad Bay settlement. Given ample freedom in his methods and movements, Zuberbuhler lived in Speyer at the hotel "zum goldenen Lowen" and caused to be distributed through the Palatinate a recruiting pamphlet, which he had printed entitled: Kurtze Beschreibung derer Landschafft Massachusetts Bay in Neu England Absonderlich dess Landstrichs an der Breyten Bay so dem Koniglichen Britischen Obristen, Samuel Waldo, Erbherrn der Breyten Bay, zugehorig, sampt denen Hauptbedingungen nacher welchen sich frermde Protestanten daselbsten ansiedeln mogen. Speyer. 1741. It is signed by both Waldo and Zuberbuhler under date of July 14. During the ensuing winter Zuberbuher was not idle, for he ______________________ (32) Williamson, Vol. II, p. 285, (33) Williamson's Work (1832), while it antedates other published histories of Maine, is itself preceded by the manuscript data of Cyrus Eaton, which the latter embodied later (1851) in his "Annals of Warren." (34) Sebastian Zuberbuhler (or Zeuberbuhler) was probably born at Linden in the Canton Appenzell, Switzerland. He was sent in 1734 to S. Carolina to make investigations for settlements there. He associated himself with one Simon, a ship owner of Rotterdam, and a Swiss, Tschiffell, in a plan to establish a colony of Appenzell Swiss on the Santee river near the border of N. Carolina, having acquired a large grant of land from English land owners. It is not known if he really founded the colony of New Appenzell. Beside his career as Waldo's agent he was at one time a magistrate of Luneburg (Lunenburg) in Nova Scotia, and when he died was in good financial circumstances, as appears from the inventory of his and his daughter's possessions given by Des Brisay (Hist. of the Co. of Luneburg, PP. 69-72). 142 SPRAGUE'S JOURNAL OF MAINE HISTORY got together more than 200 persons from Palatine and Wirtember- gian families, most of whom were in good financial circumstances, among whom also were many Lutherans, who on account of the coalition (#35) between the Reformed adherents and the Catholics in the Palatinate found more joy than sorrow in leaving thus their native land. Zuberbuhler had designated Mannheim as the rendezvous of the emigrants, and in March of the following year ('42) a party from Speyer under his personal leadership assembled there; they were soon joined by another party from Wirtemberg. They reached Mulheim below Cologne in safety but great difficulty was experienced in securing ships and they were obliged to remain there several weeks so that the middle of June was at hand before they could proceed. Again in Rotterdam vexatious delays were encountered, and the emigrants lost thus the best time of the year. That they felt these inconveniences is evident from the fact that about 30 Of them forsook the expedition and embarked for Penn- sylvania; some returned home and many young men joined the English army in service. Through these depletions the number of emigrants fell to 150-160. Finally they left Rotterdam early in August on the "Lydia," and on the 18th gained the open sea. It is probable from a letter of Zuberbuhler that they sailed north of Scotland to avoid French and Spanish privateers who infested the waters along the sea coast. (#36) At length Marblehead was reached in October, where a brief stay was made. Waldo had foreseen the necessity of making a good impression on these newcomers, for he wished them to write home favorably and thus advertise his subsequent emigration plans. Accordingly he met them at Marble- head with Governor Shirley several Assemblymen and an inter- preter, A. Keller. After being cordially greeted and entertained the Germans proceeded on their way under the escort of Waldo and Zuberbuhler, stopping at St. George's to land some Scotch pas- sengers. They then sailed, on a November day, into the mouth of the Medomak, where in Broad Bay a few huts stood to mark the site of their new home. (#37) The experience which lay before the settlers of '42 was marked by intense physical and mental suffering. To be sure their meeting (35) Bericht von der Pfaltzischen Kirchenhistorie, cbaps. 13 and 14, by B. G. Struve. (36) Der deutsche Pionier, Vol. XIV, p. 54 seq. (37) A. B. Faust The German Element in the U. S., Vol. I, P. 250. THE GERMANS IN MAINE 143 with the Germans who had preceded them must have been pleasant in the extreme; but when the first greetings were exchanged and a moment of reflection came two facts stood forth only too clearly, that their new environment had been falsely represented to them and that they were helpless to cope with the crude realities of this veritable wilderness. They realized at once that precious time had been wasted in these long delays en route for the winter which soon set in was unusually severe, "as (#38) had never been previously experienced in the region." The huts which had been hastily put together for their shelter had neither windows nor chimneys. Their clothing already worn and scanty, was utterly insufficient for the low temperature of that region. They could not sow until the next spring; hence their supplies had to be brought from Boston. But they could not fetch these themselves, and their money had already been spent for sustenance during the long detentions in the Netherlands. However willing their compatriots might have been to render assistance they were also desperately poor and suffering from the fevers to which unacclimated settlers were easily exposed. When we consider furthermore, that they could not speak English and were therefore segregated from all intercourse with their Anglo-Saxon neighbors ; that coming from the interior they were not accustomed to shore life; that they had different ideas of meadow, glebe, woods, tide, land, etc., as applied to sea coast regions; that the land, covered with trees and dense undergrowth, seemed incapable of cultivation; that wharves, mills and other paraphernalia of civilization were lacking; they did not understand the art of fishing, an occupation so necessary in those meagre times; that the beasts and savages of the forests deterred them from hunting; when we consider, in addition to these untoward conditions, that the country itself was as bleak and desolate as the sea, it is small wonder that discontent and disappointment reigned among these colonists. Their food for the winter consisted of pickled pork (#39) and beef, with "Roggen," which their countrymen shared with them. Meal was ground at home with such devices as were at hand. They had brought with them a learned and pious minister, Philipp Gottfried Kast (#40) and an educated physician, Friedrich -------------------- (38) Der deutsche Pionier, Vol. XIV, p 60. (39) Ibid., p 61. (40) Ibid., P. 54. 144 SPRAGUE'S JOURNAL OF MAINE HISTORY Kurtz; (#41) also a school teacher and a surveyor. These men were of no small comfort to the settlers during the joyless experience of that memorable winter. Zuberbuhler (#42) remained with them until December, then went to Boston and was never seen by them again. One episode (#43) stands out less painfully in the life of these Ger- man settlers against the darker background of suffering and gloom. It seems that they were not on good terms with their Scotch and Irish neighbors, a fact due largely to the influence of a Scotchman, Burns, and an Irishman, Boice Cooper, both practical jokers and boisterous characters. These two had on every opportunity stirred their kinsmen against the Germans of '40 and veritably terrorized them. But when the Germans of '42 came upon the scene the tables were turned; fists were freely used, and subsequently the worsted mischief makers moved to the more congenial environment of the St. George. When spring came the settlers could not improve their condi- tion or depart from the country. They petitioned (#44) Governor Shirley and the Assembly to be taken away and employed "in such business as they were capable of to support themselves, their wives and children." The appeal to the Assembly is a severe arraign- ment of Waldo, "who has failed in every part of his contract with us by which means we have lost our substance and are reduced to penury and want." It bears the date May 25, 1743, is signed by Dr. Kast and witnessed by Dr. Kurtz. The General Court investi- gated the matter and the report was given that Dr. Kast, the preacher of the Germans, and his Palatines had suffered greatly, 11 and if help was not given soon they might stand in need of the compassion of the government. As Waldo was absent at this time a settlement was deferred until the next meeting of the Court. --------------- (41) Dr. Jacob Friedrich Kurtz (later Curtius) appears in divers crooked transactions. Dr. Kast had a note against Zuberbuhler for 1000 Gulden; the latter denied the debt. Kurtz was called as umpire by the disputants and getting the note thus in his possession is said to have altered Zuberbuhler's interest, so that Kast lost his claim. The matter came before the court and Kurtz had to leave the country in flight. He is also said to have cheated a Boston merchant, named Baumgarten, out of a lot of goods. In New York (where he appears as Curtius) he defrauded a land owner of his lands, substituting his own name in the original deed, for which crime he was forced to leave America. He appears later in Rotterdam as a shipper. (42) Faust, p. 250. (43) Eaton's Annals of Warren, 1st Ed. pp. 62-3. (44) Mass. Resc. (MIS), Vol. 15, A. P. 33 seq. THE GERMANS IN MAINE 145 The committee maintained that each party had violated the contract tract: Zuberbuhler in not providing shipping in due time; Waldo in not paying the officers' wages; the Palatines in not paying their passage money. They recommended that a suitable person be appointed to settle their accounts, and that a sum of money be granted for provisions and clothing to aid them through the winter. The lie report was not adopted by the Assembly and the colonists were left to their own resources. Faust (#45) says: The second winter must have been one of even greater trials, since the supplies of Waldo failed them after October, his contract requiring him to serve them only the first winter. On the other hand Rattermann (#46) states: How the poor Germans fared during the second winter we have absolutely no Information. Mr. S. L. Miller, the historian of Waldoboro, in his "Hist. Sketch of Waldoboro" in 1873 doubted the existence of these early ultlements, but acknowledges them in his "History of Waldoboro," of 1910 We offer documentary evidence which would settle such a contention. There are two letters from Joseph Plaisted of York to Waldo, regarding certain supplies and provisions to be sent to the latter. 1, These letters are dated Oct. 9, (#47) and Nov. 26, (#48) 1742. There is also a letter (#49) from James Littell to Waldo dated Dec. 9. 1742 at Broad Bay as follows: This is to lett Know my Missfortunes Since you wass with us last ye Ingeneares man Hass Kilt a Steere of mine & Settled with ye Ingenear abour Itt he fell a tree on him & Brooke his back they Killed & Kept him for nine Days & Sent ye 4 Quarters & hide to my house with a Gard of men thru them in & went thire way now body a tome but my wife I would Doo nothing to him until I sent you-If there is not Method taken with them they may kill All ye Creaters wee have-(Signed). While Littell's English would not indicate that the pen is mightier than the sword, the date and place are important for our present discussion. ------------------- (45) Faust, p. 251. (46) Der deutsche Pionier, Vol. XIV, p. 62. (47) Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., Vol. XI, p. 258 (Documentary series). (48) Ibid., p. 269. (49) Ibid., p. 269. 146 SPRAGUE'S JOURNAL OF MAINE HISTORY A letter (#50) from Gov. Shirley to Col. Noble dated June 5, 1744, and containing orders for the assignment of soldiers, has the fol lowing items; At Madomock & Broad Bay 10 (Men) At Ye new Block House one ye River being the Duch Church 10 At Mr. Zuberbuhlers garrison 10 At Capt. Lanes at the Point of Broad Bay 10 40 We have a memorial (#51) which states that Philip Christopher Vogler came with his father in '42 to America and located in New England near Broad Bay. There is also a legal paper (#52) endorsed by Elihu Hewes May 29 1797, for Lutevick at Broad Bay, which reads: There is an instrument in being that the late Samuel Waldo signed and sealed to Seb. Zuberbuhler anno dom. 1741, for the transportation of 300 families from Rotterdam to New England. Signed Elihu Hewes to the descendants of the German families that settled at Broad Bay in the year1841-2. M. R. Ludwig (#53) states that a settlement of Germans was made at Broad Bay in '42. There must also have been Germans in Broad Bay before the Louisburg expatiation of '45, for Eaton (#54) writes that all the men of the settlement accompanied their leaders on that occasion. These references' demonstrate beyond a doubt the existence of early German migrations to Broad Bay. ________________________________________________ (50) Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., Vol. XI, p. 296 (Documentary series). (51) Eaton, 2d Ed. p, 67. Vogler (1725-1780) was born at Gundelsheim in the Palatinate. As a youth he learned the tailor's trade, became a farmer later, and was forced through the Indian war to become a soldier. Though brought up as a Lutheran he joined the Moravians at Broad Bay in '61 and went South with them in '70 He died at Bethania, N. C. (52) Eaton, 2nd Ed. p. 68. (53) The Ludwig Genealogy, p. 201, (54) Eaton, 2rd Ed. p. 67. (To be Continued.) Solomon Kimball, gentleman of place called Little Isle of Holt, in Penobscot Bay, bought said island of Massachusetts, Nov. 5, 1788 for 73 pounds, 18 shillings, said island containing 340 acres, on condition that said Kimball shall quiet the settlers who made distinct improvements on the same, prior to January, granting them 1784, by 100 acres each to be laid out together so as to include improvements made by. them. (From Isle Haute papers, Bangor Historical Magazine, Vol. 3, p. **************************************************** Courtesy of Androscoggin Historical Society (c) 1998 by David C. Young ************************************************* * * * * NOTICE: Printing the files within by non-commercial individuals and libraries is encouraged, as long as all notices and submitter information is included. Any other use, including copying files to other sites requires permission from the submitters PRIOR to uploading to any other sites. 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