Sir William Phips of Woolwich, Lincoln Co, Maine Sprague's Journal of Maine History No. I Vol. VII MAY JUNE JULY 1919 pages 3-19 Sir William Phips of Woolwich, Lincoln Co, Maine By JOHN FRANCIS SPRAGUE The title page of the work of Cotton Mather which is the foundation of very much of the early history of New England, is as follows: MAGNALIA CHRISTI AMERICANA; THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND, From its first planting, in the year 1620, unto the year of our Lord 1698 IN SEVEN BOOKS By the REVEREND AND LEARNED COTTON MATHER, D.D.F.R.S. And Pastor of the North Church in Boston, New England. The first edition was published in London in the year I702, in a volume of seven hundred and eighty-eight pages. In 1852 this was republished by Silas Andrus in Hartford, with a preface and "occasional notes by the Reverend Thomas Robbins, D. D." and again published by Silas Andrus & Son in 1853. It is a civil and ecclesiastical history of the earliest English settlements and plantations in New England, hence it is one of the original sources for all who desire to study men and events of importance in that period. The author has been accused of credulity and bigotry and such accusations cannot be well denied. He was a fiery and brilliant product of the times in which he lived and wrought; a leader in the days of credulity and bigotry, and yet with all of his prejudices and conceit he was one of the founders of American literature. The "Magnalia" is a curious blending of historical facts, the peculiar sectarian views of the Puritans, citations from the Bible and quotations from Greek, and Roman classics and from nearly all the great characters in ancient history. Yet the authenticity of his historical data, when divested of religious exaggerations, has ever been and will doubtless always remain a standard authority. It is almost wholly to this work that one must resort to learn of the life of one of Maine's most famous and worthy sons, for Cotton Mather was the only one of the early writers who wrote fully regarding him. He had at hand more facts pertaining to him than had anyone else for he and his father. Increase Mather, were hi,;; contemporaries, After devoting nearly five hundred words to citing examples of men of fame in the Roman Empire, and other parts of the world who had arisen to great heights from obscurity and small beginnings, the author introduces Sir William Phips in this manner: For my reader now being satisfied that a person being obscure in his original is not always a just prejudice to an expectation of considerable matters from him, I shall now inform him that this our Phips was born February 2, A. D. 1650, at a despicable plantation oil the river Kennebec, and almost the furtherest village of the eastern settlements of New England.' His birthplace is on a point of land in the southern part of the town of Woolwich near a little bay, called "P'hip's Bay" and was not in any sense a "despicable" place. He was the son, of James Phips and one of the youngest of twenty-six children. James came early to New England from Bristol, England. Mather refers to the family in this wise: His fruitful mother Yet living had no less than twenty-six children, whereof twenty-one were sons; but equivalent to them all was William, one the youngest whom his father dying left with his mother "keeping sheep in the wilderness' until he was eighteen years old. During his boyhood days, struggling with his widowed mother for existence, he was employed much of the time by sheep raisers and writers have frequently alluded to him as "the Shepherd boy of Woolwich".' But few facts are attainable regarding him as a youth except that he desired to learn the trade of ship building and when nineteen years of age he served an apprenticeship of three or four years with a ship carpenter, and became master of the trade. At the age of twenty-two lie removed to Boston where he worked in a ship yard for one year. At his home on the coast of Maine he had no school privileges and did not learn to read and write until his first year in Boston, and Mather says: -by a laudable deportment, be so recommended himself that he married a young gentlewoman of good repute, who, was the widow of one Mr. John Hall, a well-bred merchant, but the daughter of one Captain Roger Spencer, -a person of good fashion-.' He acquired learning by his own efforts and became a student of what books were accessible in the town of Boston. As his mental growth developed, his aspirations took a wider range and his ambition was to build a ship, own it and command it himself. He would frequently tell the gentlewoman his wife that he should be the Captain of a King's ship; that he should come to have command of better men than he was now accounted himself; and that he should be owner of a fair brick house in the Green lane of North Boston.' Soon after his marriage he entered into what was probably a partnership with some Boston men to build a ship near his birthplace on the Maine coast, Mather saying that -he indented with several persons in Boston to build them a ship at Sheepscot River, two or three leagues eastward of the Kennebec. Ill fortune was his first experience in this enterprise, for when the vessel was completed and he was about to load her with lumber the Indians made a murderous assault upon the inhabitants, and to preserve their lives he took them on board and gave them a free passage to Boston.' He was a doer as well as a dreamer and possessed a bold and adventuresome spirit. After arriving at Boston with his load of refugees, he learned from some ship captains in that port of a Spanish wreck on the coast of the Bahamas, and that in it were many valuables and large quantities of gold and silver. Boston friends had faith in him even if having mental reservations about the truth of this "sailor's yarn" that Phips had told them. So, after some deliberation, he was financed to an extent sufficient to enable him to sail his ship to the Bahamas in search of buried treasures. His trip to the Bahamas, the explorations he made and the evidence that he found convinced him that if properly equipped he could rescue this property lost in the ocean depths. Instead of returning to his home, he sailed directly to England and presented the matter to his government. His earnestness and intelligence, his apparent honesty, determination and persuasive qualities finally won at White Hall. In the year 1683, he became captain of the King's ship, Algier Rose, a frigate of eighteen guns and ninety-five men. This voyage, however, was not successful. The crew mutinied once or twice imperiling his life, and after experiencing numerous hardships and dangers he again returned to England and was equipped with another ship. He cast anchor all a reef of shoals a few leagues to the northward of Port de la Plata, upon Hispaniola, the supposed place of the lost wreck. While the men were engaged in the work of exploration a sea feather attracted attention. One of the Indian divers was ordered to investigate. The diver reported that the wreckage and a number of great guns were in the waters beneath them. Then the real work of search for and recovery of treasures began. It resulted in securing thirty-two tons of silver, much gold, pearls and jewels. Captain Phips' crew had been hired on seamen's per them wages. They had evidently not been informed of the real purpose of the expedition and when suddenly apprised of it and viewing the enormous amount of wealth within their reach, their astonishment may easily be imagined, Neither is it surprising that a vicious impulse to become possessed of this marvelous prize possessed and overwhelmed them. Mather says Phips used all the obliging arts imaginable to make his men true unto him, especially by assuring them that besides their wages they should have ample requitals made unto them, which if the rest of his employers would not agree unto, he would himself distribute his own share among them When he returned to En-land in 1687 he carried with him treasure to the value of 300,000 pounds sterling. And yet when he had accounted and turned over to his employers their share, he had dealt so generously in sharing with his men that only sixteen thousand pounds belonged to him. He was the hero of the hour. The Duke of Albemarle "made unto his wife, whom he never saw. the present of a golden cup. near a thousand pounds in value." King James II, in consideration of the skill, energy and enterprise displayed in this undertaking conferred on him the honor of knighthood. Before he returned home he was made High Sheriff of New England. He did not become a member of any church until March 23, 1690, when he joined the North Congregational Church in Boston of which Cotton Mather was pastor. During the remainder of his life he was active in its affairs. On April 28, 1690 he was at the bead of a naval force sent out by the Massachusetts Bay Colony to capture Port Royal. He arrived there May 11, and in a few days thereafter the fort was surrendered to him and he took possession of Nova Scotia, then held by the French, for the English Crown and administered to the inhabitants an oath of allegiance to King William and Queen Mary. But it was the increasing power of Canada that the Colony was the most concerned about and desired to conquer. Accordingly Phips --,vas again placed in command of a fleet to capture Quebec, and sailed from Boston August 9, 1690. This enterprise was not successful,, but returned without serious loss of lives. This failure was not entirely unexpected, as the colonists were not well prepared for it. Later he commanded another and better equipped expedition to Quebec which also failed. Under King Charles I the Pilgrims obtained a patent from the Virginia Company and (1620) sailed for the new world when adverse winds changed their course and they finally landed on Plymouth Rock, and then and there began the making of a new nation. They obtained a patent (1621-22) from the Council for New England, partly at least through the influence of Sir Ferdinando Gorges who had already made great efforts in colonization on the coast of Maine. Six years later they applied to the king for a royal charter which was obtained. At first it was the intention of the government to retain possession of this charter, but later (1629) its custody was placed in the hands of the colonists. There was some serious contention over this. The colonists contended that their charter made them a corporation on the place, while some eminent English jurists held that the whole, structure of the charter pre-supposed its residence to be in England. To understand more fully the origin of the trouble which subsequently arose between the colony al-id the crown, it may be well to state that the Puritan leaders in America who were men of ability and intellectual power from the first contended that their charter created a corporation of, but not necessarily within England; that the powers of government which it granted were full and absolute, admitting of no appeal that they held this not by commission but by free donation; that they were not even subject to the laws of England, though by the terms of their charter they were to enact no contrary laws; that parliament could not interfere to countermand their orders and judgments, nor could it set over them a general governor without their consent; that, like Normandy, Gascoigne, Burgundy, Flanders, and the Hanse Towns of Germany, so were they "independent in respect of government;" yet a limited allegiance to the mother country was acknowledged, because their commonwealth was founded upon the state, held its lands by an English tenure, and depended upon England for protection, advice, and the "continuance of naturalization and free liegance of themselves and posterity.' These views were more democratic than were acceptable to Charles I and Charles II, whose legal advisors looked upon the colony solely as a trading corporation subject to the narrow construction of the common law. The position of the Puritan statesmen was, however, held valid and adopted by the Long Parliament. But each starting with fundamental principles so divergent, it is not strange that they never harmonized. The colonists were in considerable conflict with the home government from about 1635 until the revolution in England (1688) when William and Mary became its rulers. Cromwell, while in sympathy with and disposed to concede- to them nearly everything that they claimed as their rights, was engaged in tempestuous affairs in England and had but little time to attend to colonial matters. Their persecution and at times barbarous treatment of the Quakers. a nd other intolerant acts, furnished the government with some round for its opposition to and unfair treatment of the Massachusetts and Plymouth colonies. compelling them to surrender their charters had bred much ill feeling and rebellion was already brewing when in 1680 Sir Edmund Andros was thrust upon them as governor by the king. In 1663, Charles II had granted by patent to his brother the Duke of York, and afterwards King James II, certain territory and dominion in New England which included the colonies of Massachusetts, New Plymouth and the provinces of Maine and New Hampshire and the Narraganset country. Andros had then acted as an agent for the Duke of York and had charge of his military forces in New York. Their opinion of him was unfavorable if not prejudicial. From first to last he was in trouble with the people whom he undertook to govern. One of his first contentions was that the title to all of the lands, including those taken and occupied by the settlers or purchased from the Indians, was in the crown. His attempted enforcement of this doctrine was a prolific breeder of disturbance and turmoil and ended in revolution The story of this rebellion need not be told here, but is of profound interest to one studying the progress of freedom in America. Suffice it to say that on the morning of April 18, in the year i689. the people of the town of Boston armed themselves and with great deliberation, arrested and imprisoned their governor and all the members of his council, his agents, officers and assistants. This was accomplished without firing a single shot, or the loss of a drop of blood. It was nothing less than a mob although a solemn and pious one. After having overturned their government, they with equal deliberation prayerfully proceeded to set up a new one in its place, which was accomplished in a few days thereafter. Soon after his second attempt to capture Quebec, Phips hastened to England to impress upon the king if possible, the importance of subduing Canada. He believed it to be the greatest service that could be done for New England or for the crown of England, in America. The king received him with much courtesy and was favorably disposed towards the project, Mather observing that "the king did give him liberty of access unto him, whenever he desired it. But this was in the fated year of 1688 and before Phips could conclude any arrangements with king James for this purpose, the people of his realm had arisen in their wrath,. dragged him from his throne and driven him across the English Channel into France. At this time the Reverend Increase Mather was in England, having been sent there with other agents of the colonists for the purpose of seeking the full restoration of their early charter rights and privileges, of course thus far without avail. As sent as William and Mary were enthroned and order restored, Mather procured the assistance of Phips in renewed efforts to effect a settlement of all colonial differences with the government. King William differed somewhat with the New England representatives. Under his direction his attorneys drew a charter which virtually created a new province under the name of the Province of Massachusetts Bay. By its terms the territories of Massachusetts, Plymouth and Maine were united into one jurisdiction. It provided for a governor, deputy governor and a secretary appointed by the king, and twenty-eight councillors chosen by the people. At first Mather vigorously opposed this new charter, as it took from his people their former privilege of electing their own governor and contained other radical changes. Sir Henry Ashurst was an Englishman of influence who had long been a loyal friend to the colonies. Very soon after the king had submitted this document to the New England agents, he and Phips and most of the others interested decided that this charter was, -upon the whole, much more desirable for the people than were the old charters, al-id better adapted to the new conditions which had developed since their surrender Mather was persuaded to agree to it. Undoubtedly one diplomatic act of the king in asking Mather to nominate officers for him to appoint under the new charter had a soothing effect and aided in bringing about the happy result. Anyhow, it appears that he shortly afterwards assembled his associates then in London and organized a council-board who at once nominated Sir William Phips as their candidate for governor. He lost no time in appearing before his majesty, having been introduced by the Earl of Nottingham. His report and nominating speech to the king was as follows: Sir : I do, in the behalf of New England, most humbly thank Your Majesty, in that you have been pleased by a Charter to restore English Liberties unto them, to confirm them in their properties, and to grant them some peculiar privileges. I doubt not, but that your subjects there will demean themselves with that dutiful affection and loyalty to Your Majesty, as that you will see cause to enlarge your royal favours towards them. And I do most humbly thank Your Majesty in that you have been pleased to give leave unto those that are concerned for New England to nominate their Governour. Sir William Phips has been accordingly nominated by us at the Council-Board. He hath done a good service for the crown, by enlarging your dominions, and deducing of Nova Scotia to your obedience. I know that he will faithfully serve Your Majesty to the utmost of his capacity; and if your Majesty shall think fit to confirm him in that place, it will be a further obligation on your subjects there.' Cotton Mather dilates upon this occurrence as follows: When Titus Flaminius had freed the poor Grecians from the bondage which had long oppressed them, and the herald proclaimed among them the articles of their freedom, they cried out, "A saviour! a saviour!" with such loud acclamations, that the very birds fell down from heaven astonished at the cry. Truly, when Mr. Mather brought with him unto the poor New Englanders, not only a charter, which though it, divers points waiting wanting what both he and they had wished for, yet forever delivers them from oppression on their Christian and English liberties, or their ancient possessions, wherein ruining writs of intrusion had begun to invade them all, but also a GOVERNOUR who might call New England his own country, and who was above most men in it, full of affection to the interests of his country the sensible part of the people then caused the sense of the salvation's thus brought them to reach as far as heaven itself. The various little humors these working among the people, did not hinder the great and general court of the province to appoint a day of solemn THANKSGIVING to Almighty God, for "granting" (as the printed order expressed it) "a safe arrival to His Excellency our Governor, and the Reverend Mr. Increase Mather, who have industriously endeavored the service of this people, and have brought over with them a settlement of government, in which their Majesties have graciously given us distinguishing marks of their royal favor and goodness."' And as the obliged people thus gave thanks unto the God of heaven, so they sent an address of thanks unto their Majesties, with other letters of thanks unto some chief ministers of state, for the favourable aspect herein cast upon the province.' It was to such a shattered colonial government, where turmoil and disturbance had for many years been paramount with the people, that Phips was appointed to rule over and direct its destinies. The Province charter of 1692, was a far different instrument from the colonial charter of 1629. The new governor was to reorganize what was almost a wreck. Where envy and discord had abounded, be was to restore peace and good order. He must do it with what was practically a new form of government that had been forced upon its inhabitants that. changed and in some important ways lessened their powers and radically readjusted the entire foundations and objects of the body politic. To add to all of his other perplexities, he found that by reason of the internal strife of the colonists they had neglected to protect the setters in the province of Maine from the ravages of the Indians, and were themselves involved in quite a lively warfare with their own savages. He decided to immediately improve the situation in Maine, and Mather says: Wherefore Governour Phips took the first opportunity to raise an army, with which he traveled in person, unto the East-Country to find out and cut off the barbarous enemy, which had continued for near four years together making horrible havoc on the plantations that lay all along the northern frontiers of New England; and having pursued those worse than Scythtian wolves till they could be no longer followed, he did with a very laudable skill, and unusual speed, and with less cost unto the crown than perhaps ever such a thing was done in the world erect a strong fort at Pemaquid. Then he was also confronted with a new and unprecedented condition that was full of difficulties with no light of past experience to guide him. Following their own interpretation of the Bible, the theology of the Puritans had for centuries taught them that witchcraft did then, always had and always would exist in the world. It was heresy to doubt it. To deny its truth would call down the wrath of God upon their heads. And so when Phips became governor he found a part of the citizens of his commonwealth solemnly engaged in hanging neighbors and friends for riding on broomsticks in the night time, being possessed of devils, and practicing "detestable conjurations with sieves, and keys and pease and nails and horseshoes." Thus Sir William arrived, as stated by Hutchinson, at the beginning of as strange an infatuation as any people were ever obsessed of; a considerable number of innocent persons were sacrificed to the distempered imagination, or perhaps wicked hearts of such as pretended to be bewitched." His connection with the witchcraft situation has for two and a quarter centuries been both praised and condemned by students of New England history. After the rebellious colonies had turned Andros' government upside down and erected what was known as a "provisional government" without any authority whatever, they had held courts as formerly and had tried and convicted witches. When Phips arrived upon the scene their prisons and jails were overcrowded with imprisoned men and women accused of witchcraft. The new charter was then in force and it empowered the General Court to establish judicatories and courts of record; the judges to be appointed by the governor. No meeting of the general court could be held for several months. The prisoners were demanding trial as their right. An emergency existed. Following English precedents the governor issued a commission for a court of Oyer and Terminer and appointed justices to try the witchcraft cases. Phips had fallen in with Increase Mather in London where they had renewed their acquaintance and became close friends. Mather had in a way made him governor, and together they had brought home a charter that the people had been struggling for many years. Witchcraft was a part of their religious creed. This belief among the people was waning but they knew with what intensity the Mathers yet adhered to it. And the Mathers too were wily and astute politicians. It was felt among many that the governor was influenced by them. In the language of today Increase Mather was looked upon as the "boss" of a powerful political and theological machine, and Phips was suspected of being a part of it. To add to the other unfortunate conditions, Phips hurriedly went to Maine which was a duty that he could not longer delay. The distressed settlers along these coasts and bays were on the brink of utter ruin and extermination at the hands of the savages. This expedition saved these settlements, but while these were being saved, at home they were violently fighting Satan by trying, convicting and hanging men and women for being children of the devil. He was absent three months and during the time much evil had been done. These are briefly the grounds upon which those who have blamed Phips have rested their case. While he was away the tide in public sentiment was turning against the pro-witchcrafters. Leaders among Puritans who had long been jealous of the power that the Mathers wielded over the people, even though they have not have become sincere -converts to the progressive ideas regarding witchcraft, readily realized that it was at least "good politics" to join the liberals. On the other hand, it is an historical fact that Governor Phips immediately upon his return suspended the court, freed the prisoners and pardoned all who were left alive and suspected of being possessed of devils. This cannot be gainsaid. His critics only reply is that he was not sincere in his position. It is now impossible for any but an infinite mind to determine what was in the hearts of a human being two hundred and twenty-seven years ago. Hence we -are inclined to give good intentions the benefit of the doubt. And after quite a careful study of what facts are now attainable we believe they sustain this view. It is almost paradoxical to apply the words "liberal minded" to any of the forefathers of those days of darkness. And yet there is much to be said in favor of Phips in this regard. Cotton Mather speaks several times of his belief in "liberty of conscience" which was quite radical at that time, and other things which hint of a glimmer of light in this direction. He was never popular with many of the Puritan leaders other than the Mathers, which fact may also be reckoned in his favor as his friendship for them was apparently more upon personal than political or religious ties. The "Salem witchcraft" so called, is a picture disgraceful and revolting when viewed from any angle whatsoever. All of the grim Puritans, and they were many, can never efface the blackness of this inhuman and abhorrent affair from New England's page in history. It is a woeful demonstration as to what depths of degradation and insane cruelty and unbridled adherence to religious lead the human mind into. The Mathers were among the ablest exponents of the doctrine of witchcraft and defenders of the righteousness of punishing it by is, therefore, interesting to read Cotton Mather's historic account of the proceedings of his friend Phips in ending these accursed doings. When he arrives at this period in the life of Phips, he devotes several pages in attempting to establish the truth of witchcraft. He begins by saying: Now, the arrival of Sir William Phips to the government of New England was at a time when a governor would have had occasion for all the skill that was ever necessary to a Jewish Counsellor; a time for people had newly fallen under a prodigious possession it was then generally thought had been by witchcrafts introduced. It is to be confessed and bewailed, that many inhabitants of New England, and young people especially, had been led away with little sorceries, wherein they "did secretly those things that were not right against the Lord their God." Flashy people may burlesque these things, but when hundreds of the most sober people in a country where they have as much mother-wit certainly as the rest of mankind, know them to be true, nothing but the absurd and forward spirit of Sadducism can question them. I have not yet mentioned so g that Will not be justified, if it be required by the oaths rate persons than any that can ridicule these odd phenomena. He seems intent upon finding some way to excuse and exonerate the governor for doing the noblest act of his life. And he finally seems compelled to say this. much: Sir William Phip's now beheld such deamons hideously scattering fire about country, in the exasperation which the minds of men were on these sin unto; and therefore when he had well canvassed a cause, which might have puzzled the wisdom of the wisest men on earth to have , without any error in their administrations, he thought, if it would be any error at all, it would certainly be the safe for him *** all future prosecutions as far as it lay in him to do it." For the performance of this duty, the queen of England, as Mather says, wrote him "those gracious letters." She commended his conduct and thanked him for it in the name of humanity. His administration of colonial affairs proved of great benefit to the struggling settlers on the coast of Maine whose sufferings and destitution had been overlooked and sadly neglected tinder the rule of Andros. He fostered trade and industries among Maine people and especially encouraged shipping. He has been called by writers the founder of American ship building. He was full of energy and traveled into every portion of the colony to study the conditions of the people, to understand their needs and devise means for their relief and assistance. Regardless of the opposition which he encountered. we believe that he stands out conspicuously in the annals of those times as a personage of high integrity, unblemished honor, lofty purposes and a constant desire to promote the welfare of the people. All writers have generally agreed that he was the first public man in New England to see clearly that a mere defensive policy against France and against their Indian allies was useless; that if England was to be properly defended she must be defended, n the Kennebec, but on the St. Lawrence. Till that policy be carried out the best plan was to threaten the enemy and hold him in check by a line of outposts In pursuance of this policy He established two forts, one at Pemaquid and one near the mouth Saco. In a manuscript account of Pemaquid (supra) it is stated that "the principal fort was built by Sir William Phips, when Governor of Massachusetts; in 1692, accompanied Maj. Church, he proceeded with a force of 450 men to Pemaquid, and laid the foundations of this fort, which, in the language of an old writer, ' was the finest thing in these parts of America." From that nine on the colonies were more and more assertive in their demands that the English government should better protect them from the French menace. This spirit springing from the patriotism and foresight of Sir William Phips grew with the recurring events until such patriots as Sir William Pepperell General Samuel Waldo and their compeers a half century later enforced its edicts at Louisburg and in the French wars. And this was in spite of England's continuous diplomatic folly and an unpardonable lack of interest on their part in American affairs. In this way the spirit of nationalism and a desire for independence grew-the manifest indifference of England to the protection of -her colonies weakening the ties that bound them until its fruition was complete at Lexington and Bunker Hill. Some writers have belittled him as rough, uncouth and irritable in his manners and intercourse with men. Two authors, John Gorham Palfrey and J.A. Doyle, M.A., and Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, have each produced valuable works on New England history, both the result of careful research. The former says of him: "Sir William though rough enough at times, had powers of personal attraction." The latter observes that "the rough, hot-tempered, self-made seaman such predecessors as Winthrop, or even Bradstreet, what Andrew Jackson was to the younger Adams." " That Phips could have served as governor in such stormy times as fell to his lot, without encountering opposition, is hardly conceivable This came, we believe, largely from those envious of him and who were plotting and intriguing against him. He interfered as it has been said, in summary fashion with one Brenton, collector of customs at Boston. This resulted in an altercation between them. Doyle believes that "Phip's had influential enemies in England ready to make the most of his errors and his unpopularity." It finally resulted in a petition to the king to have him removed. As soon as this occurred he went to, England and while making ready to appear before the king in answer to the charges, he was taken suddenly ill and died in London Mather says he left Boston November 17, 1694, and died in London February 18, 1695. Portraitures of his personal appearance have been drawn by numerous writers since he was the shepherd boy of Woolwich. We apprehend, however, that all have been suggested by the description of Mather, his pastor and intimate friend. This is what he said: Reader, 'tis time for us to view a little more to the life, the picture of the person, the actions of whose life we have hitherto been looking upon. Know then, that for his exterior, he was one tall, beyond the common set of men and thick as well as tall, and strong as well as thick; he was, in all respects, exceedingly robust, and able to conqour such difficulties 'of diet and of travel, as would have killed most men alive; nor did the fat, whereinto he grew very much in his later years, take away the vigour of his motions. He was well set, and he was therewithal of a very comely, though a very manly countenance; a countenance where any true skill in physiognomy would have read the character of a generous mind. Wherefore passing to his interior, the very first thing which there offered itself unto observation, was a most incomparable generosity." At the time of his death, the president of Harvard University delivered "a funeral oration" which Mather quotes as follows: This province is beheaded, and lyes a bleeding. A GOVERNOUR is taken away. who was a merciful man; Some think too merciful; and if so, 'tis best erring on that hand; and a righteous man; who, when be had great opportunities of gaining by injustice, did refuse to do so, He was a known friend unto the best interests unto the Churches of God; not ashamed of owning them. No: how often have I heard him expressing his desires to be an instrument of good unto them! He was a zealous lover of his country, if any man in the world were so: lie exposed him self to serve it; he ventured his life to save it: in that a true Nehemiah, a governour that "sought the welfare of his people." He was one who did not seek to have the government cast upon him: no, but instead thereof, to my knowledge, be did several times petition the King that his people might always enjoy the 'great privilege of chusing their own governour: And I heard him express his desires that it might be so to several of the chief ministers of state in the Court of England He is now dead, and not capable of being flattered; but this I must testify concerning him that though by the providence of God I have been with him at home and abroad, near at home and afar off, by land and by -,ca, T never saw him do any evil action, or heard him speak anything unbecoming a Christian. The circumstances of his death seem to intimate the anger of God, in that he was 'in the midst of his days' removed; and I know (though few did) that he had great purposes in his heart, which probably would have taken effect, if he lived a few months longer, to the great advantage of this province; but now he is gone, there is not a man living in the world capacitated for those undertakings; New England knows not yet what they have lost! Courtesy of Androscoggin Historical Society ************************************************* * * * * NOTICE: Printing the files within by non-commercial individuals and libraries is encouraged, as long as all notices and submitter information is included. Any other use, including copying files to other sites requires permission from the submitters PRIOR to uploading to any other sites. 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