Noxubee County MsArchives Military Records.....The Noxubee Squadron Of The First MS Cavalry, Part 3 
Civilwar 1st MS Cavalry, CSA
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The Noxubee Squadron Of The First MS Cavalry, Part 3
THROUGH ALABAMA.

  We left Columbus, full of hope and confidence, and passed through Tuscaloosa,
Montevallo, Talladega, and Anniston, on our way to Rome, Ga. The pellucid
streams, the charming valleys, and the encircling mountains, as well as the
hospitable citizens of towns and country, all contributed to our comfort and
happiness. This region had not yet been ravaged by hostile bands nor traversed
by many Confederates. We naturally gave way to feelings of joy and gladness
while we could, for well we knew that erelong we should experience a rude
contrast to these pacific and delightful scenes.

  On May 15th, we arrived at Rome. General Jackson being away, Armstrong
commanded the division, Pinson our brigade, and Montgomery our regiment. Early
next morning, Ross's brigade encountered a strong force of Federal cavalry, and
Montgomery with the First Mississippi was sent to support Ross. After a short
and sharp skirmish, the enemy became satisfied and retired, having met much
stouter resistance than had been expected.

ADAIRSVILLE.

  We then rode all night and joined Johnston's army at Adairsville by daylight
on the 17th, and immediately went into action on Wheeler's right. Here let me
say in passing that from that day till the fall of Jonesboro on September 1st,
we were so constantly engaged in skirmishing, scouting, and picketing, that it
would be too tedious to go into minute details, and I shall undertake simply to
tell something of the more important engagements in which we took part. General
Jackson was kept too busy to find time to write reports and left no record of
the operations of his command from May 6th to May 31st, nor from July 14th to
October 9th, 1864.

  As stated above, we were sent to Wheeler's aid, when he was doing his utmost
to hold the enemy in check. The Federals, however, brought forward heavy
reinforcements and drove Wheeler and Armstrong back. Then, Hardee's corps was
ordered out to resist the enemy's advance and Armstrong's brigade was ordered to
support Hardee. In Johnston's Narrative, it is simply stated that Jackson's
cavalry had joined his army and that with Hardee's corps they had checked the
advance of Sherman. In fact, we fought in line with Hardee's corps for more than
three hours and did not yield an inch of terrain; and our brigade lost 31. Being
in the woods, we were somewhat protected, for we did not scruple to utilize
every available tree, log, or stump as a shelter from bullets. The Twenty-eighth
lost more heavily than the First Mississippi, because it was the first of our
regiments to get into the fight and was somewhat more exposed than the First. We
made a most favorable impression on our infantry in line behind us, and they
cheered us lustily as we were ordered to the rear. After dark, our army fell
back, and we again marched all night to get into proper position on the left
flank of the army to cover the retreat. Every old trooper of Armstrong's brigade
now living will remember that night. It was the second night we passed in the
saddle with a busy day intervening. As short halts occurred at long intervals,
the men would throw themselves on the ground to snatch a few minutes of sleep;
but a great majority of us had learned to sleep in the saddle, and thus we fared
better than our faithful horses.

CASSVILLE.
  On the morning of the 18th, we reached Cassville. Our brigade was ordered out
immediately to repel hostile cavalry advancing rapidly and but four miles away
on the Fairmount road. In a lively skirmish for some hours, we inflicted some
loss on the enemy and drove them from the field. We were then, to our
gratification, ordered to go into camp behind the infantry. We needed both rest
and food. Gladly we unsaddled our horses and fed them bountifully, and then we
drew rations for ourselves.

  Next day, May 19th, we had but little to do, though there was firing along the
whole front all day, as the enemy continued to press the rear-guard. Late in the
afternoon, a ringing battle-order from General Johnston was read in every
regiment, awakening the greatest enthusiasm in every breast. The position
assigned to Armstrong's brigade was on the extreme left of the army, adjoining
Polk's corps. So thither we marched and bivouacked there about 9 o'clock that
night. To our great surprise on awakening in the morning, our army had fallen
back. Wheeler on the east and Jackson on the west screened the movements of the
infantry.

NEW HOPE CHURCH.

  On the 28th, our brigade was ordered to occupy some trenches on the left of
Bates' division. In our immediate front, the trees and undergrowth were thick
and effectually hid from our view the Federal works not more than two hundred
yards away. General Armstrong had orders from General Bates at a given signal to
charge the hostile entrenchments, supposed by General Bates to be held by a mere
line of skirmishers. We were under the impression that Bates would advance
synchronously with us. Late in the afternoon the signal gun was fired, and with
a wild yell we leaped from the trenches and rushed forward, the First
Mississippi being next to Bates' men. We drove the enemy from his works and
captured a battery. Bates' men failed to move forward; and, in consequence, the
enemy rallied, and enfiladed us, thus compelling us to withdraw and to abandon
the captured battery and leave our dead and some wounded on the field. With
others under the immediate eye of Lieutenant Foote, Willis Hunter had been
desperately wounded, and Jack White and J. G. Deupree were ordered to carry him
back to our field hospital. To do this was one of the most trying experiences we
had during the war, for the Federals returning to their works concentrated rifle
and cannon fire upon us as soon as our line began to withdraw. Missiles of death
coming from behind are far more frightful than when coming from the front, and
every moment we felt that we would be struck down, but somehow we carried our
burden through and committed dear Willis to the hospital. He was another of the
famous Hunter group to give his life to the cause, for he died within a few
days. He and I had been schoolmates at Howard College, where he was universally
esteemed. I recall the name of another member of our Squadron killed here, that
of Ed Crawford, also a gallant soldier, a member of Company F. The total loss in
our brigade was 171, almost equally distributed among our regiments. We lost
many excellent officers and none better than Captains Herrin and Turner of the
First Mississippi, who fell within the enemy's entrenchments. Had Bates'
division advanced with us, we might have held the Federal works and brought off
many prisoners. Our charge was made down one hill and up another, the opposing
battery being on the crest of the hill and directly in front of our regimental
centre. Behind the battery were strong earthworks filled with soldiers, thus
rendering it impossible for us to hold what we had gained, when the right of our
regiment, by Bates' men not coming forward, was thus exposed to enfilading fire
by those Federals immediately fronting Bates. But when we reoccupied our own
trenches, we hoped the Federals would then assail us, as we thought "turn about
would be fair play", and we were sanguine that we could give them a hotter
reception than they had given us. But they were content to shell us from a
distance more or less continuously during the night. The prisoners we captured
were amazed to find, as they said, "the Confederate infantry wearing spurs",
mistaking us for the "web-footed", because we had assailed them so furiously.

  On June 2d, Sherman withdrew from our immediate front and extended his lines
still further around Johnston's right wing. While Sherman and Johnston were
playing their game of strategy for many weeks and thousands of good men were
shedding their blood, our cavalry were engaged more or less every day in
skirmishes with detachments of the enemy, but with slight losses as compared
with those we believed we had inflicted on our foe. The Federal cavalry, as
estimated by General Johnston, numbered more .than 15,000, greatly exceeding the
combined cavalry of Wheeler and Jackson; and they were far better equipped. So
we were kept exceedingly busy, watching their maneuvers and thwarting their plans.

LOST MOUNTAIN.

On June 5th, our regiment was on top of Lost Mountain, whence we had a grand
view of Sherman's vast army encircling Johnston's and gradually outflanking it
on one wing or the other, thus forcing it to yield one position after another in
order to maintain communication with Atlanta. Some of our companies had quite a
skirmish near the base of the mountain with a detachment of Federal infantry
to-day, who were evidently searching for Johnston's left wing, that they might
find some way to get in his rear. As we held the higher ground, we readily drove
the Federals within their own lines.

DEATH OF GENERAL POLK.

  Early on the morning of June 14th, Generals Johnston, Hardee, and Polk, rode
to the top of Pine Mountain to inspect the position of Bates' division. The
captain of a Federal battery six hundred yards in front observed the
distinguished group and opened fire upon them. The third shot struck General
Polk and passed through his chest from left to right, killing him instantly.
This sudden death of the eminent Christian and fearless soldier, who had
distinguished himself in every battle fought by the army of Tennessee, produced
the deepest sorrow among all the troops, and more especially in his own corps,
to which we practically belonged. General Polk had been a classmate of President
Davis at West Point and they were devoted personal friends. Had General Polk
lived a few weeks longer, he might have prevailed upon President Davis not to
remove Johnston from the command of this army, and thus the fall of the
Confederacy might have been indefinitely postponed.

IN REAR OF SHERMAN.

  In the last days of June, General Armstrong was ordered to select a detachment
from his brigade, consisting of twenty-five men from each company, and cut the
railroad between Etowah and Alatoona. Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery was in
command of the men from our regiment, who had been selected because our horses
were in the best condition. We took with us five days' cooked rations. The
strictest secrecy was observed lest any inkling of the expedition or its purpose
might reach the enemy; for it was a matter of great importance that we should
get into the rear of Sherman's army without being discovered. Moving west for
some miles and then turning north, we eluded the hostile outposts and got too
far ahead of them to be overtaken, if we should be discovered and pursued,
before we could strike the railroad. Whether we could ever get back was
altogether another question, which we would have time enough to consider when
the emergency came. We passed directly across our old battlefield at New Hope
Church, and to our astonishment every tree was dead, evidently having been
killed by the countless scores of bullets from the rifles of Federals and
Confederates, striking the trees from near the ground to ten and twenty feet
above. Many trees had been entirely cut down by minie balls and cannon shot,
even trees more, than three feet in circumference. Passing on rapidly, we
reached the railroad somewhat north of Alatoona, dispersed a force of cavalry
and infantry, and captured more than forty prisoners, without incurring any loss
whatever. Having fewer than 900 men and no artillery, Armstrong found Alatoona
too strongly garrisoned and fortified to be successfully assailed. He,
therefore, destroyed the railroad so far as possible, and with his prisoners
moved west ten miles and bivouacked for the night. We found abundant forage for
the horses in the wheatfields.

  Next morning, Armstrong lingered here, hoping he might find an opportunity to
capture a wagon train or a cavalry detachment; but none came in sight during the
day. Late in the afternoon, after giving Montgomery orders to remain here
twenty-four hours longer, Armstrong with the detachments from his other
regiments and with the prisoners set out towards Lost Mountain, going first west
and then south, somewhat in the same way he had come. Montgomery, apprehensive
that he might be discovered, concealed his troops as much as possible in a
thicket, passed the night quietly with pickets out on all roads; but spent the
next day more or less in dread of encountering a superior force, supposing, of
course, that cavalry would be sent in pursuit of us. However, the appointed hour
came, and just before night we were all exceedingly glad to start on our return
to Lost Mountain. We moved off rapidly, in order to put ten miles or more
between us and possible pursuers. We spent the latter portion of the night in
thick woods, but daylight found us again in the saddle, going rapidly and
diverging but little from the route we had come. At noon we halted in a deep
valley to feed and rest our horses. It was raining hard, but that made no
difference, for we had long since grown accustomed to getting wet, as it had
rained on us during the last forty-five days, day or night without exception. We
reached camp just before night, fed our horses, and drew rations for ourselves.
Horses and men then enjoyed a night of solid and undisturbed repose.

ON THE CHATTAHOOCHEE.

  Next morning we learned that Sherman was still extending his right wing, and
by the 2d of July General Johnston reported that Sherman's right was nearer
Atlanta than our left, thus threatening the railroad bridge and Turner's ferry.
But on July 1st a division of Georgia State troops had come to support Jackson's
cavalry, which opposed the Federal advance on our extreme left. .On July 4th,
General Smith withdrew his Georgians within their intrenchments and thus
necessitated our yielding some ground. We had been constantly engaged since the
1st of July, incurring some losses, as we fought outside the entrenchments.
After crossing the Chattahoochee on July 5th, we were kept busy guarding the
river for twenty miles below Atlanta. General Johnston's Narrative says: "On
July 14th, a division of of [sic] Federal cavalry crossed the river by Moore's
bridge near Newnan, but was driven back by Armstrong's brigade, which had been
sent by General Jackson to meet it". Newnan is forty miles southwest from
Atlanta on the railroad leading to West Point, Ga. The enemy's cavalry intended
to cut this important artery of communication with one of our sources of supply.
But we made a forced march and intercepted the Federals before they reached the
railroad, and with but one brigade we drove back their division, with
considerable loss to them and little to us. We then destroyed Moore's bridge and
awaited orders.

  The morning of July 19th dawned. O fateful day! and never to be forgotten!
Just as we began moving out in obedience to orders to intercept this same
cavalry division, Colonel Pinson informed us of Johnston's removal from the
command of the Army of Tennessee and the substitution of Hood in his place. We
were greatly surprised and deeply grieved. We could scarcely believe it
possible. We marched rapidly to head off the Federals who were on a raid to West
Point, and we rode hard all day and all night, and the melancholy gloom that
overshadowed officers and men can never be told. We believed that the hopes of
the Confederacy rested largely on Johnston, for we knew well with what alacrity
he had always been obeyed, the absolute confidence the army had reposed in him,
the matchless skill with which he had thus far outwitted Sherman, and the great
losses he had inflicted on the Federals at comparatively small cost to the
Confederates; and we felt sure that Johnston would have administered a crushing
blow when Sherman's army was divided in crossing Peach Tree Creek. It was the
universal conviction of the army that Joseph E. Johnston was one of our greatest
commanders, ranking with Albert Sidney Johnston and Robert E. Lee, and that his
removal was equal to the loss of one half of the army. Even to this day, the
theme is too sad to dwell upon, and I turn from it and resume the thread of my
story.

IN CAMP ON BATTLEFIELD.

  Our all day and all night ride ended at La Grange. The enemy had turned back
without reaching West Point, so soon as he learned that we were in position to
cut off his retreat, in case he advanced further. After a few days, we were
ordered back to Atlanta and arrived there on July 24th, after the memorable
battle of the 22d. I will not say what impression Hood made on us and on the
army; but he was in authority and we must obey without question. Colonel Pinson
reported to Hood in person, and our regiment was ordered to pass through Atlanta
and go into camp on the battlefield of July 22d. The scene was horrible;
decomposing horses were lying scattered in all directions; the dead of both
armies had been buried in shallow graves, barely covered with earth; legs, arms,
and heads might be seen protruding; and the green flies were so multitudinous,
that it was well-nigh impossible to prepare food or to eat it. But the position
was important and must be held. The hostile infantry had been withdrawn from our
immediate front in order to continue the extension of their right wing. We had,
however, minor engagements with bodies of cavalry and easily repelled their
attacks. We fought with them for the corn in a field lying between us and them,
and we got our full share of the corn. We were here because temporarily all of
Wheeler's cavalry were employed elsewhere. Early on the 28th, however, we were
relieved from this disagreeable place and ordered to join our brigade on the
Lick Skillet road northwest of Atlanta on the extreme left of our army.

BATTLE OF THE 28TH.

  Our regiment was sent to relieve a Georgia regiment at the edge of a skirt of
woods, which bordered an open field two hundred yards wide along our front. As
our pickets took intervals and began to cross this field, they were suddenly
fired upon, and the woods beyond the field were full of "blue-coats" advancing
in line of battle. We could not yield without resistance, for we must give
warning to the brigade. A brief, sharp skirmish resulted, in which J. J. Hunter,
of Company F, was sure he killed one Federal; and it was clear that we were
facing not less than a brigade and possibly a division. But we retired slowly
through the woods, firing from every stump and tree and prostrate log into the
ranks of the enemy. As we were steady veterans, good shots, with good guns, we
must have done considerable execution. The caution displayed in their advance
attested somewhat the accuracy of our marksmanship. We halted on the crest of
the next hill, protecting ourselves more or less behind houses and fences. As
the enemy came on in close array, they suffered heavily, while our loss was
comparatively light. Seeing, however, that we could not stop their persistent
advance, Colonel Pinson ordered us to withdraw to the next hill and mount our
horses. But as we gained the summit of the hill, we heard a noise in the woods
back of our horses and were overjoyed to meet a brigade from S. D. Lee's corps
on the double quick hastening to our support. It goes without saying, the
advance of the Federals was instantly checked. Thus was brought on the battle of
the 28th of July, and this was our part in it. Both sides brought up
reinforcements, each extending its battle-line eastward. Lee's whole corps and
A. P. Stewart's came into action, and the battle raged till night, according to
Hood without material advantage to either belligerent. Each failed to dislodge
the other. Losses were heavy, perhaps not less than from 4,000 to 5,000 to
either the Federals or the Confederates.

  Meanwhile, Jackson with his two other brigades and Wheeler's cavalry under
Wheeler and Iverson had been pursuing the Federal commands of Stoneman and
McCook. On the 29th, a telegram from Wheeler stated: "We have just completed the
killing, capturing, and breaking up of the entire raiding party under General
McCook, capturing 950 unwounded prisoners, two pieces of artillery, and 1200
horses and equipments." On the same day, a dispatch from Iverson said: "General
Stoneman, after being routed yesterday, surrendered 500 of his men; the rest are
scattered and fleeing towards Eatonton; and many have already been killed and
captured." Armstrong's brigade regretted not being permitted to participate in
these brilliant achievements, though just as profitably employed in guarding the
left flank of Hood's army.

DEFEAT OF KILPATRICK.

  After the battle of the 28th, Atlanta was regularly besieged and this lasted a
month. Wheeler was sent north to interrupt Sherman's communications. Sherman,
taking advantage of Wheeler's absence, made yet another attempt to cut the Macon
railroad by sending for this purpose a strong detachment of cavalry under
General Kilpatrick, who passed rapidly around our left. General Jackson with two
brigades pursued, and Pinson's regiment and most of Armstrong's brigade followed
shortly afterwards. Kilpatrick had crossed the railroad at Jonesborough, burned
the depot, and torn up several miles of track, before he was overtaken by
Jackson. General Ross had thrown his brigade across Kilpatrick's path while our
brigade under Armstrong was pressing him in the rear. As the Texans were between
Kilpatrick and safety by flight, he withdrew the force fighting us, formed his
troops into column by companies and charged through Ross' thin line that had
been stretched out to cover Kilpatrick's front. The heroic Texans, firing first
in the faces of the advancing Federals and then at their backs after they had
passed on, inflicted heavy losses on them. Likewise, the men of King's battery,
right in the road of Kilpatrick's charging column, fired into it one or two
rounds as it came on; then, dodging under their guns till the last company of
Kilpatrick's column had passed, they rose, wheeled their guns around, and again
fired into the retreating column. Afterwards, Armstrong followed rapidly on the
heels of Kilpatrick and brought him to bay. Pinson was ordered to dismount his
regiment and begin the attack. This he did promptly and furiously. We routed
Kilpatrick's rear-guard and drove it pell-mell a mile or more, though for awhile
they put up a stout resistance. Here, our loss was about fifty, killed and
wounded, and we killed, wounded, and captured many more than fifty. At length,
on a high ridge the Federals made another stand, but before we could assail
them, or Armstrong could bring up the regiments already mounted, the Federals
remounted and fled precipitately.

  The Federal dead and wounded were left on the field and many unwounded were
also captured. Kilpatrick's sole aim now was to escape. This he did. I regret I
cannot give the names of our killed and wounded, other than of two of the
bravest of the Noxubee Squadron, Tommy Staunton and Hall Haynes, both members of
Company F. In charging through the Texans in line of battle, the Federals had
little time or thought for anything else than flight; but as they reached the
Texan horseholders and horses, they stampeded these horses and carried off as
prisoners a few of the horse-holders, all of whom, however, succeeded in getting
away and coming back to Ross during the night. Most of Kilpatrick's artillery
horses and pack-mules were killed, and his cannon and rich supplies of food and
forage were abandoned. As night had fallen, and further pursuit was useless,
Colonel Pinson ordered us back into camp. That night, every man of us had
genuine coffee in abundance and all the good edibles heart could wish; and our
horses had corn, oats, and hay,-all they could devour.

IN SHERMAN'S FRONT.

  Next day, we received orders to hasten back to the left of Hood's army, for
Sherman had begun his flank movement in earnest, because, as he says in his
book, his cavalry either could not or would not disable a railroad; and,
therefore, he had resolved to throw his infantry on the railroad in rear of
Hood. As Sherman extended his left, Armstrong was always found in his front to
obstruct his advance. One day we held a rocky ridge facing west with an open
view for at least a mile across a cultivated field; and along a road on the
opposite ridge we watched for a long while thousands and thousands of infantry
march South. We had no artillery and the range was too great for effective use
of our carbines. The Federals, however, not relishing our constant firing into
their moving column, deployed not less than a brigade and slowly drove back the
First Mississippi. Late in the day, the head of Sherman's column crossed the
railroad near Fairburn; during the day we had captured a few prisoners from
three different corps, indicating that at least three-fourths of Sherman's army
were engaged in this movement.

  We had kept General Hood fully advised of the progress of events, and at last
he was convinced, as we had been for many days, that Sherman was moving with his
whole army, that his purpose was to destroy the Macon railroad, and that the
fate of Atlanta depended on the possibility of defeating Sherman. Our infantry
and artillery then in the neighborhood of Atlanta had been reduced to about
35,000 men. Wheeler with 4,500 men was doing valuable service in the region
around Chattanooga, but service useless in the present emergency. Jackson with
two of his brigades was busy elsewhere, and only Armstrong's brigade of about
1,500 men was in Sherman's immediate front. After crossing the West Point
railroad, Sherman's progress was slow. The country was open and Armstrong
availed himself of every desirable position at which he could offer even
temporary resistance and retard somewhat the march of Sherman's immense column.
On the 30th of August, we crossed the Flint River not many miles from Jonesboro,
whither Hood had dispatched the brigades of Lewis and Reynolds to reinforce
Armstrong. We halted on the south bank of the Flint and for awhile offered stout
resistance. But the enemy crossed above and below us about 6 o'clock in the
afternoon, and this compelled us to withdraw.

  Our next stand was on a ridge at right angles to the road. We had a broad open
field in front and woods behind us. We piled up rails as a fortification and
sent our horses to the rear under the hill. First a heavy line of skirmishers
advanced against us. Waiting till they were well within range, we fired a volley
and they retreated rapidly over the hill, leaving their dead and wounded behind
them. But soon appeared two solid lines of infantry, and at least one battery of
artillery opened fire upon us. The first shots went wild above our heads; but,
soon getting the range, they fired with greater precision of aim, causing our
rails to fly in all directions, and rendering our position more dangerous than
in the open. I distinctly remember that one member of our Noxubee Cavalry, a new
recruit and a noted street "bully" at home that would fight even a wild-cat in a
fisticuff encounter, at this moment threw down his gun, turned his back to the
foe, and fled as fast as his legs could carry him. We never saw him again. I do
not care to reproduce his name, as some respectable descendant might grieve over
his cowardice. We were ordered to get in front of our rail-piles; but this
position was tenable only a short time, since the Federal line extended far
beyond ours on each flank and enabled them to enfilade us.

JONESBORO.

  When we reached Jonesboro, we found Lewis' brigade in the trenches. We
dismounted and joined them. Reynolds' brigade had not yet come. Early the next
morning, the enemy massed heavy forces, used long-range artillery, and drove us
out. Hardee's corps coming a little too late assaulted the works of the enemy in
vain, losing about 1,400 in killed and wounded. Lee's corps arrived still later.
Had these two corps been twelve hours earlier, the result at Jonesboro would
have been different. Hood then assembled his whole army at Lovejoy and Sherman
took possession of Atlanta.

PALMETTO.

  After the removal of the Federal prisoners from Andersonville, the destruction
of railroads radiating from Atlanta, the strengthening of the fortifications of
Macon, Augusta, and Columbus, the recall of Wheeler's cavalry from Tennessee,
and the transfer of all army supplies to the West Point railroad, Hood on the
18th of September began to extend his left towards the Chattahoochee, which his
advance reached on the 19th. He formed his line of battle on the 20th, his right
east of the railroad and his left resting near the river, with headquarters at
Palmetto. On the 28th, Jackson's cavalry advanced, a detachment being sent to
operate against the railroad between Marietta and the Chattahoochee. The First
Mississippi captured a long and well loaded train of cars with its guard
complete. Kilpatrick's cavalry was north of the Chattahoochee and Girard's had
gone in the direction of Rome.

ALATOONA.

  At Alatoona, large supplies were stored, guarded by a brigade of infantry well
entrenched, which General French's division had been ordered to capture. A
squadron from Pinson's First Mississippi under Capt. Tobe Taylor accompanied
French and served as eyes and ears for him. We tore up considerable stretches of
the railroad; but when Sherman's army on its march north came too close and
threatened to cut off our communication with Hood, General French, having
captured only a portion of the Federal works and destroyed them, despite his
several desperate assaults, retreated westward and rejoined Hood.

DALTON.

  On October 10th, our cavalry was dispatched to hold in check the Federals at
Rome; and on the 11th Hood's army marched towards Resaca and Dalton, and on the
13th captured the latter place with more than 1,000 prisoners. Wheeler's cavalry
was resisting and retarding Sherman's march north. Hood had planned to give
battle, but his corps-commanders advised him that it would be unwise with less
than 35,000 effectives to risk an engagement with 65,000 veterans, flushed with
recent victory. Hood next conceived the idea of moving into Tennessee.
Beauregard, commanding the Department, assented but directed Hood to leave
Wheeler's cavalry to protect Georgia from state-wide depredation by Sherman's
army. Then, as Sherman turned south, Hood moved north and on Nov. 13th
established headquarters at Florence.

DEATH OF CAPTAIN KING.

  A few days previously, Captain King of the Noxubee Cavalry, who had long
entertained a presentiment that he would be killed, while riding at the head of
his company and leading the advance of Armstrong's brigade, was struck centrally
in the forehead by a minie-ball and instantly killed, to the utter amazement of
all. Na one was apprehensive of danger, not an enemy was in sight, and no firing
was heard in any direction. We were ascending a hill but could not yet see over
it. Evidently, the ball had been fired by a Federal sharpshooter from a
long-range gun and was on its descending trajectory when it struck Captain King.
King's presentiment like that of Bealle previously mentioned in this narrative
was thus realized. His death was deeply lamented, for he was universally
popular. First Lieutenant T. J. Deupree from this time till the end of the war
commanded the Noxubee Cavalry. After mounting the hill and advancing more than a
mile, we discovered the enemy's line, and a brief but sharp skirmish followed,
in which among the first to fall was Lieutenant Henley of the Noxubee Troopers.
Thus in less than an hour our Squadron lost two of the best officers we ever had.

DEFEAT OF COON.

  On Nov. 18th, General N. B. Forrest, in obedience to orders from General
Beauregard, reported to General Hood. Then Jackson's division, that is, the
brigades of Ross and Armstrong, were added to Forrest's command. Now in command
of all the cavalry of Hood's army, numbering about 5,000 effectives, Forrest
moved out from Florence in advance of the infantry and went into camp on Shoal
Creek. Thence, Buford's and Jackson's divisions were ordered to advance
northward over the military road. Next day, Nov. 19th, a foraging detachment
from Buford's division, while gathering corn, came suddenly into contact with a
Federal brigade of cavalry under Colonel Datus Coon of Hatch's division, which
charged the Kentuckians so vigorously and unexpectedly, that they fled and
abandoned two wagons belonging to Buford's headquarters. Fortunately,
Armstrong's brigade was also gathering corn from a field not far away. Upon
hearing the firing, Armstrong promptly led his Mississippians at a gallop to the
scene and fell furiously on the right and rear of the Federals; while Buford's
men, quickly rallying after recovering from their surprise, again faced their
pursuers. The Federals were thus caught between the Mississippians and the
Kentuckians and were roughly handled. They were routed and driven precipitately
and in great disorder from the field, leaving many prisoners and the recaptured
wagons in our hands.

CAVALRY COMPLIMENTED

  Meanwhile, Forrest with his remaining division under Chalmers had set out on
his march towards Nashville, going through Kelly's Forge, and reaching
Henryville on the 23d. On the 22d, Buford and Jackson, coming into Lawrenceburg,
again encountered a portion of Wilson's cavalry, which after slight resistance
retreated towards Pulaski. That our cavalry made itself severely felt is
gracefully acknowledged by Colonel Henry Stone, U. S. A., on the staff of
General George H. Thomas, who says in his report: "The Confederate army began
its northward march from Florence Nov. 19th, in weather of great severity. It
rained and snowed and hailed and froze. Forrest had come up with 6,000 cavalry
and led the advance with indomitable energy. Hatch and Cox made such resistance
as they could; but on the 22d the head of Hood's column was at Lawrenceburg,
sixteen miles west of Pulaski". As the scope of my narrative is designed to give
in the main only the operations in which the Noxubee Squadron of the First
Mississippi took part, I regretfully forbear to recount the brilliant action of
Rucker's brigade, Chalmer's division, under Forrest's own eye at Henryville.

DEFEAT OF HATCH.

  Jackson and Buford continued the pursuit towards Pulaski on separate roads,
and at night on the 23d Jackson learned that the enemy were rapidly evacuating
this portion of Tennessee. Next day, therefore, he moved more directly north and
at Campbellsville found in his front more than a division of cavalry under
Hatch. Promptly making his dispositions to attack, Jackson threw forward a part
of Ross's brigade, while Armstrong's brigade made a wide detour and fell with
fury upon Hatch's right and rear, and at the same time Young's battery from a
favorable ridge opened with telling effect. In a few moments, too, Bu-ford's
guns were heard a mile or more away. He had also come up against the enemy on
his line of pursuit. Thus, Kentuckians, Mississippians, and Texans were all
thrown with a common aim against Hatch. Our fierce attack was, indeed,
irresistible, and the enemy was speedily routed. Buford on his part of the field
charged and captured more than 100 unwounded prisoners; and Jackson's brigades,
pressing their advantage, captured still more, with horses and equipments, four
stands of colors, and sixty-five fat beeves.

BETWEEN COLUMBIA AND FRANKLIN.

  Next day, Buford and Jackson joined Forrest near Columbia. This was Nov. 24th.
Columbia was held by the Fourth and Twenty-third corps under General Schofield
and by Wilson's cavalry, with heavy lines of skirmishers in rifle-pits
encircling the town. General Forrest immediately invested the place and held his
position till the 27th, when Hood's infantry arrived and the Federals began the
evacuation of Columbia by crossing to the north side of Duck River. On the 28th,
the main portion of our cavalry succeeded in effecting a crossing. Forrest's
celerity and boldness in leading Hood's invasion was now giving to General
Thomas at Nashville grave concern for the safety of Schofield's army. After
crossing Duck River we promptly drove back all hostile cavalry on the roads
leading to Spring Hill and Franklin. Before midnight, Forrest with Chalmers'
division was eight miles beyond Columbia on the Spring Hill road, greatly
disappointed to learn that Buford was slow to cross Duck River by reason of the
stubborn resistance he had met and that he could not join him earlier than 8
o'clock on the morning of the 29th. Jackson's division had been directed to move
on the Lewisburg pike towards Franklin. Erelong Armstrong's brigade, being in
the lead, sent back word to Forrest that the enemy had been found in force and
waited for instructions. Forrest ordered Armstrong to hold the enemy and not
press them too closely till he could with Chalmers' division gain their flank
and rear. Forrest then moved rapidly towards Spring Hill with Chalmers' division
and within two miles of the village encountered Union pickets. By this time
Buford had come up and in conjunction with Chalmers advanced against the enemy,
who being well fortified held their position heroically. Strong barricades had
been erected and Coon's brigade of Hatch's division had reinforced the Federals.
By his usual flanking process, however, Forrest at length dislodged them; and
then we were ordered to press them with vigor, which Armstrong was always glad
to do. About this time, Colonel Wilson of the NINETEENTH Tennessee was thrice
wounded while leading his mounted regiment in a desperate charge across an open
field; but he refused to leave his regiment. The fight speedily became general,
and word came from Hood to hold the position at all hazards, and that the head
of the infantry column was only two miles away. Chalmers' division moved upon
the enemy's right. A charge was ordered. Thus the enemy, driven from his
rifle-pits, fled towards Spring Hill. Jackson's division was ordered to ride at
a gallop to Thompson's Station, to hold it, and thus cut off Schofield's
retreat. In obedience to this order, we reached the railroad by 11 o'clock that
night, and found the advance of Stanley's division of Schofield's army passing
north. We assailed them promptly, took possession of the road and held it
firmly, despite their fierce attacks, till daylight. But the odds against us
grew constantly as Schofield's army retreating from Columbia swelled the number
of our assailants, till with overwhelming forces they drove us from their front.
All this time, while we were doing our utmost to hold the pike, Hood with
Cheatham's corps was within easy striking distance; and, if he had thrown
Cheatham's veterans boldly and with vigor upon the Federals, they would have
inevitably been routed and captured. This would have assured the complete
success of Hood's campaign into Tennessee.

  But failure to make the most of this great opportunity gave rise to a bitter
controversy between Hood and Cheatham; and in this connection, I am sure, my
readers will be glad to see the following letter from Governor Isham G. Harris:

                "Memphis, Tenn., May 20th, 1877. 
"Governor JAMES D. PORTER,
      Nashville Tennessee. 
My dear Sir:-
  General Hood on the march to Franklin spoke to me in the presence of Major
Mason of the failure of General Cheatham to make the night attack at Spring
Hill, and censured him in severe terms for disobedience of orders. Soon after
this, being alone with Major Mason, the latter remarked to me that General
Cheatham was not to blame about the matter, that he did not send him the order.
I asked him if he had communicated that fact to General Hood. He answered that
he had not. I replied that it was due General Cheatham that this explanation
should be made. Thereupon, Major Mason joined General Hood and gave him the
information. Afterwards, General Hood said to me that he had done injustice to
General Cheatham, and requested me so to inform him, that he held him blameless
for the failure at Spring Hill; and on the day following the battle of Franklin
I was informed by General Hood that he had addressed a note to General Cheatham
saying that he did not censure him with the failure to attack.
                          "Very respectfully,
                       (signed) ISHAM G. HARRIS."

FRANKLIN.

  On the next day, the 30th, Forrest with his entire force pressed the enemy
closely, until they reached Winstead's Hill, where they were strongly posted and
offered stouter resistance. When Hood's infantry came up, the Federals withdrew
within the fortifications of Franklin. Hood then directed Forrest to take charge
of the cavalry during the impending battle; and, if the assault was successful,
to capture all who attempted to escape. I shall not undertake to describe this
bloody battle. Though our army failed to carry all the breastworks, they made
lodgments in many places and held on firmly till the enemy late at night
withdrew and fled to Nashville.

WILSON'S CROSS-ROADS AND BLOCK-HOUSES.

  Crossing the Harpeth and moving along the Wilson pike, Forrest struck the
enemy in force at Wilson's Cross-roads. Morton's battery was ordered to the
front and opened fire. Buford's division charged, driving the enemy and
capturing many prisoners. Without further resistance, some of our cavalry
pursued the fugitives several miles towards Nashville. As the infantry had come
up, next morning the cavalry began to operate against block-houses and detached
garrisons, and to obstruct navigation on the Cumberland River. Buford's division
captured several important stockades on the 3d and 4th of December. On the 5th,
Jackson's division captured a redoubt near LaVergne with its garrison, two
pieces of artillery, many wagons, and a great quantity of munitions and supplies
of food and forage.

MURFREESBOROUGH.

When Bates' division had come to cooperate with Forrest against Milroy's forces
at Murfreesborough, the cavalry were ordered to picket the pikes leading from
Murfreesborough to Nashville and Lebanon, while the division of Chalmers was
operating successfully along the Cumberland. On the 6th, Forrest made a
reconnaisance in force of the enemy's works at Murfreesborough by advancing in
line of battle Bates' division, two additional brigades of infantry under Sears
and Palmer, and Jackson's cavalry. Skirmishing continued for some hours, and the
Federals withdrew into the intrenchments. Forrest ordered the infantry to remain
in line, while with Pinson's regiment he rode forward to make a careful
inspection of the fortress. This he did very leisurely, as it seemed to us who
escorted him around, exposed to the fire of sharp-shooters more or less all the
time. He satisfied himself that the position was too strong to justify direct
assault, but hoped to hold Milroy there till the battle of Nashville was fought.

  On the morning of the 7th, however, Milroy's forces moved out of
Murfreesborough and advanced with great gallantry, halting now and then to
discharge a volley at our infantry in line of battle. When they had come within
three-hundred yards of Bates' division, those veterans who had faced far greater
odds and held their ground unflinchingly on many a battlefield, became
panic-stricken and from some inexplicable cause broke into wild disorder.
Forrest, in his report says: "The enemy moved boldly forward, driving in my
pickets, when the infantry with the exception of Smith's brigade, from some
cause I cannot explain, made a shameful retreat, losing two pieces of artillery.
I seized the colors of the retreating troops and endeavored to rally them, but
they would not be moved by any entreaty or appeal to their patriotism. Major
General Bate did the same thing, but was as unsuccessful as I. I hurriedly sent
Major Strange of my Staff to Brigadier General Armstrong and to
Brigadier-General Ross of Jackson's division, with orders to say to them that
everything depended on the cavalry. They proved themselves equal to the
emergency by charging on the enemy, thereby checking his further advance".

  As stated in Wyeth's Life of Forrest, Mr. W. A. Galloway of Atlanta, Ga., at
that time an artillerist in Young's battery, says: "I was an eye-witness to an
interesting incident in this battle of Murfreesboro. During the stampede,
Forrest rode among the infantry, ordering the men to rally and doing all in his
power to stop their retreat. As he rode up and down the line, shouting 'Rally,
men, for God's sake, rally!' the panic-stricken soldiers paid no attention to
him. Rushing to a color-bearer who was running for dear life, Forrest ordered
him to halt. Failing to have his command obeyed, he drew his pistol and shot the
retreating soldier down. Forrest dismounted, seized the colors, remounted, and
rode in front of the soldiers, waved the colors, and finally succeeded in
rallying them to their duty."

  The charge made by Armstrong and Ross had checked the Federals, and they
retired immediately within their works. In camp that night, the men of our
company indulged in chess, checkers, cards, and other amusements, necessary to
relieve the anxieties of the day. As is well known, chess is emphatically a game
of war; and our company contained more than a dozen devotees of Caissa. Among
them was our first Captain, H. W. Foote; then, T. J. Deupree, who as First
Lieutenant had been in command of the company since the death of Captain King
near Florence, was an excellent player; also, Lieutenant S. B. Day, James Rives,
Alec McCaskill, Frank Adams, and J. G. Deupree were more or less expert
amateurs. There were others, whose names I cannot now recall. By a seeming
coincidence, Lieutenant Deupree that night was ordered to appear before a board
of officers, presided over by Captain Porter of Memphis, for examination with a
view to his promotion. The Lieutenant rode several miles on the pike towards
Nashville to face this board. On arrival at headquarters, he was at once
challenged to a game of Chess by Captain Porter, who said: "Beat me and I shall
add another bar to your collar, Sir." The reader will bear in mind that a
First-Lieutenant wore two bars and a Captain three. There was no dodging. Porter
opened the game with "Pawn to Queen 4", and proceeded speedily and skillfully to
marshal his forces. The Lieutenant replied with "P to King 3", and having much
at stake concentrated his mind on the game and likewise proceeded to develop his
forces to the best advantage. The game was long and hotly contested. At length,
by a judicious sacrifice of a rook, the Lieutenant overreached the Captain and
effected mate in a style that would have done credit to a Morphy or a
Capablanca. There was no need of further examination. Courage and coolness in
action had been tested in actual battle many times, and intellectual power was
proved in this game of war. Captain Porter and his board unanimously recommended
Deupree's promotion, and thus the Lieutenant became Captain. In this connection,
it may be added that he was a favorite of Colonel Pinson's, who when in command
of the brigade always appointed T. J. Deupree to a staff position.

HOOD'S REAR-GUARD.

  While Buford picketed the Cumberland towards the Hermitage and some infantry
destroyed the railroad from LaVergne to Murfreesboro, Jackson's cavalry operated
south of Murfreesboro and by a brilliant dash captured a train of nineteen cars
and the Sixty-first Illinois Infantry. The train loaded heavily with military
supplies was burned and the prisoners were sent to the rear. Receiving a message
from Hood that a general engagement was in progress in front of Nashville with
instructions to hold his command in readiness to participate, Forrest on the
18th withdrew to Wilkinson's Cross-Roads. Here he received tidings of Hood's
disastrous defeat. He was ordered to fall back towards Duck River, concentrate
the cavalry, and be prepared to fall in the rear of our retreating army.
Chalmers' division, joined by Buford's at Franklin, in conjunction with S. D.
Lee's corps, now in the rear, fought heroically during the 17th and 18th to hold
back the pursuing enemy, who made every possible effort to rout the retreating
column. Though he had been seriously wounded on the 17th, Lee would not
relinquish his command till the safety of his corps was assured. He was then
succeeded by Major-General Stephenson. After reaching Duck River, where he had
purposed to spend the winter, Hood decided that the heavy losses incurred at
Franklin and Nashville had so reduced his strength that he must cross the
Tennessee as soon as possible. Forrest agreed to protect the rear and to check
the relentless pursuit made by Wilson's cavalry and Thomas' infantry, if in
addition to his cavalry, now not more than 3,000 effectives, he could have under
his orders 4,000 select infantry under General E. C. Walthall. Just here, I
shall quote from the report of General Thomas the following pertinent paragraph:

  "Forrest with his cavalry and such other detachments, as had been sent off
from his main army, joined Hood at Columbia. He had formed a powerful
rear-guard, numbering about 4,000 infantry and all his available cavalry. With
the exception of this rearguard, his army had become a disheartened and
disorganized rabble of half-armed and bare-footed men, who sought every
opportunity to fall out by the wayside and desert their cause, so as to put an
end to their sufferings. The rear-guard, however, was undaunted and firm and did
its work bravely to the end."

  In this connection, I also quote the following from Wyeth's Life of Forrest:
"Of the infantry which volunteered its service to cover the Confederate retreat,
fully three hundred were without shoes, and their feet were so badly cut by the
ice and the rocks that they could with difficulty hobble along on foot. The
brave fellows, however, had not lost heart,-but were willing to fight to the
death, if needed. They wrapped pieces of blanket around their raw and bleeding
feet, tied them up with thongs, and trudged .painfully along, staining the snow
and slush as they went, until Forrest ordered some wagons to be emptied of their
contents in order to furnish transportation to these unconquerable men. Whenever
it became necessary to fight off the Union advance, they left their wagons, took
their places in line, and did effective service. When the uncomplaining
sacrifices which these heroic patriots made becomes fully known, historians and
poets will transmit to posterity the thrilling story of the immortal rearguard
of Hood's army under Forrest and Walthall."

RICHLAND CREEK.

  At Richland Creek south of Columbia, Forrest made a stand. Six pieces of
artillery were favorably placed on the main pike, supported by the cavalry. What
impression was made on General Wilson, after coming up and viewing the position,
may be gathered from the following extract from his report: "The pursuit was
resumed on the 24th.    Hood's reorganized rear-guard


118	Mississippi Historical Society.
under the redoubtable Forrest was soon encountered by the cavalry advance-guard;
and Forrest was a leader not to be attacked by a handful of men, however bold.
The few remaining teams and the rabble of Hood's army had been hurried on
towards the Tennessee, marching to Pulaski by turnpike and thence to Bainbridge
by the dirt roads of the country. Hood's rear-guard had thus a clear road, and
when hard pressed could fall back rapidly. The country to the right and the left
of the pike was open and broken, heavily timbered and almost impassable, while
the turnpike itself, threading the valleys, depressions, and gorges, offered
many advantageous positions for defense; hence with a few men offering
determined opposition, the pursuing force could be made to halt and develop a
front almost anywhere, and its progress in consequence was at many times
comparatively slow."

  Wilson would not attack but waited for Thomas' infantry to come to his aid,
and then with his cavalry he began a flanking movement to gain our rear. Forrest
withdrew in order to meet this maneuver, leaving Armstrong's and Ross' brigades
to make obstinate resistance against any attack that might be made upon them.
This they did and retired only when about to be overwhelmed.

ANTHONY'S HILL.

  Forrest's next stand was at Anthony's Hill, seven miles south of Pulaski,
forty-two miles from Bainbridge, where Hood's army was to cross the Tennessee.
At this time, as General Thomas Jordan says in his "Campaigns of General
Forrest", the enemy were coming on in vast numbers. General Wilson had already
passed Pulaski with 10,000 cavalry, and Thomas had reached that point with a
larger force of infantry; and both were pressing forward in eager pursuit. To
prevent the annihilation of Hood's army, a desperate effort must be made to
delay the enemy as long as possible. Fortunately, the ground was favorable. The
approach to Anthony's Hill for two miles was through a defile formed by two
steep high ridges, which united at their common southern extremity to form
Anthony's Hill, whose ascent was steep. Both these ridges and Anthony's Hill in
which they united, were heavily wooded. In the language of General Jordan,
"Morton's battery was established on the immediate summit of the Hill so as to
sweep the hollow below as well as the road running through it. Along the crest
of the hill and around on the ridge were Featherston's and Palmer's brigades of
Walthall's division, reinforced by 400 of Ross' Texans and a like number of
Armstrong's Mississippians, dismounted. The rest of Jackson's division were
disposed as cavalry on either flank, with Reynold's and Field's brigades of
infantry held in reserve. The infantry had further strengthened their position
by breastworks of rails and logs, and skirmishers were posted in line under
cover on the hillside. At the same time, Chalmers was halted a mile and a half
to the rightward, on the road along which he was moving, in order to guard that
flank from being turned. So broken and deeply timbered was this region that the
concealment of the Confederates was complete. About 1 o'clock the Confederate
cavalry withdrew slowly into the mouth of the glen and the Federal cavalry
pursued closely. To the Federals the place began to look so dangerous that their
commander thought it requisite to dismount several of his regiments before
ascending the hill. These he pushed forward with a piece of artillery. The
Confederates, meanwhile, had ridden rapidly through the hollow, up and over the
hill, as if they had been left unsupported, and the enemy was permitted to
ascend within fifty paces of our skirmishers without hindrance. Then Morton
broke the grim silence with cannister, while the skirmishers enveloped the enemy
with a hot galling fire from front and flank, followed soon by a still heavier
fire from the main line of Confederate infantry. The enemy, thoroughly surprised
and returning but a feeble and scattering fire, gave way to disorder, when the
Confederates sprang forward with a yell and charged down the hill upon them,
rushing through the horses of the dismounted men and halting but once to deliver
another volley. Thus the enemy were driven in great confusion out of the defile.
Then Forrest recalled his men from their hot pursuit so as to avoid becoming
entangled with the Federal infantry, which by this time was near at hand. The
enemy left behind 158 killed and wounded, 59 unwounded prisoners, 300 cavalry
horses fully equipped, as many overcoats, one 12-pounder Napoleon, with its team
of eight horses intact. The Conferedate loss did not exceed 15 killed and 40
wounded."

  Among our wounded at Anthony's Hill was George W. Alford of the Deupree Mess
of the Noxubee cavalry. No truer or braver man ever faced the foe in battle. As
usual he was with the foremost in pursuit of the fleeing Federals, when a bullet
pierced his chest. So serious was his condition, he could not be transported
rearward even in an ambulance. His young friend and messmate, T. S. Brooks,
volunteered to remain and care for him, though knowing that this would result in
his capture and imprisonment, after we retreated. Brooks was at this time only a
lad under eighteen years of age, though a veteran by reason of two years of
service with us. By tender, faithful, and affectionate nursing, Alford slowly
and gradually began to recover. But long before he could be moved without pain,
or serious risk to life, the Federals sent Alford and Brooks to a Northern
prison, where they remained till the war ended. Afterwards, for many years,
Alford was a useful citizen and christian in the Deerbrook neighborhood of
Noxubee county; and at this writing, Brooks is living with a married daughter on
our Gulf coast, esteemed by all who know him as an honest man and a devout
follower of the lowly Nazarene.

  Pertinent to the fight at Anthony's Hill, I quote the following from the
report of Wilson to the commander of the Fourth Army Corps: "We are now four
miles from Pulaski on the Lamb's Ferry road, and have met with a slight check.
If you bring up your infantry, we may get some prisoners; and, I think, then I
shall be able to drive Forrest off. Just before sundown on Christmas-Eve,
Forrest in a fit of desperation made a stand on a heavily wooded ridge at the
head of a ravine, and by a rapid and savage counter-thrust drove back Harrison's
brigade, captured one gun, which he succeeded in carrying away as the sole
trophy of his desperate attack."

SUGAR CREEK.

  The day was now drawing to a close and heavy columns of Federal cavalry by
making wide detours had begun to menace seriously our flanks. All the advantages
of this position had been exhausted; and, after sending ahead all prisoners and
captured munitions, Forrest retired in good order. The roads were wretched.
Horses had to be driven or ridden through slush and mud from two to three feet
deep. Infantry marched, many of them barefooted, through ice-cold streams
waist-deep, while rain and sleet beat upon them from above. However, by 1
o'clock that night we reached Sugar Creek, a clear stream with pebbly bottom.
Here both men and horses were glad to halt and to have the mud and mire washed
from their feet and legs. Being now thoroughly wet, we built fires and rested
till daylight.

  When the first streaks of dawn flushed the eastern sky, we strengthened our
position by a lay-out of rails and logs, and then quietly awaited the approach
of the enemy. A thick fog concealed our breastworks. As the Federals advanced,
our pickets with little resistance fell back slowly, till they had drawn their
pursuers within musket-range of the unseen Confederate line. Having then joined
us, our pickets fired a volley into the unsuspecting Federals and threw them
into more or less confusion, and they began a rapid and disorderly retreat. A
charge by Ross' cavalry and two infantry regiments completed the rout of the
enemy. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry were met marching rapidly to rally
and reinforce the fugitives, when our men withdrew to Sugar Creek and remained
in line of battle for more than two hours. As the enemy failed to appear, we
retreated towards the Tennessee. General Forrest in his report says "The enemy
made no further attacks between Sugar Creek and the Tennessee River, which
stream I crossed on December the 27th."

TWENTY DAYS' FURLOUGH.

  Forrest proceeded to Corinth with all the cavalry, except Armstrong's and
Roddy's brigades, that were to protect Hood's rear till the army passed westward
of Cherokee Station. All the cavalry but Ross' brigade were then allowed to
disperse to their homes to get remounts, winter-clothing, and recruits. The
Texans were too far from home and the Mississippi River was too well guarded by
gun-boats. The Noxubee Squadron of Pinson's regiment were furloughed for twenty
days. It goes without saying, we had the time of our lives. All the delights of
home were experienced. I cannot describe them as they deserve to be portrayed,
and shall not undertake to do so. But I hazard naught when I claim that
Lieutenant S. B. Day, Alec McCaskill, and J. G. Deupree were at least somewhat
more fortunate than the others. We were challenged one afternoon by three
beautiful and amiable and expert Chess amateurs, Misses Duck Foote, daughter of
our first Captain, Judge H. W. Foote, Pattie Lyle, afterwards famous as Mrs.
Pattie Lyle Collins of the Dead Letter Office in Washington, and Fannie Lucas,
afterwards Mrs. Featherstone of Brooksville, to play a consultation game of
Chess that evening at the hospitable home of Judge Foote. In the exuberance of
joy, we accepted, knowing full well the great pleasure in store for us. When we
arrived, we found all preparations had been made. Two tables and sets of
Chess-men had been arranged, one in each of the double parlors. Around one table
sat the three queens of grace and beauty while at the other the cavalrymen took
their places. Judge Foote, himself a good player also, was chosen referee by
unanimous vote; for though we knew his innate gallantry would incline him to
give the benefit of any doubt to the ladies, we felt sure his rare judicial
temperament would make him a just arbiter of any disputed point that might arise
in the progress of the game. By drawing, the ladies won the Whites and the
initial move. They moved Pawn to King 4. We replied the same. Shortly after we
had passed the mid-game, the cavalrymen by skillful maneuvering outwitted the
opposing team and were preparing to give the coup de grace. Each side had a
passed Pawn on the seventh rank. It was the Black's turn to play. After some
consultation, the cavalrymen decided they would advance the passed Pawn to the
eighth rank, claim a Knight, and thus at the same time check the white King and
menace the white Queen. But, foreseeing this impending disaster, the ladies
executed a novel strategy to prevent it. By the tintinnabulation of a tiny bell,
they summoned a maid-servant bearing a waiter, which contained seven foaming
glasses of egg-nog, better far, from a soldier's view-point, than the nectar of
Olympian Jupiter. The ladies sipped gently, while the soldiers drained their
glasses. While there is no positive proof that these last glasses were
extra-strong, it is certain that an instantaneous thrill sped along the nerves
of the cavalrymen, obfuscated their reasoning faculties, and kindled their
imaginations. Caring naught for hazard or peril, they shoved the passed Pawn,
and, forgetting their decision to claim a Knight, they called for a Queen, which
did not check, as the Knight would have done. This was fatal. The ladies then
quietly pushed forward their passed Pawn and very properly claimed a Queen,
which checked our King and after a few moves effected a mate. Thus ended the
game and an evening of delight. How sad it is now to reflect that I am the only
survivor of that most felicitous evening's entertainment!

CLASH WITH UPTON.

  I need not undertake to give a full and detailed account of Wilson's invasion
of Alabama, with perhaps the largest and in all respects the best armed body of
cavalry ever assembled on the continent of America. To those interested, I
advise the reading of Wyeth's Life of Forrest. After the expiration of
furloughs, Armstrong's brigade all assembled near West Point, Miss., just as
Armstrong had pledged General Dick Taylor they would do; and, on March 25th with
King's battery, were put in motion towards Selma, Ala. The cavalry had been
regrouped somewhat, so that Jackson commanded a division of Tennesseeans and
Texans, while Armstrong was put in the division of Chalmers. Forrest temporarily
enlarged his own escort by adding to it two-hundred men with the best horses
selected from the several regiments of Armstrong's brigade. With them was
Captain T. J. Deupree of the Noxubee Cavalry. By hard riding accompanied by this
enlarged escort, on the afternoon of the 31st Forrest was moving along the road
leading from Centreville to Montevallo, while Crossland's three-hundred
Kentuck-ians and Dan Adams' Alabama Militia and Roddy's small division were
driven before Upton's and Long's troops under Wilson. Forrest at length came in
behind these Federals into the road on which the Alabamians and Kentuckians were
retreating and the Federals were pursuing. What occurred I shall now tell in the
language of Dr. Wyeth:

  "Having approached within less than one-hundred yards of the Federals, who
were in considerable confusion after having lost their formation in their hot
pursuit of the fleeing Confederates, Forrest boldly, at the head of his staff
and his enlarged escort, ordered the men to draw their six-shooters and in
column of fours charged directly into the road, riding along with the Federal
cavalry. This sudden and altogether unexpected attack, its boldness, and the
severe work of the repeating pistols in the hands of those picked men, threw the
Federals into still greater confusion, and drove them in a stampede from the
scene. Having captured a number of prisoners, Forrest learned that Wilson's main
command had passed down the road and was between him and Selma. With this
information, he left the road and after a detour of eight or ten miles rapidly,
passed around the Federal column, and reached his command about 10 o'clock that
night near Randolph and directly in the path of the approaching enemy.

UNWELCOME TIDINGS FROM CHALMERS.

  "As the divisions of Upton and Long advanced towards Selma early on the
morning of April 1st, they encountered small detachments of Confederates and
drove them back with slight effort until they reached a point several miles
north of Plantersville, known as Ebenezer Church. Here Forrest was greatly
chagrined to receive a message from Chalmers informing him he had met with such
obstacles in his route that he could not reach Plantersville in time to unite
with him on that day. Forrest was furious with rage on reading this dispatch. He
then sent an urgent dispatch to his lieutenant that Wilson was pressing down
upon him with great vigor and overwhelming forces, and that he would accept no
excuse for his not uniting with him at Plantersville or between that place and
Selma, before he should be driven into the works of that city. Forrest insisted
that Chalmers had not moved with the alacrity and swiftness which the emergency
demanded, and which had characterized him on all other occasions. Chalmers, with
Starke's brigade, was marching eastward by one route, while Armstrong commanding
the other brigade of the division was some five miles further north travelling
by a parallel road. The messenger from Forrest to Chalmers passed through
Armstrong's command, and Armstrong read the dispatch and forwarded it
immediately to Chalmers, informing him that under the circumstances he would not
wait to receive orders but would march to Forrest on his own responsibility and
urged the division commander also to press on towards Plantersville to the
rescue of their chief. He added that he could then hear firing in that direction
and that he would rapidly march towards it. Armstrong, who had the soldierly
habit of always arriving in time, swept forward with great rapidity and reached
Forrest just at dark on the night of April 1st.

BOGLER'S CREEK.

  "Realizing the desperate situation of his command at this juncture and the
necessity for holding the advance of the Federals in check until Chalmers could
reach Plantersville and be in supporting distance, Forrest had selected a
naturally strong position at the crossing of Bogler's Creek, had thrown up
lay-outs of rails and logs, and had placed the small force and artillery at his
command in the best possible position for defense. Here Roddy's division,
Crossland's brigade, and Dan Adams' militia were thrown into line of battle.
Forrest with his enlarged escort, including the two-hundred men selected from
Armstrong's brigade, took position immediately with the artillery commanding the
road coming from the north. To his left, Crossland's three-hundred Kentuckians
were posted, while on the extreme right a detachment of State troops under Dan
Adams was placed. The entire Confederate force on the field did not exceed 2,000
men. To assail this force, General Wilson had on the ground and in action
Upton's division, 3,900 strong, Long's division of 5,127, and two full batteries
of artillery.

SIX-SHOOTERS AGAINST SABRES.

  "At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the Federals appeared with Long's division in
front. As soon as the skirmishers opened fire, Long reinforced his
advance-guard. . . . Pushing these forward, Wilson and Long ordered a rash
sabre-charge by four companies of the Seventeenth Indiana Cavalry. As soon as
Forrest saw these gallant troopers riding down upon him with their sabres in
air, he placed himself in line with his augmented escort and Crossland's
Kentuckians. He ordered the men to reserve their rifle-fire until the enemy had
come within one-hundred yards of their position, then to fire a volley, then to
draw their revolvers, and with one in each hand to ride among and along with
their assailants and use these weapons at close quarters. As the Federals came
near, the horse of one trooper in their front plattoon became unmanageable, ran
far ahead of the line, bolted through the Confederates, and struck the wheel of
a gun with such momentum as to knock the wheel from its spindle, dismount the
gun, kill the horse, and throw the brave rider to the ground, where he was
instantly killed by being knocked in the head with a gun-stick by one of the
artillerists. As the main body of the charging column swept into the Confederate
line, Forest and his enlarged escort and two companies of Kentuckians under
Captain H. A. Tyler rode in among them, and the desperate encounter which
occurred may be more easily imagined than described in words. It was, indeed,
one of the most terrific hand-to-hand conflicts which occurred between cavalry
soldiers during the war. It was a test between the sabre in the hands of as
brave a lot of men as ever rode horses and the six-shooter in the hands of
experts that were just as desperately brave and daring. Forrest himself was most
viciously assaulted. His conspicuous presence made him the object of direct
attack by a brave young officer, Captain Taylor of the Seventeenth Indiana
Cavalry, and five or six other Union troopers, who were killed in their attempt
to slay the Confederate General. In this fierce onslaught, the Federals lost
twelve killed and forty wounded. ... On the Confederate side, General Forrest
and Captain Boone of his escort and about a dozen troopers were wounded, but
none of them fatally". I regret my inability to give the names of the wounded
troopers from the First Mississippi Cavalry in Forrest's enlarged escort.

  Meantime, Upton's division, led by Alexander's brigade, advanced upon the
flank, practically in rear of the Confederates, striking the militia. Without
offering the slightest resistance, these fled in disorder, compelling the entire
Confederate line to be withdrawn.

AT SELMA.

  When General Forrest reported on April 2d to General Dick Taylor, Departmental
Commander in Selma, he evidently made a strong impression, for General Taylor
said in an official communication: "General Forrest had fought as if the world
depended on his arm. He appeared, both horse and rider covered with blood, and
announced the enemy at his heels, and said I must move at once to escape
capture. I felt anxious for him, but he said he was unhurt and would cut his way
through, as most of his men had done, whom he had ordered to meet him west of
the Cahawba. My engine started towards Meridian and barely escaped."

  By the departure of General Taylor, the chief command devolved upon Forrest,
who began at once to make dispositions for defense, hopeless as it seemed, as
three of his largest brigades were absent and beyond his control. Armstrong's
brigade, about 1,400 strong, was stationed on the left and west, with the men
deployed at intervals of 12 or 15 feet, in order to cover all the ground
assigned to the brigade. On the right of Armstrong was Dan Adams with his State
Militia, also deployed at like intervals, and to the right of the militia were
Roddy's men, in the same extended development. Altogether, Forrest had about
3,000 men in works that had been designed and constructed for 20,000.

  Lieutenant Tom Stevens and a dozen men from the Noxubee Squadron were detailed
as scouts to go out and ascertain the number of Federals approaching on the
Plantersville road. Shelt Skinner and J. G. Deupree were posted in a thicket
only a few feet east of the road with instructions to count the fours as the
column of Federals rapidly passed along the road. This they did quietly and
unobserved by the Federals for some time. At length, however, flankers
discovered Skinner and Deupree and charged upon them. Quickly mounting and
finding it impossible to get into the Selma road ahead of the Federal column,
Skinner and Deupree rode east at a gallop through field and forest with a number
of pursuing Federals chasing and firing at them till after sunset. Lieutenant
Stevens and others of our squad were likewise cut off from Selma.

  Meantime, General Wilson had come within sight of Selma and made observations
that induced him to attack. Confident of success and appreciating the prize now
almost within his grasp, he approached with special care to avoid needless loss.
An extensive wood in front of Armstrong's position was favorable for this
purpose. Though not provided with suitable ammunition, having only solid shot,
the Confederate artillery opened about 5:30 p. m. upon the Federals as they were
forming for assault. Undaunted, the Federals moved steadily and handsomely
forward to their work. They were all well armed with Spenser rifles, repeaters,
and breech-loaders, and from their massive lines three-deep they poured out an
incessant stream of leaden hail, to which the return-fire of the attenuated
Confederate line was as that of a skirmish to the mighty uproar of a great
battle at its climax. Long in person led the desperate charge of his gallant
division against Armstrong's position. With well-attested courage and
stubbornness, Armstrong's men held their ground. Meanwhile, the militia began to
yield and gradually abandoned the breastworks, leaving a wide gap between
Armstrong and Roddy, and thus exposing Armstrong's right. Roddy was thereupon
ordered to move by his left flank westward and close this gap; but, before he
could do it, the enemy had rushed the deserted line and interposed great numbers
between Armstrong and Roddy, thus effectively cutting them asunder. Turning
westward, the on-rushing Federals poured an enfilading fire upon Armstrong, who
had repulsed three attacks upon his front and inflicted heavy loss upon his
immediate assailants. Now, however, under fire from flank and rear as well as
front, Armstrong withdrew and his brigade necessarily suffered greatly. The last
to leave their position were the First Mississippi Cavalry under Pinson. They
stoutly stood until the enemy were completely in their rear, so that the
Colonel, the Lieutenant-Colonel, and most of the intrepid officers and men were
captured.

  Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery in his "Reminiscences" says: "Our regiment
occupied the works to the left, extending from the road to a deep and narrow
ravine which crossed the works and ran for a little way in front of the works on
our extreme left. Near the road was a special fort, in which a few hundred men
might find shelter, with embrasures for guns. Here two guns were placed.
Ballentine's regiment was in the works on the right of the road. . . . About
half-way to the extreme left of the First Mississippi, resting on the ravine,
there were high earthworks projecting at 'right angles from the breastworks some
thirty feet or more. This was designed, perhaps, to prevent an enfilading fire,
if the enemy should gain possession of our works on either side of this salient.
Here I had tied my horse, a very fine one and but recently purchased. I walked
then up to the fort; Colonel Pinson and I agreed that if an assault was made, he
would take charge of the right and I of the left of the regiment, since the
regiment had been stretched into a long line. Forrest, Armstrong, Pinson, and I
were in the fort with some other officers. Occasionally a cannon shot was fired
at the ridge which hid the enemy from our view. They then brought up a gun and
returned our fire. I doubt not, Forrest was cursing Chalmers for not coming up
or else praying that he would come speedily. The sun was nearly down. A long
dark line of men appeared on the brow of the ridge, moving slowly forward for a
while, but soon charging and cheering and rushing onward. I hastened to my place
in line and was just in time to caution the men not to fire till I gave the
word, for the enemy were yet too far for our fire to be effective.

  "Rapidly approaching behind the dismounted Federals, could be seen on the
ridge a strong column of mounted men, awaiting a favorable moment to charge. I
could no longer restrain my men; they would begin firing too soon. But, as the
enemy came nearer, I could plainly see the effects of our fire, though it did
not appreciably check the progress of our assailants. Because of the salient, I
could not see what was going on towards our right; but in my immediate front the
enemy had reached the ravine and were crowding into it to protect themselves
from our galling fire. Many of them were within less than twenty feet of our
breastworks. Stepping up on the banquette at the base of the parapet, I fired my
Tranter five times into the struggling mass and had begun reloading, when I
heard wild cheering to the right. With me were four companies, including
Montgomery's and the Noxubee Squadron; and, knowing we had effectively repulsed
the enemy in our immediate front and that two companies could now hold our line,
I ordered two companies to follow me to the right. As I came round the salient,
I saw Forrest, Armstrong, and their staffs, and other mounted men, with one or
two caissons, going at headlong speed towards the city. . . . I knew that all
was lost. The right* of the regiment was even then rapidly retreating, Pinson
with them calling 'Half at every step. There was no time for me to speak to the
Colonel. Unhitching my horse and calling to the men to follow, I fell back
towards the ravine in our rear, but my horse fell dead before we reached it. I
could see the Federals pouring over the works to the right not a hundred yards
away and their mounted column fast approaching. As we reached the ravine, the
enemy were firing upon us. Realizing the impossibility of getting away, I gave
my last order during the war, which was for the men to throw down their arms. In
a moment a crowd of blue-coats had gathered around us. I suppose I had fifty men
with me under Captain Cravens. Captain Montgomery had gotten across the ravine
and was one of the few men of the regiment to escape death or wound or capture.
I at once recognized a Federal sergeant from his chevrons. He demanded my
pistol. I handed it to him. He then asked for my pocket-book. I took it out,
saying it contained a locket with my wife's portrait which I would like to keep.
He said that would be all right; and as I opened my pocket-book, he saw
Confederate money and said if that was the only sort of money I had that I might
keep it. This was the unkindest cut of all. I put the purse back into my pocket.
He looked up and told me to give him my hat. It was brand new and had been
smuggled through Memphis, and my wife had looped it up on one side and
embroidered a star on it. I prized it highly and hated to part with it. But the
sergeant had lost his in the charge and would take no denial. I then gave it to
him with as good a grace as possible. All this was done in less time than it
takes to tell it. . . . As we were marching back towards our fort, a straggler
of the Federal army stepped up to me and with an oath threatened to shoot me;
but the brave sergeant threw up the gun and cursed him as a cowardly scoundrel,
who had shirked the fight and now wished to murder prisoners. . . . The sun was
down and as a Major on General Wilson's staff rode up, I introduced myself and
related what had just happened. He at once called the sergeant and gave him
stringent orders to protect the prisoners. . . . Then as dusk came on, Colonel
Pinson, Major Simmons, Captains Taylor, Lester, Deupree, and other officers of
the regiment were brought in; and the fort would not hold us all. In fact, the
First Mississippi had fought its last battle; and almost to a man, we had been
killed, wounded, or captured. ... I have never seen General Wilson's report.
Neither Forrest nor Armstrong ever made a report.

  "They guarded us in the fort through the long and dreary night, and next
morning dawned upon as woe-begone a lot of cavalry as was ever seen during the
war. Tired, hungry, sleepy, and dirty, we must have been a hard-looking set, if
we looked at all as we felt. . . . In the course of the morning, Colonel Pinson,
myself, and Captain Tobe Taylor requested permission to go over the field and
see our dead and wounded. This was promptly granted. A guard went with us. From
the works as far back as some of our men had gone when trying to escape, fully a
half-mile, we found dead and wounded, though some of the wounded had been
carried to a hospital under the care of our surgeons.

  "As we went over the ground, we found that the pockets of the dead had been
turned wrong-side-out. One brave fellow, whom I knew well, who had gotten
further than any other of the dead, had his pockets also turned inside-out, and
by his side lay his bible. He had been noted for his piety as well as for his
courage, and his influence for good was marked. He belonged to Captain Lester's
company, was a good man in every way and a brave soldier, and has gone to his
reward. . . . Our guard took us to our hospital, which had been hastily
prepared. Here we found among others our Adjutant Johnston, and we were shocked
when Dr. Montgomery told us his hours were numbered. We said all we could to
cheer him and bade him an affectionate and final adieu. He died that night. Many
others of our. regiment and brigade were there, and we saw them all; some lived,
and some died; but I cannot now recall their names. Altogether, about one
hundred in our regiment were killed and wounded, and about as many in
Ballentine's. We were then escorted back to our prison in the fort. While we
were walking over the field, a Federal took a fancy to Colonel Pinson's hat, but
our guards proved to be kind-hearted and brave and protected Colonel Pinson."

  I have heard Captain T. J. Deupree tell how he and Lieutenants Day and Foote
emptied their navy-sixes right into the faces of the Federal assailants on their
part of the line, and how our Noxubee men stood firmly and repulsed several
assaults and inflicted heavy loss on the enemy. He also told how the Federal
cavalry, after rushing through the gap left by the fleeing militia, had turned
westward and come up directly in the rear of the Noxubee Squadron and fired into
their backs before they left the breastworks. He said that he and Day and Foote
and others fell flat on their faces and feigned death to protect themselves from
the frenzied Federals till a commissioned officer came, to whom they might
surrender. Though but a few minutes, it seemed an age and a fearful one at that.
At length, however, a Major came along, and they were saved. The Major received
their surrender and ordered the officers to the fort.

  It will be of interest just here to insert the following condensed statement
from the Diary of Sergeant J. J. Hunter, of the Noxubee Troopers:

  When the First Mississippi fronted into line, before going into the
breastworks at Selma, they counted off by fours; and I, being No. 4, was among
those who had to hold horses. We carried the horses back two-hundred yards into
a dense pine-thicket to hide them from the artillery. But the hostile
artillerymen somehow discovered us and shelled us, killing many horses and
wounding a few men. A fragment of shell grazed my shoulder and a passing shell
blew my hat off and exploded within the belly of a horse not far behind me and
made hash-meat of the horse. We held our position, however, till the Yankees
began pouring over the breastworks. Then most of the horseholders stampeded to
the rear, riding their own horses but turning loose the others. I with a few
others walked back slowly, each leading four horses, obliquing so as to fall-in
with General Armstrong, who was trying to rally his men. He ordered us to mount
and to follow him. Just at this moment, a minie-ball passed through my right
knee; and I violently clutched the bridles of my horses till I could recover
from the shock, resting my weight entirely on my left leg. General Armstrong saw
me and ordered some men to put me on my horse. I then fainted, leaning on my
horse's neck and clinging to his mane, while a man on each side held me in the
saddle, as we were all going at full speed. I next found myself lying on the
ground beside the road about one-hundred yards from a railroad station-house and
platform. About one-hundred yards behind me was the Yankee line firing at our
men about the station as they crouched behind cotton-bales and the blocks of the
platform. I was midway between the two firing lines and fully realized my
danger. I pulled my wounded leg from under me and crawled about ten feet and got
behind a bale of cotton, which protected me from the Yankee missiles; and a
Confederate officer ordered our men to be careful not to shoot me. During a
brief lull in the firing, two of Roddy's men came and carried me back to the
station and laid me behind one of the platform blocks. When the Yankees resumed
firing, I borrowed an Enfield and fired four rounds at them before they fled. I
was then put on a pallet and left in the station. An Alabamian staid with me.
The Yankees came and we surrendered. They carried off the un-wounded Alabamian.
A rough old German asked me if we were not sufficiently whipped. I told him we
would fight to the last to protect homes, fire-sides, women and children. He
jerked out his pistol and said that the bullet should have gone through my head,
rather than through my knee; and said he would put one there. I told him he
might kill my body but could not terrify my soul. Just then some Westerners came
up and presented their pistols to his face, denounced him as a coward, and
ordered him at once to put his pistol in its holster, and leave the helpless
prisoner. Those brave Westerners assured me I should not be hurt. At length, one
of them looking me closely in the face asked if I was not Sergeant Hunter. I
told him this was what was left of me. He grasped my hand and said: "Here is the
man who once guarded me as a prisoner for several days and treated me as
cleverly and kindly as I could wish. Comrades, join me now in returning his
generous kindness". He introduced me and they all gave me the hand of
comradeship and proffered to help me all they could. They told me all of our
regiment had been captured at the breastworks and quite a number had been
killed, much to their regret, as they considered the First Mississippi the best
cavalry regiment in the Southern army, noted as a dare-devil body of men, who
feared nothing whatever, as they had found out in many engagements but
especially at Moscow, Tennessee, where the First Mississippi had run into their
brigade of three regiments and so destroyed them, that afterwards the three
regiments were consolidated into one and called the Second Iowa-Illinois. They
said they were in the third line in the charge on our breastworks at Selma, that
the two lines in front of them gave way, but they rushed on and got under cover
of the breastworks and dared not go further, knowing the First Mississippi was
in front of them. They waited till the First Mississippi had been attacked in
the rear, and then did what they could to save their lives, capturing all the
officers and many of the men. Before leaving me, they had me taken to a private
house near by. Here I fell to the care of an old negro who had been left in
charge when the family fled to escape the Yankees. I was put in the kitchen.
When I got cold, the good negro made me a fire. I dropped off to sleep but was
waked soon by bursting shells. I looked out and saw the town on fire and the
station house, too, whence I had been brought. Cinders and sparks fell almost
everywhere, thick and fast around the house I was in. I called the negro but he
did not answer. I fell, at length, into a gentle sleep. I awoke next morning and
the sun was shining brightly, and I spent the day reading quietly and all alone.
At night I was sleeping when three of my Yankee friends woke me about 9 o'clock
and told me they had an ambulance ready to take me to the Confederate hospital.
They said they had been busy all day burying the dead and caring for the
wounded. Their loss, they said, exceeded 800, and ours 300, exclusive of a large
number of prisoners. At the hospital, the surgeons consulted as to the
amputation of my leg, and but one opposed amputation. Then the chief surgeon
came and after my pleading with him, consented to leave me my leg. It was washed
and dressed, and I was placed on a bunk, so that my leg could hang over the
side. It got well with a crook in it and it has that same crook yet. The Yankee
surgeon sent me some nice food which I enjoyed amazingly, for I had eaten
nothing during thirty-six hours. Father and mother came within the next few days
and remained with me. I was well treated and recovered rapidly. I was soon on my
crutches. So ended the war with me."

  Besides J. J. Hunter, who had here received his fifth wound since entering the
service, Gus Fant and others were wounded in Company F; while Nat Barnett, James
Brooks, John Fraser, Charley Gray, Dabney Gholson, William Perry, and Wiley Shaw
were killed. The killed and wounded in Company F were fully 50% of those engaged
in the battle. I regret I cannot give a list of the killed and wounded in
Company G. But their casualties were comparatively few; and it will always be a
mystery how and why the losses of Co. F so far exceeded those of Company G at
Selma, when the two companies were interlaced, as it were, in the breastworks,
each member of one company being sandwiched, so to speak, between two members of
the other company. All other members of the Noxubee Squadron, except some
horseholders, were captured, as were our dashing and intrepid Adjutant, Lawrence
Yates and other regimental and company officers.

  Wyeth's Life of Forrest tells how he escaped and on his way out fought the
Fourth U. S. Regulars, and by personal prowess put hors de combat his thirtieth
armed enemy, and how Armstrong and his followers escaped.

  Our squad under Lieutenant Stevens, after being chased by the Federals till
late, somehow next morning came together, and by capturing several distinct
detachments of straggling and pilfering Federals soon had more than twice as
many prisoners as there were men in our squad. We reported late at night to
Colonel Matt Galloway at Marion, Ala. Here in a few days were concentrated
Jackson's division and Chalmers' brigade. Not long afterwards, Forrest ordered
all to Gainsville.

  General Wilson remained in Selma a week and then crossed the Alabama River,
taking all unwounded prisoners with him, as he marched towards Montgomery.
Hundreds escaped during the night-march, as only the officers were closely
guarded. It is evident that Wilson intended to scatter the Confederates along
the way; for on successive days he paroled many at long intervals. For example,
he paroled W. G. White and Frank White, two brothers and both valiant and
faithful soldiers, more than 100 miles apart. Then, after confirmation of Lee's
and Johnston's surrender, Wilson paroled all the officers and the few
Confederate privates still with him. Finally, all made their way to Gainsville.

  After the surrender of General Dick Taylor, Forrest on May 9th issued an
address to his command, from which I quote the following paragraphs: 

"Soldiers,-
  By an agreement between Lieutenant-General Taylor and Major-General Canby, the
troops of this Department have been surrendered. The terms are favorable and
should be satisfactory to all. They manifest a spirit of magnanimity and
liberality on the part of the Federal authorities, which should be met on our
part by a faithful compliance with all the stipulations and conditions therein
expressed. As your Commander, I sincerely hope that every officer and soldier of
my command will cheerfully obey the orders given and carry out in good faith all
the terms of the cartel.

  "Civil war, such as you have just passed through, naturally engenders feelings
of animosity, hatred, and revenge. It is our duty to divest ourselves of such
feelings, and to cultivate friendly feelings toward those with whom we have so
long contended, and heretofore so widely and honestly differed. Neighborhood
feuds, personal animosities, and private differences should be blotted out; and,
when you return home, a manly, straight-forward course of conduct will gain the
respect even of your enemies. Whatever may be your responsibilities, whether to
government, to society, or to individuals, meet them like men.

  "In bidding you farewell, rest assured that you carry with you my best wishes
for your future welfare and happiness. . . . Your courage and determination, as
exhibited on many hard-fought fields, have elicited the respect and admiration
of friend and foe. I now cheerfully and gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness
to you, the officers and men of my command, whose fidelity and unflinching
bravery have been the greatest source of my success in arms.

  "I have never on the field of battle sent you where I was unwilling to go
myself; nor would I now advise you to a course which I felt myself unwilling to
pursue. You have been good soldiers; you can be good citizens. Obey the laws,
preserve your honor, and the Government to which you have surrendered can afford
to be, and will be magnanimous.

                          "(signed)
                              N. B. FORREST,
                                   Lieutenant-General."

  The utmost eagerness now prevailed to get home. General Dennis, a courteous
gentleman, did all he could to accelerate the work of issuing paroles, and did
it in a manner most acceptable to his late antagonists. By May 16th, 8,000
officers and men had been paroled and allowed to start home. To that extent, at
least,

      "To them the blooming life is sweet;
       But not for all is there return".

  Alas! how sad it is to reflect that thousands of our dear comrades, as valiant
and strong of soul as ever died on battlefield in defense of their birthright,
after making bright records at Donelson, Murfreesboro, Thompson Station, Moscow,
and in that dreadful winter retreat from Nashville, were in their graves on that
day when Forrest's Cavalry ceased to exist!


Additional Comments:
Volunteer transcription

Extracted from:

pages 93-138

PUBLICATIONS OF THE
MISSISSIPPI HISTORICAL SOCIETY

EDITED BY
DUNBAR ROWLAND, LL. D.
Secretary

CENTENARY SERIES VOLUME II


JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY
1918

DEMOCRAT PRINTING COMPANY MADISON, WISCONSIN


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