Craven County NcArchives Biographies.....

Christoph Von Graffenried - Part 1  

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Source: Colonial Records of North Carolina
Author: Christoph von Graffenried

Narrative by Christoph von Graffenried concerning his voyage to North Carolina 
and the founding of New Bern [Translation]
Graffenried, Christoph von, Baron, 1661-1743
1708 
Volume 01, Pages 905-986

DE GRAFFENRIED'S MANUSCRIPT, COPIED FOR THE COLONIAL RECORDS OF NORTH CAROLINA 
FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS. IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY AT YVERDON, SWITZERLAND, AND 
TRANSLATED BY M. DU FOUR.

Preface. 

Though Several persons have asked me to relate my sad adventures in America, I 
should not have felt disposed to it,—had I not been very glad to Justify 
myself, as well towards my Society, as towards some other people, which could 
perhaps have had “sinister” thoughts about my behaviour, as if I had 
undertaken that colony with levity and imprudence, or as if I had spent my 
time in Carolina, in luxury and leisure, in what they would be greatly 
mistaken, and this relation will prove the contrary. There will be found in it 
some particulars which might have been omitted, but, on account of the 
disorderly proceedings of some people,—who acted dishonestly towards the poor 
colonists and myself,—having gone as far as the blackest and most 
unjustifiable deeds, I could not but mention them (though very charitably 
since I name nobody), in order not to be accused myself, and to bring my 
innocence to light.

Motives of my departure from Bern. 

Of course some will be eager to know for what reasons I came to an undertaking 
so great and so far off from my native country; some know them, and for them 
it is unnecessary to point to them. The others will have to content themselves 
by knowing that, from the very time when I had the honor to be at the deceased 
duke of Albemarle's who was then established by the King Charles II as viceroy 
of Jamaica, by the relation which he made to me of the beauty, goodness, and 
riches of English America, I conceived thereof such a flattering idea, that on 
the urgent invitation of that lord, I should have gladly followed him in that 
travel, if I had not been dissuaded from it by the strong remonstrating of my 
parents, who wanted me to settle in my country. But notwithstanding all the 
pleasantness I could enjoy there, there was always, so to speak, some charm 
and attraction for me in the above mentioned countries. As fortune did not eye 
me as favorably as I could have wished, after I had ended my great and 
important lieutenantship (bailiwick) of Yverdon, to the satisfaction, thank 
God, of my lords, of the neighboring States, and of my dependants, with a good 
and clean conscience,—but having made no money, on account of several mishaps,—
as I was not a man to enrich myself at the expense of my poor dependants, 
besides, on account of the troubles in Neuchatel, which were the occasion of 
much loss to me,—seeing that the new Reform deprived me from any chance of 
obtaining some new and profitable office for some length of time,—I conceived 
the hope of making a more considerable fortune in those far off countries of 
English America.

In order to care better for my numerous family, according to my character and 
rank, I took the strong resolution to undertake that important, dangerous, 
long, and toilsome voyage,—with all the more courage that I was solicited to 
it by letters, as well from the said countries, as from London.

I hesitated a long time, whether I should communicate my plans to my friends 
and relations, but, foreseeing that they would deter me from them, I said 
nothing, even to my next relatives, and started secretly. However, before 
leaving the country, I stopped, on the frontier, at a friend's, and made some 
disposition about my private affairs, which I had not been able to settle 
before my departure, and sent it to a relative with an exposition of my 
design, but, unluckily, that parcel of papers was either intercepted or lost. 
This loss was the cause of much trouble and confusion; receiving no answer 
during eight or ten days, I departed with a firm resolve not to return any 
more; but man proposes and God disposes.

When I arrived in Holland, certain persons of note would have nearly averted 
me from my purpose in making other propositions to me, but not finding them 
suitable to my taste, I pursued my way to England, where I at once met my 
friends. Some persons of high rank and distinction encouraged me much in my 
plans, and promised to help me as much as possible,—so that I could conclude a 
contract, on the proposition of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, by which 
they granted to me very favorable conditions and privileges for the foundation 
of my colony.

My sojourn in London,—and arrival of ten thousand Palatines & Germans. 

At that very time, more than 20000 Souls came from Germany to England, under 
the name of “Palatines,” but intermingled with many Swiss and people of other 
German provinces,—a fact which gave much anxiety to the Court, as well as to 
the inhabitants of London and neighboring provinces, on account of the great 
trouble and enormous expense caused by these people. Therefore an edict was 
promulgated, on the Strength of which everyone was allowed to take some of 
these people to take care of them,—and a great number of them had been sent 
into the three kingdoms, with less success, however, than was expected, partly 
on account of their idleness, partly on account of the jealousy of the poor 
subjects of the realm. And so it was resolved to send a great part of these 
people to America, to which purpose the queen contributed large sums.

Assistance of the Queen for the transportation of my people to Virginia and 
Carolina. 

In these circumstances, several distinguished persons which knew about my 
enterprise, advised me to avail myself of so favorable an occasion,—and gave 
me some hopes that if I took with me a considerable number of those people, 
the queen would not only assume the expense of their transportation, but also 
bestow upon them considerable assistance,—this really took place and this last 
sum amounted to 4000 lb. Sterling. The Queen or the Royal Council had promised 
to give lands on the River Potomac, as many as we should desire, with strong 
commendations to the Governor of Virginia. All this, with the advantageous 
promises of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina gave not little authority to my 
undertaking, for which I hoped to achieve a consumation not less successful 
than its beginning appeared to be.

Measures taken for the transportation of the colonists. 

I accordingly took indescribable pains for the transportation and subsistence 
of that new colony: (1) I selected to that object young people, healthy and 
laborious, and of all kind of avocation and handicraft; (2) I laid up stores 
of all kinds of implements; (3) good provisions of victuals; (4) good ships, 
well equipped, also good stewards and overseers, to take care of everything 
and to maintain these people in good order and discipline; (5) and in order 
that no negligence or fault might be charged upon me, I did or undertook 
nothing without the knowing, advice and instruction of the royal committee. 
(6) I had appointed as first directors of that crowd three persons, notables 
from Carolina, who happened to be then in London, and who had lived already 
several years in Carolina. One was general-receiver, another general Surveyor, 
the third a justice of the peace; all of them appeared to that effect before 
the Royal Committee, where they received their instructions and were confirmed 
in their authority above these people on sea and on land, (in my absence); 
indeed, I could not depart then on account of a small colony from Bern, which 
was to follow shortly afterwards,—besides I had some other business, which I 
had to attend to; (7) I had selected from among that crowd twelve 
subdirectors, both sensible and able,—and gave them charge to take good care 
of the others.

Visit of my lords assessors of the R. Committee to the Ships etc. 

After the Royal Committee had confirmed all the contracts passed between the 
Lords Proprietors, myself, and those people, and ratified the clauses on which 
we unanimously agreed, I requested the Lords of the said Royal Committee to 
kindly commit a few members to visit the transports, to see that everything 
was in order, as well concerning the provisions, as concerning the sailors, 
the ship itself and the space, and to warn the captain of the ship, that he 
should support and feed those people sufficiently and cleanly. Those measures 
were taken and recorded by the Royal Committee.

Departure of the colony.—Convoy of Rear-Admiral Noris. 

On the day before the departure of that Colony, I went with Mr Cesar, the 
German minister of the Reformed Church of London, to Gravesend, to comfort and 
cheer up those people and to wish them a happy voyage; I stated in a little 
speech all that I could judge to be good and proper in the circumstances, and 
the Revd Minister made a sermon full of feeling on the subject. As to me, I 
could not sail with them at the time, as I expected still another small colony 
from Bern, as stated above, and some members of my Society, with whom I was 
desirous to meet in order to discuss different particulars about that 
important enterprise, and to take afterwards the adopted measures. And so, 
after having commended them to the divine care and protection, I ordered their 
departure,—with many precautions however concerning the war. To that effect I 
had obtained from the Earl of Pembroke, great admiral of England, this signal 
favor,—that he ordered Knight Noris, rear-admiral, to escort both our vessels 
with his squadron as far as the latitude of Portugal.

Causes of the death of many colonists. 

Though in January (1710), the weather then was very mild, but when they had 
crossed the channel they were overtaken by such a terrible storm and by winds 
so contrary that it took them 13 weeks to cross the sea. For that reason, 
those poor people were much worried and all fell sick, to which state of 
things the salted food, to which they were not accustomed, and the lack of 
space,—both were much conducive. More than half of them died on the sea and 
many died for drinking too much water and eating raw fruit to excess after the 
landing. In that way, that colony was shattered before it had settled.

One of the vessels plundered by a French captain.—1st Mishap. 

N. B. One of these vessels, loaded with the best goods and most well-to-do 
colonists had the misfortune to be assailed and plundered by a French captain, 
at the very mouth of James River, in sight of an English man of war, which, 
being anchored and partly dismasted, could not come to its help. This is the 
first storm of adversity. 

Arrival of the Palatine colonists in Virginia. 

After what was left of that colony had recruited and restored themselves a 
little in Virginia, where they had been welcomed, they started with their 
goods and chattels on their way to Carolina; they had 20 miles to go by land, 
what took much time and money,—indeed, they dared not to go at sea on account 
of the privateers,—and besides, the waters are so low at the mouth of the 
Carolinian rivers, that big ships could not cross their opening and sail up 
stream.

Arrival of the Palatines in North Carolina. 

They arrived in the County of Albemale on the River Chowan, at the residence 
of a rich settler, Col Pollock, of the Council of North Carolina, he took care 
of them, supplied them with all necessaries, sed pro pecunia, for money, and 
put them into great boats to cross the Sound and enter the County of Bath, 
where they were located by the Surveyor-general on a tongue of land between 
the News' and Trent rivers, called Chattawka, where afterwards was founded the 
small city of New Bern,—and here begins the second cross accident.

Indeed, that Surveyor general, instead of settling these poor people, every 
one on his own plantation, in order to gain time and to enable them to clear 
and clean out their lands, located them, in his personal interest, on part of 
his own land on the southern bank of the river Trent, at the very hottest and 
most unhealthy place, instead of locating them at least northwards on News' 
River, where they would have found a cooler situation. What, furthermore, was 
very dishonest in that Surveyor, is the fact that we had paid him a heavy 
price for that piece of tongue of land, about one thousand “arpents,” not 
knowing that he had no title to that and that the place was still inhabited by 
Indians. He sold it to us as free of all incumbrance and attested that there 
were no Indians on it.

There those poor colonists were forced to stay until September in the greatest 
poverty, and to sell nearly all their clothes and movables to the neighboring 
inhabitants, in order to sustain their life.

I leave it to the reader to think how this sight impressed my little Bernese 
colony, which unto then was in want of nothing, had a happy voyage, from their 
departure to their arrival in Carolina, in a good season, well supplied with 
all kinds of provisions, well equipped, with plenty of room on the vessel,—
when their eyes presently beheld such a sad state of things, sickness, want, 
and desperation having reached their very climax.

The colony in great distress.
 
I could not enough insist on the wretched and sorrowful state in which I found 
these poor people on my arrival; nearly all sick and at the last gasp, and the 
few who had kept their health despairing entirely. God knows in what 
labyrinth, even danger for my own life, I found myself then!

2d mishap. 

But before going on with my relation I will also mention my departure from 
London, and afterwards I shall continue the successive narration of events; it 
will not be out of purpose to speak also of my departure from London and then 
go on. As my Palatines departed in January 1710, I followed them and departed 
myself from Newcastle at the beginning of June, with my Swiss, who embarked in 
Holland, under care of two of my associates, in a ship from New England, 
having contracted with the owner, a merchant from Boston, the capital of that 
province, for their transportation, as the ship was about ready to sail.

I departed from London at the end of the month of May, and took for that a 
very convenient coach, which is most like to the “diligence” or stage-coach 
from Paris to Lyon. I cannot but speak of something which I remarked on that 
travel. As I had to stay, over Sunday, in a small town called Strafford, I was 
anxious to see the country-seat of the Earl of Essex, where I was most civilly 
received. After having seen all the apartments and curiosities which are found 
in that magnificent palace, I observed in a great cupola excellent pictures, 
and in the Earl's private room a great many curiosities, but in a fine hall I 
nearly caused the company to laugh, in the following way. I thought I saw on a 
marble table a lute, flutes, and other musical instruments, a few books of 
music, a pack of playing-cards carelessly thrown down, a small bag of game-
counters and-fishes, and several other trifles. When I came nearer the table I 
saw that all that was only painting instead of the real things which I 
fancied. Assuredly I was most surprised to see the work of a second Apelles. 
What was most striking was, that the surface of the table was as well polished 
as if the whole had been naturally grown in the marble. After having been 
refreshed with a very good collation, I expressed my thanks and took leave to 
pursue my way.

After a few days' travelling, we arrived at York, where I had just time enough 
to view the structure of the cathedral, which is very beautiful, and from 
there I saw nothing very remarkable, until I came to New Castle.

Lieutenant-Governor of North Carolina.
 
The cause of all my misfortunes was the behavior and faithlessness of the 
superior and inferior Inspectors, but above all the temerity, faithlessness, 
avarice and lack of charity of Colonel Cary, from which causes proceeded not 
only the above stated misfortunes, but all other misadventures, and my own, as 
well as the colony's, total ruin. That colonel availed himself, at that time, 
of the Governor's death to meddle, (against every right and justice, and 
against the orders of the Lords Proprietors), with the government, yea, I know 
it from a certain source, he proposed to fill his pocket with the income of 
the Lords Proprietors and to sail for Madagascar, a favorite resort for all 
kinds of thieves and pirates.

Third Mishap. 

This same Colonel Cary, when the new Governor, Mr Hyde, a near relation to 
Queen Ann, the three directors above mentioned, and I, pretended to exhibit 
before him and the Council our patents, orders and letters, impudently turned 
us away, in defiance of the injunctions of the Lords Proprietors, refused to 
hear us, and scorned all our protestations, so much so that all the fine 
promises of the LL. Props on which I relied and on which all that enterprise 
was founded were useless and came to nothing. This brought me with the whole 
colony in dreadful troubles and unutterable anxieties, and had an influence on 
all mishaps which took place since.

Rebellion of Colonel Cary and his followers. 

Finally, that C. Cary became an open and declared rebel and brought together a 
gang of tramps and rioters by means of promises and plenty of good drinks to 
which he treated them,—so much so that the new Governor, Mr Hyde, dared not to 
undertake it to put himself in possession of his Government by force,—all the 
less so that his letters patent were not yet ready, although orders had 
already been issued, on the strength of which Col. Trent, Governor of South 
Carolina was to install him, and had already written to that effect to the 
Council of North Carolina; unfortunately that same Governor Trent suddenly 
died, which fact was the cause of all these disturbances.

However, this interreign did not suit me, and in such pressing need and want 
(inasmuch as, on account of the troubles caused by that rebellion, everybody 
kept his little provisions for himself,) the question was whether I should 
risk my life, and leave all that colony to rack and ruin, and let them starve, 
or if I should run into debts to relieve these poor people. In such pressing 
need an honest man, a good christian could not hesitate. As luckily my name 
and character were good enough in America, where my plans were much talked of,—
I first sent to Pennsylvania for provisions of flour; I had luckily already 
ordered some there from London, by way of precaution, fearing that affairs 
would not go on as easily in Carolina as was thought at the time. I did not 
fail to send also to Virginia and into the Province itself for the necessary 
provisions, but all that got on so slowly that during that time these new 
colonists were obliged to sell their clothes and implements, in order to get 
the necessary victuals from the neighboring inhabitants, and keep themselves 
from starvation.

In the mean time I took steps to get the land surveyed in distributing to 
every family its own portion of it, so that they should not lose time, and in 
order that they could root up the trees, build their cabins, etc. At last the 
provisions in grain, salt, butter, salt pork, and several kinds of vegetables, 
were brought to me at heavy expense. As to cattle, it was supplied with 
difficulty, since our people would not go for it where it could be found, and 
I could not deliver it to them at their very doors. However, some expedients 
were found, and our colonists, within 18 months, managed to build homes and 
make themselves so comfortable, that they made more progress in that length of 
time, than the English inhabitants in several years.—For instance, there was, 
in the whole province, only one wretched water mill; the wealthiest people use 
handmills, and the poorer class are obliged to pound their grain in mortars 
made of oak, or rather tree-stocks which are dug out, and, instead of sifting 
it in a regular sieve, they shake it barely in a kind of basket, which 
operation, of course, occasions much loss of time. On the contrary, our people 
found out brooklets, convenient to build on them a kind of wheelworks 
connected with pestles which they put in motion, so by means of water power 
they pounded their grain, & had their time left for other work, what did them 
much good. I had myself already begun the construction of a very convenient 
water-mill. But, alas! as we already hoped to enjoy the fruits of our labors 
after much expense, trouble, and care,—notwithstanding such cross-accidents, 
mishaps and inconveniences,—when there was a fine appearance of a happy state 
of things, the fourth storm of infortune rushed upon us in the shape of the 
Indians, who plotted a black treachery, the which proceeded from the vengeance 
and jealousy of the rebel adherents of Col. Cary, the author of all our 
misfortunes.

Here follows my relation and tragic adventures on my travel to Catechna. I 
change the Governor's letter into a relation and keep for its time the 
particulars about the Indian war. This sad adventure is in a relation inserted 
at page [923], as it consists in a letter written to Govr Hyde, written before 
this narration.

As the said Col. Cary, by his unruly, “crabbed” and treacherous proceedings, 
was cause of the commotion and tumult of the whole province, it will not be 
out of place to mention here something more particular about these 
disturbances, and to continue the narration of what took place after Col. 
Trent's, the Govr of S. C's death.

As soon as we had arrived to a village on the frontier between Virginia & 
Carolina, called Somer Town, a small crowd of inhabitants of North Carolina 
came to greet me and offered the government to me; they insisted among other 
motives of persuasion, on the fact that it was due to me since, in an 
interreign, and in the Governor's absence, the landgrave occupied the first 
rank and held the “presidial.” Having already heard from the Govr of North 
Carolina's death, in London, I replied that though I was duly invested with 
that dignity of a Landgrave, I would not avail myself, at the moment, of that 
title. I thanked them for the honor which they did me, and in my turn pointed 
to the following considerations: “that the new governor, Mr Hyde, was already 
in Virginia, that I had been an ocular witness of his election as such by the 
LL. Props, and had congratulated him in the rooms of these distinguished 
gentlemen,—that, far more, he was a near relative to the Queen,—that he had 
been approvingly confirmed by her Majesty,— and that it would be ungracious in 
me to meddle with such kind of business,—that, though that lord had not yet 
received his letters patent, they could follow soon, and that, accordingly, 
the inhabitants of North Carolina ought to make no difficulty in receiving him 
as their governor,—the more so, that Govr Trent had already notified it to the 
Council of N. Carolina,”—but, as these persons did not like to have such a 
great tory for their governor, my answer did not please them,—so they partook 
of a collation with me, and returned home.

Arrival in Carolina. 

A few days afterwards, I advanced further in the Province with my people and 
stopped in the County of Albemarle, on the River Chowan, at the Coll 
Pollock's, a Member of the Council, and among the wealthiest of the Province. 
Immediately the council was assembled and they urged much upon me, in order 
that I should attend it, though I did not want to do it, in such delicate 
matters,—then, when we were in session, they explained the situation of 
affairs in the Province. It was not very hard for me to guess that they wished 
very much to enlist me in their party, as much on account of my character as 
on account of the many fine people which I had with me and at my disposal,—
inasmuch as, on whatever side I should be, I could turn the scales in favor of 
those which I should join. After due consideration of these matters, it was 
thought that I ought to write an earnest letter to Col. Cary, putting his duty 
before him and telling him that, if he would not yield to reason, I threatened 
to throw myself, with all my people, on the side of the new Govr, Mr Hyde, 
what, being done, would enable him to other measures. However, he gave me a 
very proud and impudent answer. Afterwards, having reflected upon 
his “sinister” proceeding, he repented a little, and we came at last to an 
understanding, which was subscribed and undersigned on both sides. The 
substance of it was, that Col. Cary with his followers should recognize Mr 
Hyde as president of the Council, until the coming of more precise orders from 
the LL. Proprietors. For the mean time I pursued my way to the quarters where 
I proposed to settle with my people, to New Bern, from where the Palatines had 
written to me, with earnest entreaties that I should make haste and bring them 
the necessary victuals, in the utmost distress in which they found themselves. 
I therefore got some provisions together, but I could not have enough of them 
for so many people. Meanwhile some one wrote to Govr Hyde not to fail to come 
immediately with his family, from Virginia to Carolina, on the River Chowan, 
to Col. Pollock's, and on a plantation belonging to a good old English 
nobleman, whose name was Duckenfield, where he found pretty good lodgings.

Colonel Cary comes to Newbern. 

When Col. Cary saw that he could not play the trick which he intended as said 
above, he did his utmost to get artfully hold of the agreement made and 
contrived cunningly to tear from it his name and signature. He then begun his 
old course again, and by means of good liquor, rum, and brandy, to which he 
treated the rabble, he secured many adherents, and they finally came to an 
open rebellion against Mr Hyde. But, as that disturber of public peace was 
well aware that he would have in myself a powerful adversary to contend with, 
he had recourse to the following trick.

Under pretence of a visit he came to see me at Newbern, the place of my 
residence, where he dined with me. After the meal we drank a bottle of Madeira 
wine together and spoke seriously; as he was the one who (according to my 
letters-patent and to the orders of the LL. Proprietors) was to supply me with 
all necessaries, out of the revenue of the Province, and refused to do 
anything, I was glad to have an occasion to blame him for it and to point out, 
in his presence, to the enormity of his criminal proceedings. Seeing himself 
convinced by so many good reasons, and on another hand desirous to wheedle me, 
so that I should not work too hard against him, he promised me, in the 
presence of 4 witnesses, to deliver to me within 3 weeks, in partial payment 
of the LL. Proprietors' orders, the worth of 500 lb. sterl. in cattle, grain, 
and other provisions. Concerning Gov. Hyde he said he would leave things in 
statu quo, and then departed, but I did not rely much on what he said, and 
told him, in his face, that I feared the acts would not answer the promises.

This trip of Cary had not been undertook without some bad intention, and he 
achieved what he had planned, then he did not fail to inculcate to all 
planters of the neighborhood that they should deter my colonists from siding 
with Govr Hyde, in what they well succeeded, and not one dared to walk out 
from the quarters, having been threatened that if they did not remain neutral, 
they would be destroyed by the Indians and Carolinian residents.

Invitation of Governor Hyde. 

Some time later, Governor Hyde sent me by an express messenger a parcel of 
letters-patent, among which was one by which he had appointed me as a Colonel 
and Commander of the County of Bath; the names of the inferiors were left in 
albo; he left their nomination with me, and earnestly entreated me to assist 
him with all my might against the Rebels. Knowing well how cowardly was the 
disposition of my people, I replied to the Governor that my men were by no 
means disposed to take any part at all, but desired to keep a strict 
neutrality; this did not please the Governor and soon afterwards there came a 
more precise order with the express clause that, if nothing could be done, I 
at least should immediately go and attend the Parliament or General Assembly 
which was to be held. I could not decline, so much the less, that my titles 
and public character bound me to do it as a duty, and so I resolved to go, not 
without taking my precautions, inasmuch as I had been threatened, as well as 
my colonists, and the road was nothing but safe, and the distance a two days' 
march across big rivers and more or less dangerous woods.

My arrival at the Government-house. 

Having arrived safely at the Governor's we discussed together, before 
appearing in Parliament, the measures to be taken in order to secure us 
against the insults of Col. Cary and his adherents.

Arrival of the impostor, R. Roach.
 
Without delay we ordered for our guard a body of the most trustworthy people, 
in order to avoid a surprisal, and our greatest care was to win to our side 
the inhabitants of the Province. Unhappily, just at that time, there arrived 
from London a certain riotous and turbulent person, called Richard Roach. He 
was the cause of much trouble; he was the agent of one of the LL. Proprietors, 
but a merchant, and a member of the Sect of Shakers, and had come to that 
country for the purpose of trading. He was immediately won to the side of the 
Rebels, what much strengthened them, since he was abundantly provided with 
powder, lead, and firearms, what suited them very well. That impostor was very 
boisterous and of the utmost impudence. In order to excite Rebellion all the 
more, he presumed to spread atrocious lies and slanders against Govr Hyde, 
saying that he had other orders from the LL. Props, but not in favor of Edward 
Hyde; this made the disturbance greater, fostered Rebellion, and gave us much 
trouble. That same scoundrel did also injure me much privately; he played on 
me the trick of making unavailable a bill of exchange of 200lb. Sterlg. He 
pretended to have orders to protest or seize it, though his master from whom I 
had got the bill, was paid long ago in due form. This was a very great and 
unconceivable damage to me in a moment of greatest need.

The Rebels attack the Government and Council. 

These Rebel ringleaders, Col. Cary, Richard Roach, & Eman. Low (who, although 
a Shaker, erected himself into a Colonel), came during a certain night in a 
well equipped bigantine loaded with 60 or 80 men and a few cannons, in order 
to besiege us at Col. Pollock's, that is, at the Council member's in whose 
house the Council was always held, as well on account of his dwelling's 
situation, as on account of his means and credit. Towards morning these avowed 
Rebels and declared enemies fired, from their brigantine, two cannon shots 
against the house where we were, and only scratched the roof of the house; the 
report begun the alarm. Thereafter, our body of guards, about 63 men strong, 
took position and we shot also a couple of cannon balls in the direction of 
the brigantine, but without causing any damage.

Then these Rebels disembarked, out of their brigantine, on two boats, their 
best men, with the intention to set them on shore and take us by surprise, not 
suspecting that we had many people with us. When we saw their movements we 
took also our position, and went behind a row of bushes on the shore of the 
river, which is there about two good miles broad. The Rebels, seeing among our 
people my servant, who was dressed in a yellow livery coat, were frightened, 
as they thought that my whole colony was at hand. We sent after them a few 
cannon balls which slightly struck their mast; this had such good result that 
the boat crews did not dare to land, but returned aboard the brigantine. 
Finally, fear seized them in such a way, that they hauled up sails and took 
flight.

Flight of the Rebels.—An amnesty for the deceived.—Gov. Hyde recognized by 
Parliament. 

We did not fail to pursue them at once and embarked our best men on a big 
boat, but they could not overtake them. The brigantine's crew, however, being 
struck with panic, found a place convenient for landing, went on shore, and 
the leaders fled through the woods. And so our people conquered the 
brigantine, and brought it back, together with its little crew and the 
ammunition, to the place where we were assembled. This event sowed division 
among the Rebels and other evil-disposed persons and strengthened our party. 
Having consulted among us, we found that we ought perhaps to publish an 
amnesty for all who had been maliciously enticed by the leaders, but the 
leaders themselves were denounced publicly. A list was made out of all who had 
submitted to the new Government, and given their written adhesion, and then we 
called together a Parliament, where all matters concerning these disturbances 
were discussed, the most turbulent were secured and imprisoned, and to those 
who confessed their faults, an amnesty was granted. During all that was going 
on, I was obliged to take the “presidial,” most unwillingly, then the matter 
was delicate and dangerous. My first aim was to work with all my might in 
order that the new Governor, Mr Edward Hyde, should be recognized, in which I 
was successful, and so got rid of a heavy burden. So every thing was quiet 
again and every one went home.

The fire of Rebellion kindled again by Roach and others. 

But that calm did not last long; the authors of the disturbance again gathered 
together and R. Roach, mentioned above, established himself on an island with 
ammunition and provisions, and made every effort to bring together, the 
dispersed and runaway Rebels. The Governor himself, with his party, tried to 
dislodge him from his island, but he was so strongly entrenched that nothing 
was done and the government's force had to retire.

That seditious fire broke out again and was carried to such a pitch that the 
second outbreak was nearly more serious than the first; in this dangerous 
situation, it was considered expedient to look for help to the neighboring 
State, and decided that I should be delegated with two members of Council to 
Mr Alexander Spotswood, Governor of Virginia, to ask him to assist us, and a 
letter was sent to him in advance, in order to impart to him our intentions. 
He very civilly appointed a place and day for us to meet him on the frontier 
between Virginia and North Carolina, as he had anyway the intention to drill 
his troops in that neighborhood.

My deputation to the Governor of Virginia for help.—The required help 
obtained. 

I started for that appointment by water, on the same brigantine which we had 
taken from the Rebels, because it was not safe to travel by land, and besides, 
we were glad to take along some provisions in the neighborhood. But when we 
had sailed some small distance, such a terrible storm arose, that we were 
compelled to turn back. We therefore took a canoe (it is a long and narrow 
boat dug out of one solid piece of wood,—and daily used on those rivers) and 
we paddled up stream, after the wind had somewhat subsided, but though we made 
all possible haste, we could not arrive in time at the appointed place; but 
the Governor of Virginia had given orders so that he should be at once 
informed of my arrival, at Williamsburg, the place of his residence. As soon 
as I had come, I wrote a letter with my compliments and apologies to that 
lord, who did not fail to come to the appointed place on the following day, 
with his Secretary and two other gentlemen. We consulted there together, and 
the Governor received us very civilly. The job was harder than I expected; 
after I had exhibited my credentials, I stated my request, but strong 
objections to it were made at once: “That the Virginians did not feel inclined 
to fight against their brothers and neighbors, inasmuch as they were all 
equally subjects of the Queen of Great Britain, that besides the case was 
somewhat embarrassing, the more so that Mr Hyde had not yet got his letters-
patent.” Some other expedients, therefore, were to be found, and Govr 
Spotswood, to whom I had been recommended in the name of the Queen, and who, 
for the first time he saw me, was desirous to please me and not to send me 
away without granting me some favor, asked me if I had to propose some other 
means or expedients which would be of an easier achievement. I therefore, 
seeing that these Virginians were not disposed to help us, and that they 
perhaps somewhat partook of that free and democratic spirit, bethought myself 
that perhaps something might be obtained in the shape of regular troops. I 
accordingly asked the Governor, in his capacity of rear-admiral of the 
Virginia Coast, to be so kind as to send us a well-equipped man-of-war, which 
request he granted. He at once sent us a brave captain, who did his duty very 
well. I did not doubt but that, as soon as he would appear with the red coats, 
(the livery of the crown, common to all men in Her Majesty's pay,) it would 
have an excellent effect.

The Virginian Man-of-War comes to the rescue. 

I took leave of that lord, and departed for home, and before my departure that 
lord showed me extraordinary favor, invited me to come to his home and offered 
me his services in whatever could be in his power. I arrived at the Government-
house and reported what I had done, and my negotiation was approved and met 
with general applause, as well from the Governor and Council, as of all well-
intentioned people, what fact did not little increase my credit.

After some time the captain of the ship arrived with his brave sailors, and 
after he had complimented us and handed the letter of Govr Spotswood in 
presence of the Council, we asked him to declare before the General Assembly 
and all the people, that if the rioters would not return to their duty, he had 
orders to deal with them with the greatest severity. That had indeed such good 
effect that no body dared to stir, and the authors of the disturbances took 
flight. At the same time, we received letters from London, stating that the 
LL. Proprietors had appointed Mr Edward Hyde as Governor of North Carolina, 
and that his letters-patent had been handed to a trustworthy person who was to 
bring them,—what calmed much the popular excitement, and the evil-intentioned 
came to confusion.

Colonel Cary, made a prisoner in Virginia, is sent to London. 

That Col. Cary, so often mentioned above, was arrested in Virginia with other 
persons concerned in his plot, and sent to London in a well equipped ship. He 
was prosecuted, what created much sensation. Happily for him, however, two 
lords took his part and saved his life; he was liberated on bail, and a judge 
was assigned to him in Carolina, in order that he could defend himself there,—
where the case was delayed so long that to-day sentence is not passed,—but I 
believe that he is not very anxious to hasten the judgment of an affair so 
risky.

All these troubles had been not little conducive to the invasion of the 
Savages, in as much as some of the rioters had defamed Govr Hyde, in the 
opinion of the Indians, to such a degree, that they held him for their 
declared enemy. I could ascertain that fact myself, when I was made a prisoner 
by the Savages. Believing that I was the Governor, they dealt very roughly 
with me, until an Indian who understood English and knew me told told them 
that I was not Govr Hyde; I had then a rather better time.

My return to New-Bern—2d departure for the Govt-seat—The Govr presents himself 
to the Genal Assbly.

After every thing was calmed down, I went back to Newbern, in order to see 
what my poor colonists were doing, but I could not stay there long. The Govr 
having at last received the letters-patent, called a General Assembly 
together, in order to present himself. I had, of course, to be there, and was 
very glad to improve that occasion, and to apply to that new Governor for what 
I could not obtain from Col. Cary. I found, indeed, the Governor very willing 
to do me justice, but when it came to measures of execution, he was himself so 
pinched and straitened, that he hardly had enough to supply his own wants. I 
was accordingly compelled to apply to the Parliament of the Province to ask 
for what I had not been as yet able to obtain in account with the LL. 
Proprietors,—what was, however, the very foundation of my enterprise. 
Disappointed as I was by the breaking of so many fine promises made formerly 
to me, I found myself in great perplexity, with all my people dependent on me 
and my expense, so that it was impossible to go on in the same way; to get new 
means of support from my own country would have taken much time; as we could, 
however, not live on air, I asked the Province to assist me on the same 
conditions to which the LL. Proprietors had agreed towards me, and to provide 
me with victuals and necessaries for two or three years on credit, which 
advance money I should pay back afterwards. I was not more successful with 
these; under pretence that the civil war had exhausted them, I was not 
complied with, and obliged to return home deprived of every thing. I 
nevertheless made still my efforts, and aided the colony the best I could, as 
it has been told above.

Hereafter the narration of the Indian war takes place. Motives or causes of 
the Indian War. 

What kindled that Indian or Savages' war were, above all, the slanders and 
insinuations of a few rioters against Govr Hyde and against me. They made the 
savages believe that I had come to expel them from their lands, and that they 
would be compelled to settle much further, towards, or even in, the mountains; 
I convinced them that such was not my intention, and they could ascertain it 
by the gentleness and civility of my behaviour towards them, and by the 
payment which I made to them of the lands where I had settled at first, and 
where I had founded the small town of Newbern, although I had already paid 
double their worth to the Surveyor Lawson, who sold them to me as free of 
whole incumbrance, not telling to me that there were Indians. Again, I had 
made peace and alliance with the King and his Indian dependents, which were 
well satisfied with me; (3) an important cause was the carelessness, 
negligence, and lack of precaution of the Carolinian residents; (4) it was the 
rough treatment of some turbulent Carolinians, who cheated those Indians in 
trading, and would not allow them to hunt near their plantations, and under 
that pretence took away from them their game, arms, and ammunition. There even 
was an Indian killed, which most incensed them, and not unjustly.

These poor Indians, insulted in many ways by a few rough Carolinians, more 
barbarous and inhuman than the Savages themselves, could not stand such 
treatment any longer, and began to think of their safety and of vengeance, 
what they did very secretly. Unfortunately, believing myself entirely at peace 
with them, I contemplated a pleasure trip up the river, and this was just the 
place where they had a general appointment to discuss the matter mentioned 
above. What made me feel all the safer, was that, some 10 or 14 days before, I 
had been lost in the woods, as I came from surveying some lands, and been 
overtaken by night; following a path, I suddenly met a party of Indians which 
had moved from Chattawka, the place Newbern actually stands. The reader may 
think whether I should have dared to present myself there, had I not really 
lived in peace with those Indians; I, however, could not help feeling some 
secret apprehension,—they would have had a good occasion to revenge themselves 
on me, if I had done them any harm,—but, happily, they received me very well. 
As I was very thirsty, having wandered all day through the woods,—fearing that 
drinking much water would hurt me,—they sent at a sick woman's house, for some 
cider which had been bought for her, and gave it to me, (a great kindness 
indeed, coming from heathen!). The King made me a present of a large piece of 
venison, they had bonfires through all the night, and danced and sung during I 
was alone with my footman in the small tent which I got pitched to lie down, 
but I could not sleep on account of that noise. Next morning, the King gave me 
an escort of two Indians who saw me home; after having given them plenty to 
eat, I made them a small present and sent to the King in return of his cider 
two bottles of rum, a kind of brandy made out of sugar-dregs, which were 
gladly received, as I have heard since. This same King took a large part in my 
liberation (together with Divine Assistance, and secondly to it,) when I was 
made a prisoner and sentenced by the Indians of the Upper-River.

Fourth cross-accident. 

How I was made a prisoner by the Indians, sentenced to death and miraculously 
liberated. What took place among the Indians, and what I observed during my 
confinement. How at last I returned and arrived home at Newbern. 

(A copy of the relation written to Mr Edward Hyde, Govr of N. Carolina, on the 
23d of October 1711, concerning my miraculous rescue from the Indians or 
Savages.)

My most noble and honored Lord:

I have at last escaped from the cruel hands of this barbarous nation, the 
Tuscaroras, by the providence and miraculous assistance of the Almighty, and 
have arrived at my small home in New Bern, but half dead. I have been, indeed, 
compelled to go on foot, quite alone, during two whole days, and with the 
greatest speed possible, through the woods of Catechna, and was obliged, as 
night overtook me, to halt near a horrible ditch, full of water and brushwood.

I leave you to think, sir, the pitiful way in which I spent this night, 
fearing to be overtaken by savage strangers, or torn to pieces by the many 
bears who growled all the night through around me and quite near to the place 
where I was. Besides, I was quite lame, for having walked so long and at such 
speed, and had no arms for my safety, not even a knife, nor anything to strike 
fire, I was nearly dead with cold, shivering under the north wind which blew 
during the whole night. At daybreak, when I attempted to rise from my damp and 
cold couch, my legs were so stiff and swollen that I could not take one step,—
but, as I could not stay there, I had to walk at any cost, and I supported 
myself on two sticks to proceed on my way.

Arrival at Newbern. 

I had much trouble in crossing that ditch, what I achieved by creeping along 
the long offshoot of a tree. At last, with much pains, I reached my quarters. 
As I drew near the house, and saw it fortified and full with people, I felt a 
little better at heart,—indeed, I was afraid to find everything burnt and 
ruined by the Indians, as well as the houses of the poor colonists, and 
expected to find but very few of my people, since I knew only too much about 
the cruel raid of the Indians along the rivers Pamptego, News, and Trent, 
where, resolved to lay waste the whole country, they burnt, killed, and 
plundered whomsoever and whatever they found in their way.

When my good people saw me coming from afar, tanned by exposure like an 
Indian, but on another hand considered my figure and my blue jerkin, they knew 
not what to think, but, in their firm belief that I was dead, they rather 
believed that I was an Indian spy dressed in my jerkin, coming to watch 
something; the men even took up their arms, but when I came nearer walking 
with two sticks, and quite lame, they well saw by my look and attitude that I 
was not an Indian or Savage. However, they did not know me at once, but a few 
came in my direction to reconnoitre me. When I saw them so puzzled, I began to 
speak to them from afar, with such a weak voice however, that, in their 
surprise they fell back a few steps, and hallooed to the others to come, that 
it was their lord, whom they thought to be dead. And so all came in crowds, 
men, women, and children, shouting and crying out, part of them weeping, 
others struck dumb with surprise. It was really a strange sight, and this 
medley of sadness and joy, of wailing and delight, moved myself to tears.

After having exchanged a few words with those people around me, exhausted as I 
felt, I at last came home, and after having closed the door of my private 
room, I made my ardent prayers, giving glory to the Good God for my miraculous 
and gracious rescue, which may well be held, in these times, for a miracle.

The following day I asked what had taken place in my absence, but I heard such 
sad news that I felt nearly broken-hearted. The worst was, that besides 60 or 
70 Palatines and Swiss who were slaughtered, the others, who ran away, were 
robbed and plundered, and part of those who remained left my house and the 
townlet, where, however, was the stores of their own goods; they did that by 
the instigation of one certain William Brice, an ungrateful man, for whom I 
had done much good, and whom even the Palatines and myself had rescued from 
the greatest want. Without even thinking of our kind acts, and in order to 
secure the defence of his own house with the exclusion of others, he debauched 
and led away from me, by all kind of promises and artful tricks, my people, in 
order to turn them, with a few English residents, into a garrison. So I had to 
content myself with a crowd of women and children, having not more than 40 men 
able to bear arms; all these people, however, are a heavy burden for me; my 
whole provision in grains, in great and small cattle has to be used in this 
sad plight; if we do not receive very soon the needed assistance, we have to 
die or to leave the place and the post.

Therefore, my noble and most honored Lord, we earnestly entreat you to supply 
us with the necessary provisions and amunition,—and with well-armed troops, in 
order to drive back those barbarous ruffians; if not, the evil will grow more 
and more, and it is to be feared that the whole country might come to ruin.

It is surprising, yea, scandalous to see such coldness and such lack of 
sympathy in the inhabitants of Albemarle County, who can look on with folded 
arms, when a savage and barbarous nation slaughters their nearest brethren. 
They even ought not to expect a better fate, inasmuch as they draw upon 
themselves these same misfortunes by such profound lethargy, when they ought 
to take more to heart the ruin of their brethren and their own danger. It is 
not less surprising to see so little energy and good order among the office 
holders, your High Lordships being excepted in best form: I am, indeed, 
persuaded that your Lordship has not failed to give all necessary orders, but 
that they have not been executed, what is to be regretted.

My most honored Lord,—The above statement is only to explain how I came home, 
but, for my justification, I must show how I did fall in the hands of that 
barbarous nation.

Beginning of my fatal trip to Catechna, or at the Indian Nation's, called 
Tuscoruros. 

One day, as the weather was very fine, and there was good appearance that it 
would last, Surveyor-general Lawson proposed to me to go up Neus' River, 
hinting that there were plenty of good wild grapes, which we could gather for 
refreshing ourselves. This statement was, however, not strong enough to 
prevail on me. A few days afterwards, he came back, giving better reasons. He 
remarked that we could see, in the meantime, whether the River may be 
navigated in its higher course, and that a new road to Virginia might be laid 
out there, the actual route being long and difficult,—and likewise visit the 
Upper country. I had, indeed, been anxious for a long time to know and see by 
myself how far it is from here to the mountains.

I accordingly resolved to take that trip, and we took provisions for 15 days; 
I, however, asked Mr Lawson whether there were any danger on account of the 
Indians, especially on account of those which we did not know. He answered 
that there was no danger in that direction, as he had already taken that trip 
once, that surely there were no savages living on that branch of the River, 
that they used to be very far from it. But, in order to feel all the safer, we 
took with us two Indian neighbors, which we knew well, and to whom I had done 
much good, with two negroes to row. One of the Savages knew English, and we 
thought that, as we had those two Indians with us, we had nothing to fear from 
the others. So we went peacefully on our way; it had not rained for a long 
time, the River was not very high, and the current all the slower for it; the 
whole day we went up the river,—by night we pitched our tents near the water, 
and early in the morning we proceeded further.

May your Lordship please to take notice that Surveyor-General Lawson required 
my horses, saying that we could go through the woods, to see where the road to 
Virginia might be begun most conveniently. At first I would not consent; at 
last, he asked only for one, which I granted. One of the Indians went on 
horseback by land, but he was compelled to cross the river at one place, what 
was our misfortune, for he came to the great village of Catechna (I do not 
know whether he lost his way, or if he did that by treachery). There he was at 
once asked what he was doing there with that horse, (they do not use horses in 
those parts); he answered that he was to bring it back to us, and that we were 
going up stream. This immediately alarmed the inhabitants of Catechna; they 
crowded together from the whole neighborhood, kept the horse, and told our 
Indian that he ought to warn us at once not to advance further in their 
country, that they would not allow it, and that we had to turn back, by the 
orders of the King who resided there. Our Indian accordingly gave us a signal 
in firing his gun, in order that we should stop. We stopped indeed, after 
having also let off our gun; it was already late when he brought this bad 
piece of news, we landed at the next spring to pass the night, but we already 
met Indians, armed as if they had come from hunting. I said, that I did not 
like the looks of things altogether, and that we ought to turn back at once; 
but the Surveyor-general laughed at me. We had hardly turned our backs, when 
things began to look serious, and laughter, in a twinkle, expired on his lips.

How we were arrested by a gang of Indians.
 
Such a number of Indians came out from the bushes, some even swimming across 
the river, and overtook us so suddenly, that it was impossible to defend 
ourselves, for fear of being killed on the spot, or cruelly mistreated. They, 
accordingly, took us prisoners, plundered our things, and led us away.

We had already made a good two day's journey, not far from another village 
called Coerntha. The river there is still pretty broad, but it is not deep 
over 2 or 3 feet, and this place is as yet very far from the mountains.

Arrival at Hencock's Towne or Catechna.—Reception of King Hencock.—Great 
Indian Festival, or Assembly. 

We had entreated the savages to leave us there, over night, with a few guards 
if they doubted us, remonstrating that we could any how not go very far on 
foot, and telling them that we should go the next day down the River, to see 
the King at Catechna and justify ourselves, but we could not succeed. Such a 
rare and considerable capture made them proud; indeed, they took me for the 
Governor of the Province himself; we were compelled to run with them all the 
night through the woods, across thickets and swamps, till we arrived at about 
3 o'clock in the morning at Catechna or Hencocks-Towne, (that is to say: the 
village of Hencock), where the King, called Hencock, was sitting in state, 
with his Council, on a kind of scaffold,—though the Heathen or Savages usually 
sit on the ground. After an oration, apparently much exaggerated, made by the 
leader or captain of our escort, the King stood up with his Council, and came 
to us with the first captain-of-war, approaching us and speaking to us very 
civilly; but we did not understand their language, with exception of a very 
few words. Soon afterwards, the King went into his cabin or den, and we 
remained near the fire, guarded by 7 or 8 savages. Towards 10 o'clock, every 
savage came out of his den, one here, one there, and they discussed at length 
the question, whether we ought to be bound as criminals or not. They concluded 
negatively, inasmuch as we had not been heard as yet. Towards midday, the King 
himself brought us to eat a kind of bread made out of buck-wheat, 
called “Dumplins,” and some venison, in a disgusting “cap”; I eat some, 
indeed, though unwillingly, but I felt very hungry; we were at liberty to walk 
through the village. Towards evening, there was a great festival, or an 
assembly from all places of the neighborhood, to discuss two matters: (1) How 
they would avenge themselves for the rough dealings of a few wicked English 
Carolinians who lived near the Pamptego, News, & Trent Rivers; (2) to feel 
their way as to the help which they could expect from their Indian neighbors.

[N. B. It must be observed that it was neither I nor my colony, who were the 
cause of that terrible slaughter or Indian war, as it may be seen at page [44 
MSS.].

In the evening, there came a great many Indians from every direction with the 
neighboring Kings. The “Assembly of the Great,” as they style it, (consisting 
of 40 elders siting on the ground around a fire according to their custom) 
took place at ten o'clock at night in a great and beautiful open ground 
(especially devoted to great festivals and executions). King Hencock presided. 
There was, in the circle, a place set apart for us, with two “mats” (a kind of 
mattresses made with rush), a mark of great deference and honor; we therefore 
sat on them, and on our left side our “speaker,” the Indian who had come with 
us and who knew English very well. The King beckoned to the Speaker of the 
Assembly, who made a long speech with great gravity, and it was ordered that 
the youngest of the Assembly should represent & defend the interest of the 
Council or Indian Nation, what he made indeed in best form, as I could observe 
it; he was seated nearest to our own speaker and interpreter,—the King putting 
always the questions, and then the pro and con were discussed, and they 
consulted over the matter of these questions. After that, they came to a 
conclusion.

Our examination before the Assembly of forty Elders.—Our liberation. 

The first question was: to what purpose we had undertaken that journey; our 
answer was that we had come up the river for our recreation and to gather 
grapes, to see whether the river would be fit for navigation, in order that 
goods could be brought to them by water and trade carried on with them, and 
that a friendly intercouse could be held with them. After that, the King asked 
us why we had not acquainted him with our plan. Then the question was of their 
general complaint, and of the fact that the Indians had been badly abused by 
the inhabitants of the rivers Pamptego, News, & Trent, what could not be 
suffered any more; they spoke the name of the offenders, and especially of 
Surveyor-general Lawson, who, being present, excused himself as well as he 
could after having discussed at length, and come at last to the votes, they 
concluded that we could be liberated and the following day was appointed for 
our return home.

Second examination.—Lawson quarrels with Cortom, and causes our misfortune. 

The following day, it was some time before we could get our canoe or small 
boat; in the mean time some of the “Great” and two foreign Kings came and were 
curious to know which were our reasons of justification. They caused us to be 
examined a second time in the cabin of King Hencock, 2 miles distant from the 
village. We made the same answer as before. Unfortunately, the King of the 
village Core was there and reproached Mr Lawson for something, and they begun 
to quarrel with some violence, what spoilt things entirely; though I made 
every effort to get Lawson to quit his quarreling, I could not succeed.

Our examination being ended at last, we all rose, and I walked about with 
Lawson, and upbraided him for his imprudence in such delicate conjuncture. All 
at once 3 or 4 of the “Great” pounced upon us, took us violently by our arms, 
and led us back to the place where we had been before. No mats were spread 
before us,—they took our hats and periwigs and threw them into the fire, after 
that, some young rascals plundered us anew, and searched our pockets, what had 
not arrived the first time, when they contented themselves with taking our 
heavier luggage.

This is the 4th cross-accident.—Lawson and I are sentenced to death. 

After that, a council of war was held, and we were sentenced to death, without 
being told what was the cause of such sudden change, though I could nearly 
guess at it. We sat on the ground through the whole night, until daybreak, in 
the same position. We were then were led to the great execution ground, a bad 
sign for us; I addressed Mr Lawson, reproached him bitterly, and told him that 
his imprudence was the cause of our misfortune, and that we had nothing better 
to do than to make peace with our God, what I did with great zeal.—When we 
arrived on the said spot, the Council was already assembled. Before we entered 
the circle, I happened to see a savage dressed like a Christian, who knew 
English, and asked him if he did not know the cause of our condemnation. He 
reluctantly answered me: “Why Lawson had quarreled with Cor Tom? That we had 
threatened that we would avenge ourselves on the Indians,”—upon which I took 
that Indian aside, and promised him all I could think of, if he would hear me 
and show my innocence to some of the “Great.”

The Indians bind us and lay us on the ground before the Indian tribunal. 

It was hard to persuade him, but, at last, he listened to me, and I 
accordingly told him that I was very sorry that Mr Lawson had so imprudently 
quarreled with Cor Tom,  that the Councillors had seen themselves how I had 
reproached Mr Lawson more than once, that I was not to be blamed for that,—as 
to the alleged threatenings, “nobody had ever thought of them, there was to be 
some misunderstanding, Lawson accusing my negroes of having troubled his rest 
the first night,—and I had threatened my negroes in a loud voice, on account 
of their impudence,” that no other word had been spoken. After the Indian had 
listened to me, he left me, and I repeated my promises. I cannot say whether 
that scoundrel spoke for me or not, but a quarter of an hour afterwards, the 
elder “Greats” came back and took us to the execution-ground, binding our 
hands and feet: they did the same to my bigger negro. Then began our sad 
tragedy, which I would like to tell, if it was not too long and dreadful,—but,—
since I begun, I will go on.

Relation of the Indian ceremonies of execution.—The Baron de la Hontan does 
not acknowledge it in his relation on Canada,—but other authors do. 

In the centre of that great place, we were seated on the ground, the Surveyor-
general and myself, bound and undressed, with bare heads; behind me, was the 
bigger one of my negroes, and in front of us, a great fire; near it, was the 
conjuror or High Priest (an old grizzled Indian; the priests are generally 
magicians,—and even conjure up the Devil); he made two white rounds,—whether 
of flour or white sand I do not know,—just in front of us, there was a wolf's 
skin, and a little further an Indian Savage standing, in the most dreadful and 
horrible position to be imagined; he did not move from the spot, with a knife 
in one hand, and an axe in the other,—it was apparently the executioner. 
Further still, on the other side of the fire, there was a great mob of Indian 
rabble, consisting of young men, women, and children, who danced with 
frightful contortions. In the centre of the circle was the Priest or Conjuror, 
who made his threatenings and exorcisms, when there was a pause in the dance; 
there were, at the four angles, officers armed with guns, who stimulated the 
dancers by stamping with their feet, and when a dance came to an end, they 
fired their guns.

In some part of the circle, two Indian savages were seated on the ground and 
beat a small drum; they sung a mournful tune, rather fit to provoke tears and 
anger than joy. After they were tired of dancing, they all ran into the woods 
with dreadful outcry and howling, and soon came back with their faces painted 
in black, red, and white. Some of them had their hair flying, greased all over 
and sprinkled with minute cotton and small white feathers, and some arrayed in 
all kinds of furs. In short, they were dressed in such frightful way, that 
they looked rather like a set of Devils than like any other creatures; yes 
indeed, never was the Devil represented with a more frightful appearance than 
these savages running and dancing as they came forth from out the woods, drew 
up at the old place once more, and danced around the fire.

Meanwhile, two lines of armed Indians stood behind us as guards, and never 
moved from their post, till everything was over. Behind this guard the Council 
of war sat on the ground in a circle, and were busy with consultation. Towards 
evening, the mob left off dancing, in order to bring wood from the forest, and 
to keep up the fires in different places;—especially, they made one far in the 
woods, which lasted all night, and so great that I thought the all forest to 
be in fire. I leave you to think, my most honored Lord, what a fearful and sad 
sight that was to me. I was wholly resolved to die, and accordingly I offered 
up my fervent prayers during the whole day & night. Alas! I had all kind of 
thoughts, all the circumstances of my whole life being called to my mind, in 
as far as I could remember them, even unto the least sins. I tried and 
recalled all what I had read in the Holy Scripture, the Psalms, and other good 
books,—in short, I prepared myself, the best I could, to a good and “salutary” 
death. Yes, the good God gave me such grace, as to await death with great 
firmness, though I foresaw a terrible execution. After having suffered 
dreadful anguish, harder to bear than the fear of death itself, I nevertheless 
kept I know not what a faint hope, though I could see no chance of liberation. 
As my past sins occurred to my mind, I found, in the meanwhile, a great 
consolation, in considering the miracles which the Lord Jesus had made, in his 
time, on the earth. This created in me such confidence that I addressed 
forthwith my ardent prayers to my Divine Saviour, not doubting that He would 
grant them, and perhaps change these savage and barbarous hearts, harder than 
rocks, to be more favorably inclined towards me, so that by my strong 
entreaties and solicitations, they might be moved to pity and compassion in my 
behalf, so that they would pardon me,—what, indeed, happened by God's 
miraculous Providence.

The Council of war delay my execution and send delegates to the Tuscoruros. 

Really, the sun was nearly set, when the Council assembled once more, probably 
to make an end of that fatal, frightful, and mournful ceremony; I turned round 
some little, though I was bound, knowing that one of them knew English pretty 
well, and I made a short discourse showing my innocence and insinuating that, 
if they would not spare me, the great and powerful Queen of England would 
avenge my blood, as I had brought that colony in those countries by her 
orders, not to do them any wrong but to live on good terms with them. I 
further stated whatever I thought fit besides, to induce them to some 
mitigation, offering them my services, if I were liberated. After I had done 
speaking, I remarked that one of the notables (who had seemed already disposed 
to do me some good,—who had even brought me to eat once,—and who was a 
relation to King Taylor, from whom I had bought the land where New Bern now 
stands), that that notable spoke earnestly, apparently in my favour, as it 
came out. Then it was forthwith resolved, to send a few members to their 
neighbors, the villages of the Tuscaroros, and to a certain King Tom Blunt, in 
high repute among them.

The result was that I was to live, but that poor Surveyor-General Lawson was 
to be executed. Opinion of the other Indian neighbors, that King Hencock 
should liberate me,—but deal as he pleased with Lawson. 

I spent that whole night in great anguish, awaiting my fate, (always bound in 
the same place), in continuous prayers and sighs. Meanwhile I also examined my 
poor negro, exhorting him in the best way I knew, and he gave me more 
satisfaction than I expected,—but I left Surveyor-General L. offer his own 
prayers, as being a man of understanding, and not overreligious. Towards 3 or 
4 in the morning, the delegates came back from their mission and brought an 
answer, but very secretly. One of them came to me to unbind me; not knowing 
what this meant, I submitted to the will of the Allmighty, rose, and followed 
him as a poor lamb to the slaughter. Alas! I was much astonished when the 
Indians, a few steps from the former place, whispered into my ear, in a 
gibberish intermingled with English, that I had nothing to fear, that they 
would not kill me, but that Lawson would die, what affected me much. About 
twenty steps away from the place where I had been bound, the Indian led me to 
the cabins or dens, but I had no appetite. All at once, came quite a crowd of 
Indians around me, and did unanimously show much pleasure at my liberation. 
This very same man brought me back to the old place, but a little further, 
where the Council was assembled, and they congratulated me in their way, and 
smiled at me.

I was however forbidden to speak the least word to Mr Lawson, and to have any 
intercourse with him. They also liberated my negro, but I never saw him since 
then. Poor Lawson being always left in the same place, I could understand that 
all was over for him, and that he would not be pardoned; he took accordingly 
leave from me, and told me to say farewell, in his name, to his friends. Alas! 
It grieved me much to see him in such danger, not to be able to speak with 
him, nor to give him any consolation; so I tried to show him my compassion by 
a few signs.

Some time afterwards, the man who had spoken in my favor to the Council, took 
me by the hand and led me to his cabin, where I was to keep quiet awaiting new 
orders.

Execution of Surveyor-General Lawson.
 
In the meanwhile, they executed that unfortunate Lawson; as to his death, I 
know nothing certain; some Indians told me, that he was threatened to have his 
throat cut, with the razor which was found in his pocket,—what also 
acknowledged the small negro, who was not executed,—but some said he was hung, 
some said he was burnt. The Indians kept that execution very secret. God have 
mercy upon the poor soul!

The Indians assert that they are going to war against the Carolinians.—The 
Indians, though they had liberated me, do not yet allow my returning home. 

The day after Surveyor-General Lawson's execution, the notables of the village 
came to me, making me acquainted with their design to make war in North 
Carolina, and that they were especially embittered against the people on the 
Rivers Pamptego, New, Trent, and Cor sound, and that they had accordingly good 
reasons not to let me go, till they would have ended their expeditions. What 
was I to do? I had to take patience, and reasoning was of no avail. It was a 
painful position, to hear such bad news and to see myself unable to help these 
poor people, or even to give them the least warning. True, they promised me 
that no harm would be done to Chattoocka (the old name of the town of 
Newbern), but that all people of the Colony ought to go into the town, if not, 
they could not answer for the evil which could happen,—good words enough,—but 
how was I to let it know to these poor people, since not one of the Indians 
was willing to carry them a message? Accordingly, I could but submit the whole 
to the Divine Will.

The Indians come back with their booty, and bring Carolinian prisoners. 

Those who began that robbery and plunder were 500 men strong, well armed. They 
consisted in gangs from different places, one part were Tuscoruros (however, 
the most important villages of that nation did not take part in the affair), 
the others were Marmusckits from the rivers Bory, Wetock, Pamptego, News, 
Trent, and Cor Indians. They went in small platoons, plundering & killing the 
poor people of Pamptego, News, and Trent.

A few days afterwards, the robbers came back with their booty. Alas! What a 
sad sight for me, to see the women and children prisoners! It nearly rent my 
heart. I could well speak with them, but with much precaution; the first came 
from Pamptego, the others from News & Trent. The very Indian with whom I 
lodged happened to bring with him the young boy of one of my tenants, and much 
clothing and furniture which I well knew. Alas! What was not my apprehension, 
in seeing those spoils, that my whole colony was ruined,—especially when I 
privately asked that young boy about what had happened. He cried bitterly, and 
told me how that same Indian with whom we were lodging had killed his father, 
mother, and brother, yes, the whole family! 

Nevertheless, I did not dare to look as if it affected me. I had to remain, 
for six weeks, a prisoner in that hateful place, Catechna, always in fear of 
unutterable dangers and sorrows. Many events took place during that time; I 
was once much perplexed: all men had gone to that plundering-expedition, the 
women were all gone, also, out of the village, in order to gather wild 
cherries, others went to dig some kind of roots, called “Potatos”, which are 
yellow, very good and dainty. On that day, I was all alone by myself in that 
village. I struggled hard to decide whether I should take flight and return 
home, or not, I had a long struggle about it; in that doubt I thought it best 
to pray for my God's help, in order that He would impress upon my mind what I 
was to do in such delicate and dangerous conjuncture. I accordingly said my 
prayers, and then examined the pro & con, and found at last that the best I 
could do was to stay there,—confident as I was that He, who had drawn me out 
from the first danger would assist me further. Indeed, if only one Indian had 
met or see me, I should have been a dead man, and no mercy could have been 
expected; besides, they would have been so incensed that they would have gone 
to the town before my coming home, (as I did not know the way very well), and 
would have taken, plundered, burnt and killed everything and everybody. 
Experience, since, has shown that I made a wise choice.

After these heathen had done with the greatest part of their barbarous 
expedition, they came home and rested for some time. I looked for a favorable 
occasion, when I could meet the leading men of the village in good humour, to 
ask them whether I could not soon return home. In order to impress them 
favorably, I proposed we should conclude a private peace, and promised, at the 
same time, to every one of the “Greats” of the ten villages a jerkin made of 
some cloth, and something more for my ransom to the King, 2 bottles of powder, 
500 grains of small shot, 2 bottles of rum, which is a brandy distilled from 
sugar-dregs. The Indians wanted much more, as, for instance, some guns, more 
powder and lead or small shot, but I remonstrated to them that those things 
were contraband, and that it was forbidden, under pain of death, to sell or 
give such goods to the enemy,—that I was at least to remain neutral, and to 
assist neither one side nor the other; if not we could not conclude a serious 
peace. They finally yielded to these reasons and others, and we accordingly 
agreed, as may be seen by the treaty of peace concluded with those Indians.

Baron of Bernberg and Landgrave of Carolina. Treaty of Peace between De 
Graffenried and the Indians of the Nation of Tuscoruros and their Neighbors.

Be it known to all men by these presents, that in the month of October, 1711, 
has been agreed between the Baron and Landgrave de Graffenriedt, Governor of 
the German Colony of North Carolina, and the Indians of the Nation of 
Tuscoruros with their neighbors from Core, Wilkinson's Point, King Taylor, 
those of Pamptego and others from that country, as follows:

(1) That both parties will let bygones be bygones and be good friends in the 
future;

(2) The undersigned, Governor of the German Colony, must be absolutely neutral 
in time of war between the English and the Indians.

Item: He will keep quiet in his house and town and let pass neither the 
English nor the Indians, and do no harm to the Indians, as well as these will 
not harm the others. In eventual misunderstanding between the ones and the 
others, they shall not avenge themselves, but complain reciprocally to the 
magistrates about that question.

(3) The said Governor of the German Colony promises to remain within his 
limits and to take no more lands from them without due warning to the King and 
his nation.

(4) Item. he promises to procure a cessation of hostilities for fifteen days, 
so that fit and able persons may be selected and appointed to propose good and 
reasonable terms of peace, which, if possible, be acceptable to both parties,—
and in order that this negotiation be not interrupted.

(5) The Indians are allowed to hunt wherever they please, unmolested, except 
that they shall not enter our plantations, for fear they should scare away the 
cattle, and on account of the danger of fire.

(6) Merchandise and provisions have to be sold to the Indians at a reasonable 
price; besides, it is agreed that no harm will be done to our houses, which 
shall bear the sign below marked on their door.

The conditions and clauses above shall be exactly kept, to testify which both 
parties sign hereunto with their usual signatures.

Instead of seal,
the mark of News N. De Graffenried. Governor of
the German Colony. 
Instead of seal
their usual mark VVV Tuscoruros' Indians and
their neighbors. 

But after we had entirely agreed, however, these distrustful savages would not 
let me go home without having sure & certain securities. They wanted me to 
send my little negro to Newbern, in order that all I promised should be 
brought to Catechna; however, not one Indian was found to go with him, though 
I offered to draw up a pass. I told them that not one of my people who had 
remained would come up the river, frightened as they were by the recent 
murders, and that my negro could not pull a loaded boat up the river, all 
alone by himself. As we could not agree, I left it to decide to the Indian 
with whom I was lodged, and he settled the matter in a way which satisfied 
them as well as me.

The Governor of Virginia sends to liberate me from captivity. 

On the very day on which I intended to send my negro to Newbern with a letter 
directed to the person to whom I had entrusted the care of my house, in order 
that he should bring half way the said ransom, for every party's security, 
some strange Indians came, with a horse, sent by the Governor of Virginia, and 
bringing a letter or injunction, the copy of which follows:

Injunction of the Govr of Virginia, translated from the English original:

We, Alexander Spotswood, Lieutenant Governor Commanding the Colonies & 
Province of Virginia as in the name of Her Britanic Majesty.

To the Indian Nation who hold the Baron de Graffenried prisoner.

Having been informed that the Baron de Graffenried Governor & head of the 
German Colonies in North Carolina is a prisoner among you, We intimate and 
command you in the name of the Queen of Great Britain, whose subject he is, 
that at sight of this order you liberate him and send him to our Government. 
And we let you know by these presents that if you kill him or do him any 
violence or harm whatever, We shall avenge his blood, and spare neither men, 
nor women or children.

Given under our great seal, October 8, 1711. 
A. SPOTSWOOD.

Nobody but I could read that letter; it was rather stiff, and I did not know 
what countenance I had to assume. At last, I thought that the messengers knew 
anyway its substance, so I read it to the notables of the village. After I was 
through, I observed something in their mien that did not please me. I told 
them the substance of it. They then held a Council, and it was resolved to let 
me go to that village of the Tuscororos, where was the Indian trader from 
Virginia, who had been in the village some time before when Mr Lawson was 
executed, then went back and related our sad adventure to the Governor, when 
that generous Lord, Mr Spotswood, immediately sent back that Virginia trader 
(who traded with the Indians, understood and spoke their language well) with 
the letter above, to the Tuscaroroes.

My excursion to those Indians, at Tasqui, where was the Virginian merchant, by 
orders of the Governor. 

The Governor himself went to the first Indian village, called Ratoway, and 
stayed there with a strong escort, giving orders to the neighboring militia to 
hold themselves ready for immediate action in case that no good answer would 
be received. Accordingly, early in the morning, I started on horseback with 
the Indian messengers and 4 of the notables of Catechna, who accompanied me to 
the most important village, called Paski; they walked as quick as I rode on my 
horse, and we arrived in the evening at twilight. There was found a trader 
from Virginia. That village was fortified with palisades, and the houses or 
cabins were neatly made out of tree bark, they stood in a circle, and in the 
midst of them was a beautiful round place, in its centre a big fire, and 
around it the Council sitting on the ground, that is the leaders of the 
Tuscoruros' nation. Places were left for the merchant already mentioned, for 
me and for the Indians who came with me; after I had greeted that Gentleman, 
we seated ourselves.

Meanwhile, I already secretly rejoiced, in the hope of being able to go to 
Ratoway (where the Govr of Virginia expected me) and to be at last free to get 
away from the savages, but, alas! I was not yet to succeed.

Assembly of Tasqui on my behalf; they acknowledge that I ought to be liberated.
 
The speaker of the Assembly began a great oration, and asked the 4 Indians who 
had come with me what was the cause of my detention and my crime. After the 
Indian delegates had been heard, and I was recognized as innocent, it was 
concluded that the Govr of Virginia was to be complied with and that 
satisfaction should be given him, and it was set forth what dangers could 
ensue in case of a refusal.

The merchant of Virginia, as being our interpreter, spoke for me the best he 
could, but the 7 Indian delegates from Catechna would not yield to this.7 

My return to Catechna. 

They feared to lose their ransom, though the merchant from Virginia offered 
security for it; their pretext was that they dared to do nothing without the 
consent of the others and of the King. They promised, however, to let me go as 
soon as the King & Council would have assembled, but they insisted upon 
keeping my negro as a security, until the ransom would be paid. On the 
following day, quite disappointed, and in terrible perplexity, I took leave 
from the Virginian merchant, who felt very sorry about the harsh behaviour of 
these Savages, and I returned in a very sad mood. When we drew near to Hencock 
Towne or Catechna, at a distance of about 3 or 4 miles from it, we heard much 
shouting, and I saw some Indians coming forth, here and there, from out the 
bushes, what seemed to me a bad foreboding and frightened me, not without 
reason, the more so that they ran to me, quite out of breath and dismayed, 
saying that the English and Palatines were quite near; they mimicked the 
Palatines in their gestures, with an angry countenance, uttering the 
words: “Ta, Ta,” and giving me thereby to understand that my people appeared 
to be also against them, among their enemies. They led me, through a 
roundabout way, across an ugly ditch, from where I saw a fire from afar. I was 
much frightened, and did not doubt but that I was going to be burnt on that 
inflamed wood-pile, or to be secretly slaughtered in that terrible desert. 
After I had said my prayers I studied how I could make them believe that the 
Palatines had not joined with the English; I explained to them that these 
words: “ja, ja,” were not German, but that it was a corrupt English: “aye, 
aye,” which means in English: “yes” and in French: “oui.” I kept them in that 
belief the best I could; when we arrived to the place where was the fire, I 
was surprised to see the whole populace of Catechna where I had been a 
prisoner with their movables and some provisions.

Place where, on my return to Catechna, I found all the women & children 
entrenched for safety's sake. 

Though in the midst of a dreadful desert, surrounded with thickets, thorns, 
and swamps, there was a fine wheat-field, with an Indian cabin, and the place 
was surrounded with a deep river, which made a small island of the whole, so 
that nature had built there a small fort well nigh impregnable. All that 
populace mentioned above consisted in infirm old men, women, children, and 
other young people unable to bear arms. Being myself in great fear, I did not 
fail to comfort them the best I could in order to be welcome and to keep them 
on my side, assuring them that nothing would happen to them as long as I 
should be with them. I also told the warriors who had come to cheer them, that 
they ought to let me go with them, that I should do my best to persuade the 
English to conclude peace, but they would not consent.

Retreat of the Carolinians, unable to resist the Indian forces.
 
On the next day, the neighboring Indians, numbering 300 armed rogues, came and 
gathered together and went for the Christians who were only 60 in number, and 
not further from our village than 4 miles, (a distance of 1 lieue and 1/4). 
The Palatines, who had no experience in Indian warfare, were nearly all 
wounded and an Englishman killed. Seeing that the Indians were too strong, 
they took flight and went home; the Indians went after them, but without doing 
them much harm; they only caught some little booty. The savages returned to 
Catechna with some horses, victuals, hats, boots, and a few jerkins. When I 
saw all that, especially a pair of very nice half-boots lined with silver, 
knowing that no one else had such ones, I knew them at once to be mine, and 
was surprised and frightened, thinking that they had plundered my house and 
the store,—but there was no harm done,—the reason why there were some of my 
things among that booty, was: that my people used them for that expedition.

The Indians come back in triumph with the booty and christian prisoners.
 
So, these savage soldiers, or rather robbers, returned home in great glory & 
triumph, and we all came out from that secluded place, and went back to our 
old quarters, viz. to Catechna.

Triumphal ceremonies. 

During a certain time, they burnt bonfires in the night,—especially, they 
built a big one in the great place of executions, where they raised three 
wolf's hides, figuring as many Protectors or Gods, and the women brought 
offerings, consisting in their jewels, for instance necklaces of wampon, which 
are a kind of coral, made out of white, violet, and golden colored shells, 
previously burnt. There was, in the midst of that circle, the Conjuror, I mean 
their priest, who made all kind of contortions, conjurations, and 
threatenings, and all the remaining populace danced in a circle around the 
hides.

My entire liberation and departure from Catechna. 

After that Indian festival was over, I began to become impatient, and asked 
some of the “great,” if they would not let me go home, since they had won the 
victory. One of them smiled and answered me, that they would see what they 
would do, that they would call together the King and his Council. Two days 
later, they brought me a horse, early in the morning, two notables escorted me 
for a distance of two leagues from Catechna, gave me there a piece of Indian 
bread, and left me. When I saw that I had a long way to make, I begged them to 
leave me the horse, that I should certainly send it back, or that they would 
come somewhat further with me, and nearer to my quarters, but I could not 
obtain either from them.

They remained at the place where I left them, and built a big fire, and warned 
me that there were some foreign Indians in the forest, that I should hasten 
and go very speedily, that I should even run as fast as I could for a couple 
of hours. Indeed, I did so until night overtook me, and I came to that 
dreadful desert through which I could not go in the darkness, and which is 
mentioned at the beginning of this relation or letter.

I have already related the remainder of my voyage to the Governor; it is time 
to finish.

1st How this Indian war began and how it ended; 2d Which were the motives that 
moved me and compelled me to leave my colony and to go to Europe and to Bern.

Cross-accident—5th mishap. Plot of a gang of tramps and turbulent rascals from 
Carolina. 

What happened to me, on my return, among Christians, was well as dangerous and 
vexatious as what I experienced among the Indians or Savages. Before the 
heathen's tribunal, I had my accuser unmasked; every thing was done in good 
order, nothing in a clandestine way, nor turbulently or seditiously, but when, 
on my return, I thought of finding myself among christian friends, and of 
breathing at last some little,—it was much worse!

A gang of rioters, jealous louts, and turbulent knaves, Carolinian residents, 
because I would not at once espouse their hasty and cruel feelings (as they 
pretended that I was to deliver up at their discretion, or kill an Indian who 
came, according to the agreement made with the Tuscoruros Ind., to ask from me 
the promised ransom, and to whom I had promised a safe-conduct,) made unjust 
and serious imputations against me, after a secret information made against 
me, which created much sensation, speaking no less than to have me hung,—
though I had strong reasons not to side with them and make war so 
inconsiderately against the Indians; this was all the more the case, that we 
had neither provisions in food nor ammunition, nor enough men either,—and that 
half the Palatines had deserted during my absence,—and that, most important of 
all, 15 palatine prisoners were to be handed over to me after my ransom would 
be paid. Was I not right to think of the liberation of these poor people? and 
I was, of course, to beware: (1) of breaking my promise and agreement, as made 
to and with the Indians, and (2) to risk those poor prisoners, in order to 
comply with giddy-heads who did not know what they were about.

False accusation by a Palatine blacksmith against me. 

I had accordingly, in order to justify myself, to appear again before a 
Tribunal, a Christian one, but which would have been worse than heathenish, if 
things had gone according to the wishes and conspiration of these enraged and 
seditious knaves. All that was plotted against me with the very blackest 
perfidy by the agency of a Palatine, a wicked man and a blacksmith by trade, 
who betrayed me as is stated below, to avenge himself of a punishment 
inflicted, and a very moderate one it was, for having made dreadful 
imprecations, committed thefts, been insubordinate, and spoken horrid 
threatenings, even of murder.

The Palatine blacksmith mentioned above goes to the Indians and slanders me in 
order to estrange them towards me. 

That man, immediately after he had gone through his penalty, which, far from 
equal to his crime, consisted only in sawing logs for public service, during 
one day,—crossed the river and met Indians, whose suspicions he raised against 
me, telling them I did not hold what I had promised to them, (the Indians), 
that I wheedled and deceived them, that, instead of keeping peace and 
remaining strictly neutral, I sided with the English, and even provided them 
with arms and ammunition. The Indians or savages, who could hardly believe in 
such perfidy from me, and doubted the reports of that scoundrel, risked one of 
them, and sent him to us, though with some fear of his being captured. 
Thereupon something ludicrous happened: That Indian, having crossed to this 
side, watched his opportunity to speak to some one of my people to inquire 
about the truth of those facts; but when he wanted to draw near one of my men, 
this one was so much afraid that he came, quite out of breath, and spread the 
alarm in my quarters, telling me how he had seen an Indian who seemed anxious 
to draw near, how probably the others were not far. It really alarmed me, and 
I drew up my men into position. Mean-while, it struck me that the Indians, 
impatient to get their ransom might have sent some one to see how things went 
on. I accordingly ordered that same man who had been so much frightened to go 
to the same place where he had been first,—and that I should post men to 
defend him in case of danger, what was soon done. The Indian did not fail to 
show himself, and, approaching, made signs to him, that he had nothing to 
fear, and my man made the same signs; finally they drew near to each other, 
and conferred together. (N. B. The Indian spoke English). They came to speak 
about what the blacksmith had told on me; the Indian never told his name, but 
he spoke of him in a way that it was easy enough to guess. Our man, who had 
instructions, explained that they had been told lies, that it was a dishonest 
man who made such sinister report, that nothing was less true, that I kept a 
strict neutrality, though the English were not pleased with me precisely on 
that account; he added “that the Indians ought to bring back the palatine 
prisoners, if they wanted to have their ransom,” and several other things 
which I had ordered him to say. He told him also, that in future none of them 
ought to come so near us, that if they had something to say, they ought to 
light a big fire right opposite to our quarters, and that I should then send 
somebody in a boat to speak with them,—that the interview was to take place on 
the water,—and that accordingly they ought to come in a boat also, and not 
more than 2 persons in it at once.

The aforesaid blacksmith goes to the Carolinian rioters, and slanders me in 
the same way as with the Indians. 

As I had discovered that treachery and intended to arrest secretly the fellow 
to punish him as he deserved it, but he had some inkling of it and ran away to 
a man called Brice, who was commander of that seditious gang which gave me 
much trouble, as will be stated below, the same who already had debauched one-
half of my Palatines. When the blacksmith above mentioned got there he told 
these Carolinian prowlers the same he had said to the Indians, and more, 
against me, and went so far as to make me pass for a traitor to the Nation. 
They made a list of more than 20 articles against me, of which not one was 
true. Looking towards that criminal indictment without the least apprehension, 
and with an entirely good conscience, I wrote to the Governors of Virginia and 
Carolina, and made them exactly knowing of all what happened. Far from blaming 
me, they approved the course I had taken, as well as all other persons of good 
sense.

Plot of the man called Brice, with his gang of prowlers against me.—Disclosed 
by a small Palatine boy.—Brice and his armed adherents come to fall 
unexpectedly upon me, but find me in good preparation for defence. 

As that traitor, the blacksmith, known as a criminal by me and my colony, owed 
much to me, I had an inventory drawn up of what few things he had, and had 
these safely put in hands of a third person; the aforesaid Brice, who would 
have liked much to have his tools, especially the ones which could be used to 
repair guns, (for the rascal was pretty smart, and knew some more than only 
shoeing horses and making rough work), tried to get possession of these tools 
by an artful trick, and if he could not in this way, then by force. In the 
meanwhile Brice would have been glad to take me by surprise and to arrest me, 
in order to bring me as a criminal, charged with high treason, to Govr Hyde. 
In order to execute such a cowardly, black, and seditious plan, Brice 
concerted with his light-headed gang, how they would undertake their wicked 
design, and the conclusion was that if I would not surrender the tools, under 
their pretence that they were needed for the defence and service of the 
Province, they would get violently possession of them, and that, as probably I 
should turn fierce about it, then they would arrest me as a prisoner to bring 
me to the Governor.

Most luckily, a little Palatine boy was in the room when they laid that black 
plot against me; they paid no attention to him, believing that he did not 
understand English. But he, having overheard all about their pernicious 
scheme, made his best to slip out of the room without them minding him, and 
told everything to his mother; she at once crossed the river in a boat, and 
warned me about what had been plotted against me. I immediately ordered the 
drums to beat to arms, the gates to be shut, and my men to take defensive 
positions.

I had scarcely posted them when Brice appeared with 30 or 40 armed adherents, 
among which that rascally blacksmith aforesaid, and about 15 or 20 palatine 
deserters. Knowing not that their scheme was found out, they thought to take 
me easily by surprise, and pretended to enter my small fort without 
difficulty, but they found the gates shut. Not expecting to meet with such 
reception, they asked the sentries what that meant and why the gates were 
shut? It was answered, that those precautions were taken against Indians and 
Christian savages. They then inquired if we took them to be enemies. They were 
answered that theirs was no manner to visit friends, and that we had good 
reasons to be on our guard, especially as we saw rascally traitors and 
deserters among them, as we effectually did see, right before us,—but that, if 
their Captain Brice, with one of the least suspicious, desire to come in, that 
I should be told about it, and that I would undoubtedly allow them to come in 
and speak out what they wanted. When I was informed of it, I ordered them to 
be introduced under good escort, and the gate to be shut on their heels. As 
that Captn Brice desired to know why I treated him as a stranger and enemy, I 
answered that I had reasons enough for that,—that his criminal and reckless 
design was only too much known to me, but that I should, in due time and 
place, complain and require justice about these so rash, seditious, and unjust 
proceedings, such as his and his riotous prowlers.

I asked moreover if this was his way to deal with his superiors? I said that 
it would be my own capacity and attribution, as Deputy of the Duke of 
Beaufort, Lieutenant Governor, Landgrave of Carolina and Commander of this 
District, to arrest him as my prisoner, and to send him, bound, to the 
Governor, as a turbulent, restless, seditious and foolhardy man,—in order that 
he be punished according to his merits and as an example to other rioters. 
That would, indeed, have been done, if I had had sufficient witnesses against 
him; accordingly, I contented myself by sending them home with a good censure 
and summoned them to appear before the next Parliament.

If I felt disposed to mention here all the troubles which that Captn Brice 
gave me, and the insolent things he said & did, against me and what remained 
of my colony,—as well himself as his adherents and Palatine deserters,—it 
would take a whole volume; I shall only say a few words about it.

Brice and his adherents reject the suspension of arms, or truce.
 
It must be noticed here that the contract made with the Indians, of which a 
copy has been given at the end of my relation or letter, written to Govr Hyde,—
had been consented by me, a prisoner, in order to save my life,—so that I 
should not have been bound to hold and fulfil it, had I not been willing to do 
so, since I was, at the time, constrained and in danger of life. However, 
being not of the opinion quod hereticis non habenda fides, I had resolved to 
abide by it, within the dictates of my conscience, in all that was not 
contrary to the duties by which I was bound to the English Crown. I had 
managed things in such way, that, if they had let me do what I thought good, 
great benefit would have resulted for the Province, and many evils and murders 
could have been avoided. But that Brice, with his enraged crowd, was so much 
incensed against those Indians, that, without heeding the voice of reason, 
without considering how little their own number was, how scanty their victuals 
and ammunition,—without thinking of so many poor prisoners detained by the 
Indians or Savages,—without taking any measure whatever,—but blindly, brutally 
and in a fit of enraged passion, they rejected the suspension of arms, or 
truce, which I was to propose, and had had much trouble in obtaining,—and 
dealt at once with the utmost hostility and cruelty against the Indians. True, 
one had reasons enough to be alarmed and indignant about their invasion and 
the murders they had committed, but however just be one's cause, prudence and 
caution are always required.

[continued in Part 2]

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