Craven County NcArchives Biographies.....

Christoph Von Graffenried - Part 2  

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Source: Colonial Records of North Carolina
Author: Christoph von Graffenried

Narrative by Christoph von Graffenried concerning his voyage to North Carolina 
and the founding of New Bern [Translation]
Graffenried, Christoph von, Baron, 1661-1743
1708 
Volume 01, Pages 905-986

DE GRAFFENRIED'S MANUSCRIPT, COPIED FOR THE COLONIAL RECORDS OF NORTH CAROLINA 
FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS. IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY AT YVERDON, SWITZERLAND, AND 
TRANSLATED BY M. DU FOUR.

[continued from Part 1]

Importance of that truce and neutrality. 

If I had had my own way: (1) by the proposed truce, time would have been 
gained, and the whole Province, as well as we, could have made sufficient 
preparations for offensive and defensive action, and been provided with enough 
victuals, arms, ammunition, and men. (2) I was already at work to save and get 
back these poor women & children prisoners, and that was indeed the reason 
that had prevented me as yet to deliver up my ransom: I wanted first to draw 
these poor people out of the claws of those Savages,—what was granted, with 
much trouble and danger, in the first interview with the Indians.

N. B. The importance of that fact can be seen in the relation of the Indian 
war—(vide supra). There may be seen how cautiously the Savages had to be 
handled on account of these poor prisoners; if these poor people had first 
been recovered, as I had proposed and as it had been admitted by both parties, 
then, one could have dealt with the Indians more fearlessly and successfully, 
and perhaps stop that cruel war at its very beginning.

(3) When I was engaged in the most important part of my negotiation concerning 
these poor people still detained by the Indians, and as I had already gained 
time, by means of my neutrality and truce, in order to recover what the 
Savages had taken and robbed from Carolinian Planters, as well as from 
Palatines & Swiss, and to try to get back as much big & small cattle as 
possible,—there comes Brice and his gang, more foolish and cruel than the 
Savages, and, by an inconsiderate attack, which very poorly succeeded, spoils 
my game to such degree that my whole negotiation becomes fruitless! The black 
treachery of the blacksmith, and this inconsiderate attack, destroyed all 
confidence of the Indians towards me, and after that they made acts of 
hostility also against my colony, whereas up to that time it had been spared 
(I say: after the agreement made); but after that premature and preposterous 
deed of the Carolinians, the Savages began again to destroy whatever they 
could, and the houses of my colonists, however they were excepted and marked 
with the sign N (which meant News) were burnt,—the movables, tools and other 
hidden things, dug up and carried away or spoiled, and the cattle killed. And 
afterwards the plantations or dwellings on News, Trent, and Pamptego Rivers, 
etc., were entirely destroyed, everything was plundered, robbed, burnt, and 
the people killed.

The Christians more cruel than the Heathen, roast an Indian King alive. 

What moved the Savages to deal the more cruelly with Christians, was the cruel 
and more than barbarous proceeding of Brice. He got hold of a few Indians of 
Bay River, and their chief or King was most barbarously dealt with; he was 
nearly roasted alive near a fire, so much so that he died. This more than 
barbarous deed incensed the Indians against the Christians to such degree, 
that it is not astonishing if they, after that, proceeded also with more 
cruelty. What angered me not a little, was that one of my Palatine deserters, 
T. M., had a hand in such an atrocious action, and even declared to find 
pleasure in it; it was the same who caused the desertion of half my Palatine 
colonists.

There were, among Brice's gang, daring fellows and men of courage, but 
unprincipled and brutal. If a part of the Planters or residents of other 
places in Carolina had behaved better and been less cowardly, the Indians 
could have been mastered sooner, and less evil would have happened.

Justification of my line of conduct before the General Assembly, complaint 
about those secret investigations and slanders, directed against me. My 
dependents themselves! 

As it was very important to me to justify the course I had taken in an affair 
of such nature, where a whole Province was in danger to be ruined and 
destroyed,—in order not to be charged with it, and that I could publicly 
expose the enormity of Brice's and his turbulent gang's proceedings,—when the 
General Assembly was convocated, I did not fail to attend it. First I appeared 
before the higher house, consisting of the Governor, the representatives of 
the Lords Proprietors, the Councillors, and . . . . . . . . . , or provincial 
nobility; after I had lodged my complaint and justified my line of conduct, I 
went to the lower house, consisting of the Delegates of Commons. After a short 
speech on the subject mentioned, I asked who was the slanderer who had 
secretly informed against me without any official capacity; I asked for his 
name, and for the production, either in the original or in a copy, of the 20 
or 23 articles drawn up against me; I insisted that my accusator should be 
brought forth in my presence, that I might convict him of falsehood, justify 
myself and be discharged in due form,—but nobody dared to come forward, or 
even open his mouth about these accusations. 

Undoubtedly these false accusers and slanderers had some inkling, or somehow 
heard how fully I had justified myself to the Governors of Virginia and 
Carolina, at the start, and seeing that the course I had taken met with their 
high approbation, they dared not pursue their accusations, for fear of having 
the worst of it. Among all these circumstances, however, my honor and 
reputation had much to suffer, and my life was even in danger; among the very 
Palatines had been found false witnesses; what had I to do in such a wretched 
state of things? Seeing that nobody would speak, I began to name my accusators 
myself, fulminating against them and demanding justice, but, alas!—in such a 
confused Government, where the first fire of sedition was not entirely 
extinguished, a good part of the members of that Parliament still kept some 
secret spite, and were good friends with that Brice, who was also a member, 
and would have been very glad that I should receive some affront, as I had, in 
their view, sided too much with the Governor; besides they were much perplexed 
about that Indian war, and I could have no other satisfaction than to see my 
discourse and defence received in deep silence. True, the Governor and High 
House apologized to me and complimented me, and put me off to demand justice, 
in the form used in time of peace, against these slanderers. Think, my dear 
reader, how long I should have had to wait to find due satisfaction, since at 
the present hour (Ano 1716) the Indian War is not yet finished!

I had sent many letters and memorials to the Govr on this matter, with ample 
deductions and historical particulars about all what had come to pass in this 
sorry plight. Any one would pity me, who would know all the cross-accidents 
which befell me.

More motives and causes of the Indian War. 

Since at page [44 of MS.], I mentioned but a few motives or causes of that 
Indian war, I will add that the negligence and carelessness of the Carolinians 
were not little conducive to it;—they trusted the savages too much, did not 
build even the poorest fort, for safety's sake, in the Province, in order to 
withdraw thither in case of need;—they did not prescribe the least 
dispositions to be taken in case of sudden irruption—nor had they stored up 
the necessary war-provisions and victuals. Far from keeping good accumulations 
of grain and other eatables, they sold, in the very midst of dangers and 
troubles, whole shiploads of wheat, meat, beans, etc.—for things much less 
necessary to life, as sugar, molasses, brandy or (“brandevin”) etc.,—in short, 
every thing was disorderly and in the worst state of preparation. Instead of 
assembling one or two small bodies of troops to operate against the savages, 
and drive them out of the frontier, and from their dwellings or Plantations, 
every one pretended to keep and defend his own house,—and, of course, the 
savages had a good opportunity to destroy one plantation after the other; 
indeed, if the good God had not taken better care of them, than they did 
themselves, the whole Province would have gone to ruin.

My plan was, in case the savages would not stand by the agreement made, and it 
would have been impossible to induce them to some good adjustment, to mislead 
them with my truce, as has already been said [v. pages 96, 97, 98 of MS.], so 
as to gain time to gather men in sufficient number, & necessary stores as well 
in ammunitions as in victuals, in order, not only to be on a good foot of 
defence, but even to drive them away from the territory, far more, to render 
them powerless for harm in the future, so as to have nothing more to fear from 
them. But it was useless to try to bring those Carolinians to their senses. 
Those who were less cowardly than the others, went to work in such heedless 
and thoughtless way, and fell upon the savages with a mere handful of people,—
so that the savages, in far greater number, good shots, and well provided with 
everything, drove away that poor set of Carolinians, like a gang of wolves 
does a herd of sheep, and without the help of the Swiss & Palatine colony, 
they would have been crushed and entirely defeated, as may be seen in the last 
pages of my Relation—(v. supra).

N. B. In that relation, consisting in a letter written to Govr Hyde, I did not 
mention and could not yet know how this little body of troops consisted only 
of about 150 men, who were stationed at Bath Town, a small village near 
Pamptego River. These men had sent word to ours, that at the first signal 
given, they would come to their help,—and ours likewise at their signal,—but 
these cowards had never the heart of crossing the River, and left their poor 
neighbors in the trouble and danger, and after having eaten the bread and meat 
of the poor residents of that District of Bath County, returned home.

How I fortified and intrenched myself at Newbern, how I supported my whole 
garrison or colony, with women and children, at my own expense, during 22 
weeks, how at last, destitute of victuals, ammunition, without help, I have 
been obliged to leave my post in order to go where the Government was,—all 
that may partly be found in the letter written by me to Govr Hyde.

However, the least I can do is to relate also something about that trip I took 
to the County of Albemarle where the Governor and his Council resided.

After having thoroughly considered the wretched condition of the Province, of 
myself, and of my colony,—the absence of any assistance from the Province,—the 
impossibility of supporting us at length in that way,—(being even reduced to 
the last extremity,)—the manner in which all the colony had been destroyed and 
ruined by the invasion of the Savages, in which circumstance 70 persons were 
miserably murdered or carried away prisoners, as stated above, their houses, 
movables, and tools burnt and stolen, the greatest part of the large cattle 
killed,—the remainder being consumed for our subsistence;—the delay and 
refusal of any help from our country, its distance,—the little hope there was 
of ever recruiting from such considerable loss, and of founding again a 
convenient settlement,—again, the poor Government and the unhappy situation of 
the Province and of its inhabitants,—after considering, I said, all that and 
other good reasons,—I saw myself compelled to think more about my interests, 
and to take other measures. I opened my mind to several persons of 
distinction, my protectors and friends from Virginia and Maryland,—and they 
unanimously advised me to take other measures, and made me very obliging 
offers, inviting me to come and settle with my whole colony,—what I highly 
appreciated.—Seeing my colony broken up, inasmuch as half the Palatines had 
left me, I took the resolution to change quarters with the remainder of the 
faithful Palatines and the small band of Swiss. I therefore had my little 
sloop mended (a kind of brigantine), for this voyage, and packed up part of my 
clothes, intending, if I could not obtain better assistance from Govr Hyde and 
from the Parliament or General Assembly, to proceed further to Virginia and 
Maryland.

Other measures taken, in our distress and want of any resources,—inasmuch as 
not one bushel of wheat remained to us, from our provisions,—and I had 
entertained them for 22 weeks, without any help from the Government or 
Province.—My voyage to Court,—and further on to Virginia. A phenomenon on the 
most of our ship, which foretold a great storm, which really happened. 

After I had called together my poor colonists and spoken to them of the 
necessity of changing our plans and quarters, if the Province would not assist 
us better than it had done in the past, that poor people, who only knew too 
well, and by their sad experience, in what distress we were,—readily assented 
to my proposals.—I however comforted them the best I could, and asked them to 
have a little patience and hold out some little longer, telling them I should 
travel with all possible haste, and make all the efforts which might be 
conceived, in order to get them some help in victuals, as well as in men and 
necessary ammunition. I therefore went on my voyage and started by a fine 
weather and a most favorable wind. But, alas! it did not last long, and that 
voyage was not very happy; for already in the evening, when we were nearly at 
the outlet of the River, and at the point of entering the sound, something 
remarkable happened. After sunset, at the top of the mast, suddenly appeared a 
little fire, about the size of a big candle's flame, which made about the same 
noise as an ascending rocket; it lasted for about one good quarter of an hour, 
and we were looking on with great attention and surprise. We asked the patron 
of the vessel what it meant; he answered that it did not mean anything good, 
and that, before night, we should have a great and dangerous storm, that, 
accordingly we ought to sail towards land, in order to find some shelter,—but, 
not paying attention to his warnings, I told him, with a smile, to go on. He 
had hardly gone for a league, when suddenly the wind changed and became so 
violent, that, night being near, we were glad to see some land in view, in 
order to draw nearer and cast anchor. We had hardly been able to land, when 
such a terrible storm arose, that if we had remained on the Sound, we should 
certainly have been lost on the sand banks which are found in it.

The danger of perishing on a sand bank. 

We remained over night at the home of an English planter, who lived 
thereabouts, received us very well, and had for us all kind of attentions. He 
was a “Shaker”—though an honest man,—and at my first arrival in the country 
had been of great help to me, supplying me with victuals and cattle at a 
reasonable price. On the next day, after having thanked our benefactor, we 
started again, the wind having fallen, but, in the evening, as we were in the 
midst of the Sound, which is a little sea between the land and the downs of 
the Ocean, we struck a sand bank and the ship made such a crash, that we 
believed she had split in two, and were greatly frightened; however, she did 
not go under, we accordingly took courage and made great efforts to get away 
from that bank, but our greatest fear was that when at last we should get off, 
then we should feel the effects of that bad collision, and that, the ship 
being free, the crack would gape asunder, and we should certainly go under; 
but, by a special grace of the Allmighty, there was no such accident, and when 
the tide came in, and the wind was somewhat more favorable, we crowded all 
sail, got loose with some trouble, and thanked our good God to have delivered 
us from such great danger.

A contrary wind keeps us for several days on a bank among reeds.—We strike 
against a rock, consisting in oyster shells.—Arrival at Governor Hyde's, where 
I stay six weeks.—I get a sloop or vessel ready, full of provisions, for my 
colonists. 

On the third day, we again had a violent and contrary wind, and were obliged 
to cast anchor on a reed-covered bank, where we remained in safety for several 
days; at last, by a 4 of wind we crossed a channel through those reeds, and 
were again unlucky enough, to strike a rock or big oyster-bed, where we had 
half a day's hard work to get away, and were obliged to await high tide to get 
rid of that place. We went on with a favorable wind, and came at last to the 
appointed place; it was high time for it, we had nothing more aboard to eat or 
to drink, as we had thought to accomplish our voyage in twice 24 hours, and it 
took us 10 days. This was the consequence, foretold by the patron of the ship, 
of that sign which we noticed on the top of the mast.

Having been obliged to stay more than 6 weeks about Govr Hyde, as well to 
attend Council and to apply myself to the public business of the Province, as 
to get together the necessary eatables and war ammunition for my nearly ruined 
colony, I could at last, not without much trouble, send back my sloop or 
brigantine loaded with wheat, powder, lead, tobacco, and some brandy to 
Newbern.

A great mishap: the fire catches the tobacco leaves.—The ship put in a blaze 
by the powder-keg. 

But alas! what a misfortune happened! My poor people were waiting in vain for 
the promised help: when the sloop had nearly crossed the Sound and got to the 
outlet of News' River,—the 3 sailors, thinking themselves out of danger, drank 
too much rum or brandy, and fell asleep, without extinguishing the fire on the 
hearth. Sparks from the still burning wood flew among the tobacco-leaves which 
were not far from there, they took fire, and the smoke woke up the sleepers. 
They were much surprised and frightened, so much so that, for fear the powder-
barrel would burst,—without taking any pains to put out the fire, though they 
had plenty of water so near at hand, they only thought of their own safety, 
went into the small boat, and left the ship. Indeed, before they reached the 
shore, the fire caught the keg of powder, which instantly did burst and blow 
up the whole ship in a blaze.

Main cross-accident.—6th mishap. 

I leave it to think to the reader what very sad news these were for my poor 
people of Newbern, who, nearly at the point of dying out of mere starvation, 
sighed with “gaping mouths” for that long desired help, and what a heart-sore 
for me to see my poor dependents deprived of that assistance. I well 
understood, however, that even that small help would not be sufficient, and 
would just give them some little respite, and I made all efforts to load my 
heavier brigantine with the same kind of goods as the other, but I was so much 
delayed and things went on so very slowly that I became quite down-hearted, 
and well foresaw that such tergiversations, in such circumstances, would bring 
us to a wretched state of affairs, and that it would be a mere impossibility 
to subsist in that way, in the long run.—I therefore disposed affairs in such 
a way that my colonists could use those same provisions which I got together 
for them, to come on that same ship “with M. M.” to Virginia, but, as stated 
above, the whole business was dragged on to such length of time, that I began 
to grow tired to stay at the Government's seat,—where every thing was going on 
so badly that it was a real pity!

Before, however, I come to relate my voyage to Virginia, it will be well to 
mention what we made, in the long time we spent at the government's seat, for 
the Province's good and safety.

Remonstrances for the Province's safety. 

After I had, therefore, remonstrated to Govr Hyde & the Council that we had to 
take better measures than in the past and to introduce a better order in 
public affairs,—that, if we did not, we should very likely perish, all of us, 
by the hand of the Savages, we began to examine and consider things somewhat 
nearer, so as to meet the most pressing emergencies,—but I must say I was 
astonished to find so many ignorants and cowards.

(1) Above all, a sufficient quantity of victuals had to be stored up; if not, 
it is and was impossible to make war, especially against savages. However, 
those Carolinians have been so light-headed, that, far from accumulating the 
necessary provisions, they have sold grain and salt-meat outside of the 
Province; Therefore urged instantly the Governor to publish a severe 
interdiction, in order that nobody should, under heavy fines and pains, export 
or sell any eatables whatever outside of the province.

(2) That we should get exact information as to this question whether the 
Province could produce grain in sufficient quantity for such a long war? We 
found, indeed, that this was not the case, by far, so that it was necessary to 
get some from the neighboring provinces.

(3) Since neither the Province in general, nor the people themselves were 
sufficiently provided with powder, lead, and arms, some were to be ordered 
from elsewhere; but they did not know where to find the money for that 
purpose, and the Carolinians were so poorly considered, that they would have 
found none on credit. I accordingly was compelled to see if the Governor of 
Virginia would not give us a lift.

(4) Supposing that we should have met all the exigencies above stated, what 
was to be done with so few people? We could hardly gather 300 arms-bearing men 
in the whole province, and part of them was neither well clothed nor well 
armed, had no ammunition, and felt not at all inclined to go to battle. 
Thereupon, I was commissioned to speak to the Govr of Virginia, and to prevail 
on him, in order that he would be so kind as to give us men and sufficient 
provisions,—what he really offered to do in the name of the Queen of Great 
Britian, provided a settled salary would be paid to the soldiers and the 
eatables and war provisions returned. This did not please the Carolinians; 
they objected they were not able to return such sums of money,—that the 
Governor ought to do it at her Majesty's expense, what was found 
ridiculous: “why should, indeed, the Queen contribute to such an extent for a 
Province from which she drew no income?” The Lords Proprietors draw it, and 
they should also pay the expense and charges. This was the cause that some 
persons went to the Govr of Virginia, to feel their way with him, if he would 
perhaps take under his protection the Province of Carolina, what he refused by 
good considerations.

(5) It was also proposed that some place in the Province should be fortified, 
as well to be able to retire there in case of need, as to keep there in 
safety, but nothing was done.

What was to be done in such a wretched state of affairs? During all these 
tergiversations, the savages became fierce, on account of such poor 
resistance, broke forth, attacked and pillaged one Plantation after another.

Last resource: a delegation for help, to South Carolina. 

The last resource was to send at once delegates to South Carolina to ask for 
help, which was obtained, and without which the whole Province would have been 
lost.

Col. Barnwell comes with 800 tributary Indians & 50 Englishmen.—Col. 
Barnwell's attack upon Cor-village.—The King of Cor and his force are beaten. 

The Government of South Carolina sent 800 tributary savages, with 50 
Carolinian Englishmen, under the command of Coll Barnwell,—all provided with 
arms, powder and lead. The seat of that Indian war was near my quarters of 
Newbern. As this body of troops had arrived, the war broke out in due form, 
and those tributary savages, at the start, pounced with such fury upon part of 
the Tuscoruro nation, that they were appalled, and the savages of North 
Carolina were obliged to intrench themselves in a fort which they built. 
Thereupon the relief troops from South Carolina, after having received orders 
at Newbern, marched against a great Indian Village, called Core, about thirty 
miles distant from Newbern, drove out the King and his forces, and carried the 
day with such fury, that, after they had killed a great many, in order to 
stimulate themselves still more, they cooked the flesh of an Indian “in good 
condition” and ate it. As this help came from S. Carolina, we levied 200 
Englishmen from N. Carolina under the command of Cap. Boyd with a few friendly 
Indians,—and 50 men from my colony, commanded by Mr Michel.

The Indians, posted near the village of Catechna, fortify and entrench 
themselves. The besieged Indians hold their ground, and the Carolinians are 
compelled to raise the siege. 

This expedition, a body of troops consisting partly of Christians and partly 
of savages, went into the woods, and took position before a great village, 
called Catechna, where I had been a prisoner before (as stated above); in that 
village had retired and were posted our savage enemies, a medley of Indians 
from the Weetock, Bay, News, Cor, Pamptego rivers, and a part of the Tuscoruro-
Nation. They were so well intrenched and fortified that, on our first attack, 
we could not get the best of them, but the main cause was that the orders had 
not been well obeyed. The attack was to take place on several sides at once, 
but Cap. Brice, with his gang of tramps, were too hasty, and began before the 
time appointed, and when the others were not yet ready,—and, on their account, 
the whole affair was carried on in a disorderly manner; several of our people 
were wounded, a few killed in that way, without doing any harm whatever to the 
besieged,—and our men were compelled to retire.

My proposal to use a few big guns at the second attack.—The above stated 
cannons work splendidly.—The besieged Indians beg for a truce: it is granted 
under condition of the liberation of the christian prisoners. 

When these sad news were brought to the Council,—as we then were assembled,—we 
set our wits to work, in order to find some means of holding our own better 
against our enemies. My eyes accidentally fell upon some 6 or 8 cast-iron-guns 
which were laying in the yard, removed from their carriage, rusty, and full 
with sand, and proposed to repair two of the smaller ones, the best one could; 
and to send them to our people, in order to use them on the second attack to 
be made, but my proposal was at first considered as ridiculous. They objected 
to me that it was impossible to carry them across the swamps, the ditches and 
woods. I answered readily, as I well remembered what an officer dependent of 
the bailiwick Yverdon, Captn Taccard from Saint-Croix, had related to me, of 
the stratagem he used at the siege of an important fortress in Flanders, (and 
which indeed made his fortune). I proposed that every cannon would be brought 
on some kind of shafts, with one horse in front, and another behind, what was 
done; the other necessaries were supplied, and it all did splendidly succeed. 
Indeed, the first approaches being duly made, two balls had hardly been shot 
into the fort, with a few grenades, when the Indians, who knew nothing of such 
inventions and who never had heard such loud reports, were so much frightened, 
that they begged for a truce; a council of war was held, and it was concluded 
that it should be granted, with the purpose of an advantageous peace. What 
induced our staff to that was the presence of the poor christian prisoners, 
who were confined already since the first slaughter; they called out from the 
Fort that if we should take it by storm and take no heed of the enemy's 
proposal, they would all miserably perish. Accordingly, a capitulation was 
made, under condition that the poor prisoners would be immediately set free, 
what was done at once.

Our troops return to Newbern.—Col. Barnwell discontented.—His treacherous 
stratagem: breach of truce. 

Thereafter, our troops returned to Newbern to refresh themselves somewhat, for 
they were badly provided with victuals. As the Province had not fulfilled the 
expectations of Col. Barnwell, who had hoped for greater honors and gifts from 
the Carolinians,—as even his men had not received the necessary provisions, 
and were dissatisfied as he himself was, he thought of some device to return 
home with his forces in a profitable way: under pretence of a good peace, he 
lured a great part of the enemies to the surroundings of Cor-village, where he 
took them all prisoners. This suited the tributary Savages very well, because 
they got so much a head in goods,—and they returned joyfully to South Carolina 
with their savage prisoners, but that Col. Barnwell blotted out, by such a 
black deed, all the praiseworthy things he had done before.

The Tuscaruros, much incensed at that breach of truce, fortify themselves 
better and make great ravages. 

This breach of truce and most detestable deed of a Christian did not fail to 
greatly incense the other Tuscaruros and Carolinian Indians, and justly too, 
since they evidently could have no more confidence to the Christians. They 
accordingly fortified themselves still better, and made terrible raids along 
both rivers, News and Pamptego, and the last troubles were worse than the 
first.

Complaints to the Government of S. C. against Barnwell. Solicitations for some 
new help; granted, under Capt. Moore. 

This compelled us to bring a serious complaint against that Col. B. and to 
solicit new help from South Carolina, which we obtained, though not so strong 
as the first, under command of Capt Moore, who behaved better than the first.

New attack against the Indians and the same fort as before. It is taken by 
storm. 200 Indians burnt. 900 in all, men, women, & children, made prisoners 
or killed. 
After calling together as many men as possible, they began anew the attack of 
the Indian Fort near Catechna, the other name of which is Hencock's Village. 
This siege was more successful than the first, and achieved in little time. 
There was in one corner of that fort a sort of a redoubt which our men 
contrived skillfully to set on fire, and 200 savages were burnt. In the fort, 
many were killed, and they defended themselves very well, even when their 
women and children were taken prisoners, and our men went for the provisions 
which they had hidden underground. There were wounded savages, crawling on 
earth, who tried to hurt the victors.

In that action, it was estimated, that there were about 900 killed, as well as 
prisoners, men, women, and children. Of our men and the Indian tributaries, 
many were wounded and several killed.—After that, we had a little rest, though 
some of them, who were scattered about, would now and then assail a few 
plantations.

First steps towards peace.—Peace concluded. 

The question was, how to protect us, for the future, against the remaining 
savages and their neighbors. We called the neighboring Kings together. (N. B.—
These petty kings are properly only the chiefs over a certain number of 
Indians; however, the title is hereditary and goes over to their posterity). 
Six or seven of those kinglings complied with the summons, and after several 
successive conferences, we made a peace such as we desired,—so that there is 
nothing more to fear,—the Indians located in Virginia, tributaries of this 
last Province, are answerable for that peace, and the remaining Carolinian 
Indians have presently become tributaries of the Province of North Carolina, 
or rather of the Lords Proprietors.

Situation of my poor colonists.—Some relaxation granted to the colonists. 

In the meanwhile, notwithstanding that peace, our poor colonists were not in 
the best plight, but scattered here and there among the English & Carolinian 
Planters; some returned to Newbern where they could farm some little, besides, 
I had allowed all to leave their Plantations for a couple of years and to go 
out to service at the wealthiest Planters', in order to spare some little 
means besides their living, and afterwards to go back to their Plantations, 
discharging them, for those two years, of their standing rents. To Mr M. and 
the Bernese I let know that, according to what had been agreed upon, I went to 
Virginia and was going to take the necessary steps to secure there some safer 
establishment,—it being impossible to me reëstablish with my own strength and 
means a Colony in such a wrecked State,—the more so that there was very little 
prospect and hope of any more assistance from my home.

Arrival in Virginia, at the Governor's. 

I accordingly took leave of the Governor & Council of Carolina, and went to 
the Govr of Virginia, who received me very favorably, and who, at my request, 
granted me the escort of a well-equipped man-of-war, on account of the 
privateers, which was indeed a great favor to a private individual. Thereafter 
I sent word to Mr M. who was to take the lead of my people, and which was 
present at a conference on the boundary of Virginia & Carolina, where the 
Lords Governors Hyde & Spotswood conferred together. The day was, accordingly, 
appointed, and the place where the man-of-war had to be passed was Coratuck 
Island (North Carolina); with the conviction that all that would succeed 
perfectly, I went on my way further into Virginia, along the big river 
Potomack, and to Maryland, in order to secure quarters and the necessary 
provisions in victuals and cattle.

Arrival in Maryland and at the Potomack falls. 

The place where we were to meet was at a very gentlemanlike man's, “Mr 
Rosier,” near the Potomack-falls, where a few gentlemen from Pennsylvania, who 
had some interests common with us, had come to meet me, in hopes of seeing at 
last how things stood about this beautiful and rich silver-mine, about which 
Mr M. had talked so much and for the search of which they had already supplied 
so much money.

My trip above the Potomack falls.—Arrival at Canavest.—An alliance with the 
Canavest Indians. 

We remained at that place for some time, without hearing from Mr M. nor from 
that small colony which we awaited impatiently from one day to the other,—the 
queer behaviour of that fellow made us nearly doubt, and not without reason, 
the reality of his assertions. We therefore resolved to go ourselves and visit 
the site of the mines, of which he had given us a map; we accordingly took due 
preparations for that trip, though a dangerous one,—and, as I had planned it 
some time ago, and before having any clue to that meeting, I took every 
precaution, and gave advice of my intentions to the Governor of Virginia, who 
gave me letters-patent, and even issued injunctions to the guardsmen on the 
boundary (“frontier-guardsmen,”) to follow and escort me at my first research 
and at any request of mine. When we came to Canawest, an enchanting place, 
about 40 miles above the falls, we found settled there, a crowd of savages, 
and especially a Frenchman from Canada, called Martin, a carter, who had 
married an Indian or Savage woman, and was highly considered among the savages 
of Pennsylvania & Maryland. Induced by the splendid “advances” of Mr M., he 
had settled there, having left Pennsylvania. This same carter Martin had also 
made the voyage to S. for the search of the Mines, with that Mr M. and spent a 
heavy sum of money for it. That man warned us that the Indians which were in 
the vicinity of that S. mountain, where the mines were supposed to be, were 
much alarmed on account of the war which we had with the Tuscoruros, and that 
we ought not to risk so dangerous a trip without necessity. We took his words 
into consideration and postponed that trip to a more favorable time and 
occasion. We, however, made an alliance with the Canavest Indians, which was 
most necessary, as well on account of the mines which we hoped to find 
thereabouts, as for the settlement, which we had resolved to make in that 
region, of our little Bernese colony, which we expected. After that, we 
visited those beautiful sites, those enchanted islands on the River Potomack 
above the falls.

We ascend Sugarloaf mountain, where we find a very extensive view.—Return to 
the Potomack falls. 

From there, on our way back, we went on one high mountain only, called, on 
account of its form, Sugarloaf mountain. We took with us a surveyor, the 
carter Martin above mentioned and a few Indians. From that mountain we saw a 
great expanse of land, part of Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania & Carolina. 
Using the compass, we made a map, and specially noticed the S. mountain, where 
the silver mines were to be. We found that that mountain was situated in 
Virginia, and not in Pennsylvania, as according to the map given us; two of 
these Indians happened to know that mountain's situation, and told us that 
they had roamed thereabouts and had been in nearly all the nooks of that 
mountain, but had found no minerals, and that the map given to us was not 
correct, what greatly surprised us. We discovered, from that summit, three 
mountain-ranges, one higher than the other, and beautiful valleys. After we 
had gone down from the mountain, we spent the night at that man, Martin's, the 
carter's, and, the day after, we went back to Mr Rosier and stayed with him, 
below the falls of that great river Potomack, where I remained some time, 
waiting for my people. The remnant of the company took their way to 
Pensylvania, disgusted at M.'s tergiversations and queer behaviour.

A few reasons to show how easy it was to be duped by M. Many, more clever than 
I claim to be, having fallen into the snare. 

It is to be noticed here, that Mr M., whom I do not name here, out of regard 
for his family and relations at Bern, (who are distinguished people), has 
fooled many people by his tales about these rich silver mines,—and if I was 
duped myself, it is no wonder, being a stranger in these countries. My motives 
were the following: (1) I thought a man of his family was wholly incapable of 
such a trick, especially towards a fellow countryman; (2) the ore which he had 
exhibited had been tested and found rich; (3) So many people from Pennsylvania 
& other neighbouring provinces had openly made the trip, with permission of 
the competent Governors, for the discovery of these mines, there really 
appeared to be some facts at the foundation of the whole matter; (4) Among 
others, a merchant from Pensylvania was interested in it, a very able man,—a 
skillful goldsmith, and other persons who were supposed to know the region 
well. Seeing that these clever people, raised from childhood in these 
countries, some even born there, risked important sums in that business, I 
could not imagine that they had not taken every kind of precautions and 
sureties. About this humbug, an elaborate history could be written, and funny 
enough would it be, but I go on with my narrative.

As to me, I should console myself of my loss in this matter, however 
important, for my whole enterprise was based on that supposed foundation,—but 
I pity the poor miners, who left what certainly they had in Germany, for 
uncertainty in America. They had a good handicraft, and now they have nothing 
but what they can get from some cleared land, where they have to live in the 
scantiest way.

This be said, on the way, to show that I was not alone to be caught. What is 
more surprising, is the fact that Mr M. had made a contract in due form with 
the miners, and made a voyage to Holland in order to meet the head-miner, who 
had to get together all necessary tools and things for this enterprise, at an 
expense of nearly 1000 Lb. Strlg.

In short, all circumstances seemed to be real & solid. Mr Penn, Proprietor of 
Pennsylvania, was thoroughly acquainted with all these facts, and favored us 
greatly; he even appointed Mr M. as Director-General of all minerals in his 
Province, and things went accordingly, as far as a very important contract. 
Who could, amidst such proceedings and among such circumstances, doubt the 
reality of facts?

Fine situation of the lands above and below the falls of Potomack River, where 
we aimed to establish a colony. 

I believe there are hardly any finer and better situated sites, in the whole 
world, than that of the Potomack and Canawest, a region which we thought of 
dividing between two small colonies. The first was to be just below the Falls, 
where are found a very pretty island, very good lands, and, on the opposite 
side, a place, between the great river Potomack, and another small river 
called Gold Creek, (which means in French, “Riviére doreé”: [gilded stream.]), 
very convenient to receive whatever comes from the upper River, as well as 
what comes down from ABOVE (below?—Translator) the falls and surroundings;—the 
biggest merchant ships may sail there. 

Arrival of a messenger from Carolina. He brings bad news about my brigantine.
 
The other colony was to be located near Canavest, as may be seen by the map. 
Having received in two months, not the slightest news from Carolina, I at last 
got very bad ones by a special messenger. Mr M. informed me in a few 
words: “That the bearer of the note wished to get the command of our 
Brigantine, and that I was to agree with him. That, as my brigantine had 
brought to News the long wished for wheat, it had run aground on its return, 
on a sand-bank, that it was in poor condition, and had been worm-eaten in hot 
weather, wanted new sail ropes and other implements, that it was sunk deeply 
into the sand and could not be got off from there,—that I was to go to 
Carolina as soon as possible,” He made no mention whatever of the man-of-war 
sent from Virginia to meet it, and of what other had happened during such a 
long space of time. This so disgusted me, that I was for dying of grief and 
weariness; such bad news and strange intelligence absolutely stunned me, so 
that nothing would have been more likely, than the shock had turned my brain.

After so much pains taken, all orders given, and the necessary provisions 
made,—and all that for nothing!—I sent the Captn back not much pleased, with 
orders, however, to repair the ship as well as possible, and most quickly, 
since she had only a little way to go, along the seashore.

I wrote also to Coll Pollock, as being better supplied than any one 
else: “Since the vessel was in the Province's service, every thing of absolute 
necessity was to be provided;” I added, that I should look to the other things 
wanted at Virginia's expense. But everything was put off in such way, that, if 
I wanted it to be done, I had to go myself.

My return from the Potomack to Virginia, and arrival at the Governor's.—My 
surprise to hear such bad news from the Governor. He tells me how the man-of-
war had sailed uselessly to Carolina. 

When, being on my way, I went to the Govr of Virginia, I found him looking 
cold and indifferent, and quite changed towards me, and I could not imagine 
why; at last, that lord himself explained his attitude, but with heavy 
reproaches, asking what consideration we had for him,—that he would have hoped 
to see his attentions better recognized, as well as his services, which were 
so considerable, and which he would certainly not have rendered to any 
individual whatever,—that instead of showing him due thankfulness, we treated 
him most flippantly, and so on. Abashed at what I heard, I excused myself, 
without knowing well what he was aiming at; I asked for an explanation, 
though, and the Govr went on: “Yes, yes, your fine fellow M. has played me a 
foul trick,”—and proceeded to tell me, how according to our agreement, he sent 
a well-equipped man-of-war to fetch the Brigantine & my people, to escort 
them,—how the Captn of the ship, after waiting nearly for six days before 
Coratuck Island, became impatient, as nobody came near him,—how he had sent 
his Lieutenant in the yawl, in order to inquire for news of my Brigantine and 
people, which nobody knew anything about it,—how, drawing near to a small 
village called Little River he ascertained, at last, that Mr M. was at New 
Bern, and the Brigantine stranded on a sand bank, in poor condition, and that 
it could not be tugged away,—how the Lieutenant having heard of that, brought 
the news quick to the Captain, who was indignant, after having made a useless 
and dangerous voyage, not to have been told what had happened,—inasmuch as, if 
a storm had risen at the time, he would have been obliged to take to high 
waters,—or he would have gone under with his crew, if thrown against the land, 
the water being very shallow at that place;—and how, consequently, without 
waiting any longer, he had sailed to Virginia.

Cross accident.—7th mishap. 

This unpleasant narration being over, I thought of fainting right away, 
overwhelmed by surprise, grief, and shame, at the idea that a lord of his 
character, to whom I had such obligations, who had done me so much good, and 
had such attentions for me,—to whom, after God, I very nearly owed my own 
life,—had been trifled with in such a way. I offered him the best excuses I 
knew, and told how strangely I had been deceived myself, when I was already 
quite ready to settle near the Potomack falls, and how I was sadly puzzled how 
I should get out from such a labyrinth.

The Governor then presented me with a glass of wine to refresh myself, and 
began to say he was sorry for me, that I had to deal with such a queer-headed 
fellow,—advised me to part with him, etc.

My departure from Virginia to Carolina.—My arrival in Carolina.—My request 
that my brigantine should be repaired at the Province's expense, since it was 
wrecked in its service.—My brigantine given over to the Province. 

Having spent the night at the Governor's and received many attentions, I set 
out in great haste for Carolina, in order to take the necessary measures. As, 
formerly, I had also ordered sails & ropes to repair the Brigantine as wanted, 
at my arrival at Mr Hyde's, (the Govr of Carolina), I heard thoroughly of what 
all had happened, and I do not know of what more! I first wrote to Mr M. to 
get a thorough information about every thing, but he gave me no satisfaction, 
and I had to summon him to come to me, in order to take the needed measures 
about one thing and the other, but I was not obeyed. I accordingly tried to 
advance matters in some other way, and asked the Governor and council that, 
since the Brigantine had been thus spoiled in the Province's service, it was 
only just that it should be repaired at public expense,—and my request was 
granted. An able man was accordingly sent to that purpose to examine and 
repair the Brigantine, but I was so badly provided with eatables and other 
means, that he even returned very sick, the great heat having injured him. He 
informed me that the Brigantine could not hold out much longer, as it had been 
exposed to heat through all summer, worm-eaten, and that it ought to be 
rebuilt all over, but was not worth such work. I accordingly gave the 
Brigantine over to the Province, and I wanted it to be estimated at the same 
figure as when it entered the Province's service, but they hardly assessed it 
at half-price, and that is not paid yet, any more than the value of the 
smaller one, which was blown up by that powder-keg which took fire. (See page 
114 of MS.)

N. B.—From this point of the narration, to the following N. B., I could well 
suppress the facts about Mr. M. as doing me not much honor;—I however have 
recorded them, in order to justify myself before the Society,—as well as 
before the miners.

Where, meanwhile, had I to go with my people?! I wrote again, with the most 
strong expressions, to M., requiring a conference, in such delicate 
conjunctures, considering moreover that the creditors began to stir, and 
wanted to be paid. I got no answer, but I heard that M. was packing up every 
thing, under pretence of putting my movables in safety, with the intention of 
going to S. Carolina,—that he had already induced a few Palatines to go with 
him. Such a fraudulent trick obliged me to take other measures,—and I was 
warned to put my property in better hands,—but too late. As Col. Pollock, to 
whom I owed an important sum for provisions lent to the Colony, began to 
become suspicious, what may be easily understood in the circumstances, I 
requested him to have a legal inventory taken, by sworn commissioners, of all 
things belonging as well to the Colony, as to myself, but my best things were 
already gone.

My remonstrance to Mr. M. about the grievous circumstances,—and the needed 
remedy. I get no satisfaction. 

When I thought of the whole behavior of M.,—how he had disposed things in such 
a strange way,—and misled all interested people,—I could not but suspect evil, 
and wrote to him, for the last time, remonstrating, historically, about all 
facts that had come to my knowledge from different sides,—not reproaching him 
as yet,—but showing that “should he be suspected, he had given himself many 
reasons for it, by behaviour & tergiversations, what would be easier to say 
than to write. Things being carried so far, we had to take strong resolutions,—
and it was absolutely necessary, that we should speak over these matters 
thoroughly, and adopt the last possible measures,—that there was periculum in 
mora;” but, instead of a conference, I got nothing out of him but an ambiguous 
and unsatisfactory letter. I believe he was glad to find a pretext for giving 
a specious appearance to his tricks, and to get rid of what he could not 
accomplish according to his designs. I should have ample reasons, not only to 
complain of his inexcusable proceeding, but to resent it keenly; however, in 
order to spare his respectable relations, I do not mention many things about 
him, and there would be, for me, no glory in revenging myself on a wretch of 
his sort.

That rogue, M., proposes an establishment on the Mesesipy. 

There were such extravagant things in that letter, that it did really show 
that not only I had been duped, but many others;—especially did M. mention a 
new enterprise, which he thought a great deal of, viz: to settle a colony 
along the Mesesipy River—to which 3 crowns pretend to have claims: Spain, 
France, and England,—he expressed the opinion, that the State of Bern, being 
neutral, could obtain at once this region from those three crowns! But it has 
to be considered: (1) That these powerful States are jealous among themselves, 
and none of them would yield to the other; (2) that the State of Bern is 
absolutely unable to assist and maintain such a far-off country, as it has no 
maritime forces. It may be easily seen, therefore, that M. was most hazardous 
in his calculations, and that such freaks, from Pennsylvania to Maryland, from 
there to Virginia, then again to North Carolina, afterwards to South Carolina, 
and at last on the Mesesipy,—will not do, by any means!

The conclusion, concerning the silver-mine of Virginia,—or Maryland,—is soon 
drawn from what has just been said: if there was anything in it, why should he 
leave it then and there to stray towards the Gulf of Mexico!

N. B. My hair stands on end, when I consider how many families have been 
endangered and ruined, for having too easily believed in that alleged Silver-
mine. I especially pity so many miner-families who left their country, on the 
faith of a formal contract, came at great cost to America, and there, found 
neither Mr M. nor nobody to show them where the mine was to be. I must make an 
end of this grievous matter; if not I should go too far into it, and there 
would remain no space for other topics; indeed, this was not my intention as I 
began.

I am compelled to stay at Governor Hyde's, until the conclusion of the Indian 
peace. Everybody sick at the Governor's. His death.
 
I come back to my narration about Carolina: having thought about all those 
matters, and considering what little help I could hope to get from Bern,—where 
my bills of exchange, one after another, were protested,—some remedy was to be 
found, in such unpleasant circumstances, and in such pressing necessity. I 
however did not in the least think of returning to Europe,—as I still had 2 
negro slaves at Governor Hyde's, my property, and thought to take them with 
me, in order to employ them near Canavest; I thought, indeed, of settling 
among the Indians of this latter country, and to attract there several 
colonists from Carolina, according to their great desire and express 
intentions. But Govr Hyde detained me so long, (peace being not yet fully 
ratified with the Indians, he insisted upon securing my presence at its 
conclusion), that one of my creditors contrived to cunningly watch my negroes, 
in order that they could not escape. Meanwhile, we all became sick in Mr 
Hyde's house, in consequence of the great heat, and also, probably, of eating 
too many peaches and apples, so much so, that at last the Governor died [Sept. 
1712] in a few days, what also did me much damage,—for he was my good friend. 
This death nearly drove his wife, Mrs Hyde, to despair, and she instantly 
begged of me, with tears in her eyes, not to leave her in such sad 
circumstances, but to remain with her until everything would be settled, as 
well in reference to the Government affairs, as on account of her claims and 
of her husband's inheritance. She further argued, that according to the law 
and to my rank, the “Presidial” belonged to me, as being Landgrave of the 
Province, adding that she had lately perceived, at London, from the Lords 
Proprietors that, if there was to be a vacancy, they would entrust me with the 
Government. But I civilly thanked her, and pointed to other motives which 
prevented me from accepting it. I however promised to stay a couple of weeks, 
in order to help her as well as I could to despatch her business,—though mine 
was certainly quite as pressing.

The Council of Carolina offers the Presidial to me.—My refusal of the same.—
Col. Pollock accepts the Presidial.
 
After the burial, Col. Pollock, the oldest in the Council, came to me, with 
the other members, and asked me to accept the “Presidial,” what I refused for 
good reasons, pointing to the fact that Col. Pollock, as the oldest member, as 
well in years as in the Council itself, ought to accept that office,—that he 
knew better than me about the affairs of the Province, as I was an 
unexperienced stranger, and he accepted at last, with many compliments.

The LL. Proprietors delay for six months the election of a new Governor. Mr. 
Eden appointed Governor of N. Carolina. 

The Lords Proprietors, however, were told about all these proceedings,—and it 
was suggested to them, that if the Government was given to me, I should not 
refuse it, but that I would not ask for it, what also met with their 
approval, “without further consideration, as formerly.” But, as it was known, 
that I was heavily in debt in Carolina, and that already a few bills of 
exchange of mine had been protested, the question was delayed, until some 
notice could come from Bern, where I had written, to know for certain whether 
payment would follow or not. It is also customary that the claimants appear 
themselves for application in such circumstances; accordingly, six months 
passed away without any election of a Governor, although several persons had 
applied in London,—and the actual Governor, Mr Eden, became justly impatient, 
the more so that for such a long time no notice came neither from Bern, nor 
from myself. The LL. Proprietors at last elected and instated the said Mr 
Eden,—whom I still met in London, had a conference with him, and recommended 
to him, at my best, my interest and those of the colony, which he promised to 
look after,—and offered me in all sincerity his aid,—which to give me he was 
also commanded by the LL. Proprietors.

My stay near London, at Sir Colleton's, baronet. 

When I lately passed through London, I stayed, after my arrival, seven days at 
the country house of Sir Colleton, knight and baronet, also a Lord Proprietor, 
and my good personal friend,—his residence being 6 miles distant from London.

He was delighted to see me, and also very sorry that I came too late, saying 
that, if I had arrived only one month sooner, I should be at this hour 
Governor of Carolina; I was not very sorry for it myself, as I was 
unfortunately well aware, that they did not feel disposed, in Bern, to pay my 
debts, my relations as little as the Society, which feels discouraged by so 
many annoyances.

My departure from Carolina.—Arrival in Virginia.—I go on my way to Maryland. 

I have nearly lost my way, and, instead of going to Virginia, I have come to 
London! . . . . . . To take up my narration where I left it, a few days before 
I took leave of Mrs Hyde, the Governor's widow, I sent secretly word to the 
negroes, by my footman, to cross the river by night, without noise and 
secretly, and to wait there for me to go with me to Virginia, which suited 
them very well, (since they were dealt harshly with), but I do not know how 
they did, something was found out and they were arrested; so I had to leave 
them behind me, what seriously changed matters. I started accordingly, and 
came soon at Gov. Spotswood's in Virginia; I told him of all my annoyances and 
he much pitied me. But I remembered the meeting appointed with one of the 
interested parties on Potomack River, and did not stay long at Williamsburg, 
but went on my way to Maryland, hoping to find him at Mr Rossier's, near the 
great falls, and to take with him the last measures. But, when I thought of 
crossing the River with my horses near the pointed foreland of Maryland, a 
great wind arose and prevented me. As soon as it fell, I went on, crossed, and 
went towards the Fall.

Not finding in Maryland the people I came to see, I go back on the same way.—
My return to Virginia. 

When I arrived at Mr Rossier's house, I found neither him nor his wife, nor 
the person above mentioned; the first had gone visiting at some relation's at 
the distance of one day's travel, and the other gentleman had just gone away 
the day before, thinking to meet me in Virginia. Though very much tired by 
such a long voyage, I just stopped to take a little food, and went the same 
way back, so fast that my horses were overrun, and that we were compelled to 
walk one day on foot, before arriving at Williamsburg.

Immediately after my arrival, I asked whether Mr M. was there, but I heard 
that he was at Hampton or Guiguetan, the first seaport of Virginia; I sent 
immediately my footman there, with a hired horse, but he did not find him, 
because that gentleman was glad to avail himself of a favorable opportunity 
for returning home, as he happened to find there a man-of-war, whose captain 
was his good friend, ready to sail for “the new York.” After having inquired 
about me and the colony, heard of Gov. Hyde's death, and ascertained that my 
affairs all went the wrong way, he left for me a letter, which I never 
received, and left for New-York, which is not far from Burlington, a very nice 
borough, built in Dutch fashion, on the limit between New-York and 
Pennsylvania, where I most of the time resided. This important appointment 
having again failed, I felt much desponded, then he was my last resource, 
being a man of sense, honest and upright; and a skilfull merchant. What 
surprised me was that an intelligent man as he was had so much trusted M. and 
had advanced him so much money, and that same fact made me believe that there 
was still some reality in the mines.

I stay during the winter at a friend's in Virginia. 

What was I to do in such unhappy a conjuncture? If I had had any means to 
settle at Canawest, I would have returned there. Instead of going to Govr 
Spotswood, I went to a private friend, intending to try one thing more. I sent 
my footman to Carolina, partly to ascertain if Mr M. had left no answer for 
me,—believing he might have resolved some new scheme,—partly to know which way 
he had gone; Item: if he had left nothing of my clothes and house-linen; Item: 
to know if perhaps the negroes had escaped, because, in case I could catch 
them, I would have been able to do something in Canawest, where they could 
have planted grain and taken care of the cattle. But my footman came back 
without having done anything,—he was told, however, that if I could send a 
brigantine or big barge full of provisions to the Bernese colonists and a few 
honest Palatines, they would come to me, trusting still to retrieve my losses 
with the mines which I had with Govr Spotswood.

Last resource to get a partner, a person of means and distinction.—Mishap. 8th 
cross-accident. A noted merchant threatens me and will arrest me for a 
protested bill of exchange. 

Upon this notice, I wrote to a distinguished person, a rich man, member of the 
Queen's Council, and my intimate friend, who could have gone into 
copartnership with me for this new colony, with a request to provide us with 
all necessaries. Being deeply engaged in that matter, and believing that I had 
found some means to get out of trouble, I got notice, that a merchant who had 
against me a protested bill of exchauge intended to arrest me, the writ having 
already been served at the house where I lived, as I took good care not to 
show myself. I then consulted with my good friends, asking if I could live in 
safety at Canavest, or in some other place in America. But they answered 
me: “Nowhere,”—for, even if I had been among the Indians, I should have been 
detected by the Indian traders, what made me very anxious, as I saw that there 
were no more resources for me in America,—unless I could hope to draw enormous 
sums from my original home, or should find some new partners, which would have 
been possible, but, when found, they would of course have nothing to do with 
the old debts.

I pondered over some letters which I had received, and which did not much 
satisfy me, and went in great grief to Gov. Spotswood's residence, 
Williamsburg, to explain to him my deplorable condition and to tell 
him: “Governor, I am in such straits that I do not know any more which way to 
turn; be kind enough to a poor unfortunate, to give him some prudent advice.” 
After having noticed the right time, I took my chance, asked for an interviaw, 
which he immediately granted to me.

The Governor of Virginia advises that I should go to Europe. 

After I had told him all my mishaps and wretched adventures, and added that it 
had come so far, that I was threatened to be arrested, the Governor answered, 
that he took great parts in my misfortune, that he was surprised that I should 
be abandoned in such a manner, especially by the Society,—and that he knew of 
no better advice for me than to return to Europe. He offered to me his 
recommendation to a good friend of his, who was to obtain that a distinguished 
lord, his protector, should kindly present a petition to the Queen in my 
behalf. I was, afterwards, to go to Bern, to expound matters thoroughly to the 
Society, and solicit from them the payment of the bills of exchange. I 
imparted this advice to several among my best friends, who all were of the 
same opinion. But, winter being near, as in such season no ships are found to 
sail to Europe, I remained, through the winter, which is not very long in 
those quarters, at a good friend's, and, as I did not like at all the idea of 
returning to Europe, far less to my native country, I did not fail to make 
ardent and repeated prayers to the Almighty, that He might put me in mind what 
I was to do in such a delicate conjuncture, and guide me according to His holy 
will, in order to get more blessing in my designs, and to take a resolution 
favourable for my soul. Indeed, if I had had no other aim than to spend the 
balance of my existence in making some kind of a living (in keeping body and 
soul together), I could have find still some kind of device. But I felt 
grievous to leave the Colony,—and again, when I took into consideration what I 
had to thank God for, especially my miraculous rescue,—and how everything went 
wrong for me in this country,—it brought me nearly to believe that it was not 
God's will, that I should stay longer in that country,—that there was no 
favorable star for me,—and I accordingly formed the unshaken resolution to 
depart.

I comforted myself in thinking that perhaps these colonists could better 
subsist among these Carolinians, who in that time were as able to assist them 
as I. I felt, accordingly, less responsibility, and besides, I did not do what 
I did with the intention of abandoning them entirely, though many of them had 
given me good motives of doing so.

But, in case I should obtain a favorable hearing from Her Britanic Majesty, 
and more assistance from Bern, I thought I could return more gladly & more 
profitably,—and that, if I should unluckily not succeed in that negotiation, I 
should be compelled to give up that colony to the LL. Props & to the 
creditors, and to remain quiet in my native country, and to spend the 
remainder of my days “with the repentance” of so much time lost, in a true 
humiliation and sincere moral improvement, not doubting that the sins of my 
youth have called upon me such dispensation. However hard the latter may seem, 
it was not so much so as I had undoubtedly deserved it.

I must accordingly give up every superfluous & worldly care, and all the more, 
look after my poor soul, with God's grace.

The Colonists themselves were the cause of their own disasters, by their 
ungodly and unruly life, by which no blessing from God could be called upon 
them. 

N. B.—I stated above, about that colony, that, although I should leave and 
abandon them, and that so many misfortunes could happen to them, that they had 
certainly drawn them upon themselves: (1) They were, I mean most of them, 
unfaithful to, and deserters from, their true sovereign, and they actually did 
act in the same way towards me, having left me in the greatest straits. (2) 
They were such a criminal and ungodly set of people, that it is no wonder if 
the Almighty has punished them by means of the heathen,—for they were worse 
than these,—and if I had known them, as well as I do now, the Bernese as well 
as the Palatines, I should certainly not have concerned myself about them.

As to the Palatines, I thought of picking my choice among the better, 
according to their appearance; for those who died on the sea and before my 
arrival, I have nothing to say, but for those that I joined there, I found 
most of them to be ungodly and rebellious people, among whom there were 
burglars, thieves, lewd fellows, profane swearers, slanderers, etc. No pains, 
no cares, on my part, could keep them in their duty. No admonitions, no 
threatenings, no punishments, proved to be of any use. God knows what I have 
endured; among the Bernese were two families which might justly be called 
the “excrement” of the country, and, with them, the proverb proved true: “Ill 
weeds never die out.”

I was more sorry to leave such a beautiful and good country than such wicked 
people. There were, however, some little good grain, I mean a few persons 
fearing God, who loved me and whom I also loved; I wish them all kind of 
prosperity. God may convert the balance!

How I had to undertake my voyage to Europe. 

The question was, how to undertake the voyage, by sea or by land. It could not 
be done by sea, as the captains of the ships are not allowed to take on board 
any person in debt, who has not satisfied his creditors,—or else, to be held 
answerable for the said person. I had, accordingly, to travel by land a very 
long way. My purse being not enough well filled for that, I was obliged to 
sell some silver plate which I still had kept.

I explain to the Colony of Carolina the necessity of my voyage to Europe. 

Meanwhile, I wrote letters to the colony, pointing to the necessity of my 
voyage on account of their deplorable condition, as well as my own; I sent, at 
the same time, letters to the President and to the Council, telling them also 
my motives and recommending to them, the best I could, this forsaken and 
shattered colony.

I take leave of the Governor of Virginia. My voyage by land by part of 
Virginia, Maryland, Jersey, Pensylvania, as far as New York. 

After I had taken leave of Govr Spotswood, who entertained me splendidly for 
this last time, I began my voyage by land just at Eastern 1713. I went through 
nearly all Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Jersey, and at last happily 
arrived, thank God, at New-York, a fine city, very well built after Dutch 
fashion, on an island, on the side of which is a fine and convenient harbour, 
situated between two navigable rivers, with a fortress; the surroundings are 
charming,—there are 3 churches in the city, an English one, a French one, and 
a Dutch one, in which a German service is also held. There is plenty of 
everything, and one can have anything which one wishes, the best fishes, good 
meat, all kind of grains, fruits, & vegetables, very good beer, and all sorts 
of exquisite wines, etc.

My fortnight's stay in N. York;—the town;—my departure. 

I stayed 10 or twelve days in that nice place,—and then sailed for England in 
a little Brigantine. I own that, at first, I was afraid to cross that big 
Ocean in such a small ship, but I was told and convinced that there was not so 
much danger as in a large one, and for different reasons:

(1) The sails are more easily mastered in great storms, as there are much less 
to manage;

(2) The small ship cuts better the water, and goes quicker;

(3) A small ship does not swing as much as a big one;

(4) It is more handy to load and unload, and is very useful to trade; such a 
ship makes two trips during a big one makes only one.

Arrival at Bristol. 

Though the wind was nearly always contrary, and we had several very rough 
storms, we arrived, however, thank God, happily at Bristol after 6 weeks. This 
town may well bear the name of a “Small London” on account of its good 
harbour, its size, great trade, wealth and dense population.

I took a few days' rest, and rode on horseback, in good company, to London, 
because the voyage by stage was dangerous. [1713]

Cross-accident. 9th mishap. Death of the Duke of Beaufort & of the Queen. 

I spent there several months, in hopes of presenting my petition to Queen Ann, 
by the hands of the Duke of Beaufort, my protector, who was first Lord 
Proprietor, and Palatine of Carolina, but, a short time before the date at 
which he was to hand my petition to the Queen, he died suddenly, another blow 
of my usual bad luck. The Queen herself died soon after him.

After that, there were so many changes at the Court of England, that my 
petition was not presented, and I well saw there was no hope of any favour in 
this new Court, for a long time, though it might be supposed that, after a 
while, this new King, being a German by birth, would feel inclined favourably 
for that affair. Winter being inconvenient for travels, as I could do nothing 
under such circumstances, I began my voyage to Bern.

Cross-accident. 10th mishap. Unexpected arrival of the German miners and their 
leader,—and the great trouble they gave me. 

I cannot, however, but mention that when I arrived at London, I was surprised 
to hear that the head-miner, T. Tusties Albrecht, had arrived with 70 other 
miners, what gave me much pains, cares, grief, and expense. Indeed these men 
came most inconsiderately and without orders, thinking all necessaries for 
their living and for the mining-works ready for them; but there was no such 
thing, and my purse was so empty that I had hardly enough for my most pressing 
needs. I had spent all my ready money in America, and found no bill of 
exchange for me in London, and it was impossible for me to assist such a crowd 
of people. It is easily understood what a burden that was for me, as they 
believed that, according to the written contract which they held, I was bound 
to assist them, what would indeed have been the case, if I had given them 
orders to come. I had however written to them, from America, several letters, 
of which they had received more than one, by which I gave them advice, that 
the head-miner T. T. Albrecht was not to come until further orders, telling 
them that there was nothing to do in the mines, on account of the troubles, 
and of the Indian war, which took place in Carolina,—I added that Mr M. had 
not yet disclosed the place,—but that, if the head-miner was willing to come 
nevertheless with one or two of them besides for the sake of prospecting only, 
he might do it of his own accord. But he, nevertheless, without further 
consideration, proceeded, and took no notice of these tidings.

What was I to do? I could give them no better advice than to return home, 
which they did not like, and even preferred to become servants in America, for 
4 years. Meanwhile, there were, as yet, no ships bound for America; they had, 
in consequence, to stay through the whole winter in London; but how were they 
to live? I really felt sorry for them. However, I was in a hurry to get home; 
I at last found two rich & noted Virginian merchants, to whom I proposed and 
recommended that business at my best; besides, I took counsel from a high 
standing lord, to whom I had been recommended by the Governor of Virginia, 
precisely touching the mines, in order that he might support me at Court.

Miners disposed of, and sent to Virginia with a recommendation to the 
Governor. 

We concluded that these people had to put their money together, and keep a 
proportional account of it, and that one of the merchants above mentioned 
should pay the balance, to supply the transportation and living of these 
people, that the Govr of Virginia was to receive them, & take care of them at 
their arrival, and to pay the capt of the ship, who had to give back the money 
advanced by them to the London merchants.

For that object, I wrote an extensive letter to Gov. Spotswood, laying before 
him the situation, and telling him, that, in case the mines should not fully 
succeed, these good people could form a small colony on the lands which we 
held together in Virginia, a little further than the place where were found 
supposed minerals, the presence of which made a silver vein presumable,—where 
they could settle by the orders and good care of the Govr, or somewhere else, 
if there was no satisfactory prospect of silver mines.

And as, in Virginia, there were no iron nor copper works, though a plenty of 
such ores were found there, we might begin by these, for which we needed no 
royal patent, as was wanted for silver mines, etc.

Departure of the miners.—(They are actually settled on the Governor's lands, 
where they have started a small colony.) (Notice of the author.) 

Hoping that my scheme could succeed, I recommended these good miners to the 
Allmighty, and they started at the beginning of the year 1714.

A whole year has elapsed without my receiving any news from the Govr or from 
them, and I feel very anxious.

My American mishaps seem now to be at an end, but the same ill luck which 
pursued me out of my native country still followed me home.

My departure from London.
 
For fear that my American creditors, of which the most interested happened to 
be at that very time in London, could give orders to the seaports, to inquire 
after me, and arrest me, I resolved to go aboard a little ship bound for St 
Valeries, instead of taking the common route by Dover or Harwich, and of going 
home by the shortest. The day was appointed, and, as I dared not to take a 
passport, for fear of being detected, the captain of the ship (to whom I had 
to trust the matter, though under a false name), advised me to go in a little 
boat to Gravesend, and prepared himself to start.

In danger to be arrested at Gravesend. 

When I was nearly half way, such a strong contrary wind arose, that I was 
compelled to land, and to go on foot to Gravesend, where I slept and remained 
a whole day; but, finding the living dear there, and not knowing whether that 
contrary wind would still last long, considering besides that this also was a 
seaport, I went on my way back to London, where my ship captain, not yet 
ready, was waiting for a better wind. However, I remained at Southwick, beyond 
the Thames, till further orders. When he had unloaded, I was told to follow 
him, and, at Greenwich I went aboard the ship, and outside of the town of 
Gravesend, the Captn sent me away, telling me to wait until he would have 
declared everything on board, and the inspection would be past. Although he 
told to the searching officers that my trunk belonged to a nobleman from St 
Valeries, and that he could declare that it contained only clothes, they would 
not be so easily satisfied. He accordingly sent quickly a boy to tell me that 
I had to open my trunk, what made me anxious; however I kept a careless 
countenance, and spoke French: I at once took my key with half a crown, and 
gave it to the clerk, asking him not to ruffle my clothes, which were so 
tightly packed. This luckily succeeded; if they had examined my writings and 
papers, I should have been detected and in danger.

A second storm at Marget, a port on the Thames.—Cross-accident. 11th mishap. 
Instead of 3 days it took us 3 weeks to cross over to France.—The entrance of 
St. Valeries harbour a dangerous one.—My arrival in France.—Arrival at the 
Fort de la Cluse, where I am in danger to be arrested for having no passport.—
My arrival at Geneva and Lavaux.—My arrival at Bern. 

After that, we sailed on. When we were nearly at the mouth of the river, near 
a seaport called Marget, there arose such a terrible storm, with thunder and 
lightning, that we were in great danger, and were scarcely able to keep the 
anchor fastened over night. The following day, when the wind had fallen 
somewhat, we sailed further on, and when we were on high sea, a strong 
contrary wind drove us to a place full of sandbanks, so that we were obliged 
to return and to land in another port called Ramsey; if the people of that 
townlet and a great number of sailors had not come to our rescue, we should 
undoubtedly have perished. We had to stay there 8 days, on account of the 
contrary wind, and in order to mend our torn sails, and to fix different 
things. That was hard for me, as I had hardly enough money for my voyage 
through Paris. When the wind had abated some, we went out, but were repelled a 
second time. This voyage gave me more trouble than when I crossed twice the 
ocean. Instead of 3 days, it took us 3 weeks to go to St. Valeries, where 
there is so dangerous an entrance, that we should never have been able to get 
into the harbour if pilots had not come out to meet and help us. I came very 
near to be arrested by the Governor as I had no passport, but a bill of 
exchange, by which he could ascertain that I was a Swiss, got me out of 
trouble. From there I went up the river to Abbeville, where I took the stage 
to Paris, and from there to Lyons, and from there to the Fort de la Cluse, 
where the Governor or Commander arrested me, as being without a passport, 
although I had not been required to exhibit one all through France. If I had 
not been in possession of my brief as lieutent govr (bailli) of Yverdon, which 
I exhibited, telling how I had lived in good neighborly intercourse with Mr de 
Bearnez, Govr of Pontarlier, and giving sufficient evidence of the fact, I 
should have been compelled to stay till a satisfactory attestation had come 
from Bern. So I went on my way to Geneva, and from there to our vineyards of 
Lavaux,  where I thought to meet my family, according to the news received. I 
even thought to stay there for some time, but I found the house shut: 
everybody had gone to Bern a week before. So I had to follow, though 
unwillingly, and I arrived at Bern on the day of St. Martin 1713, in good 
health, thank God, and found everything and everybody at home in good 
condition.

Alas! What changes I found in the town! Old friends grown cold towards me,—
many people bloated up with pride and arrogance! My experiences would be too 
tedious to relate in their minute particulars.

Cross-accident.—12th mishap. The Bernese Society (or Company) abandons me. 

The worst was, that those among whom I thought to find some help to rebuild my 
shattered colony, some refused to hearken to me, and the others I could not 
well convince, and so, I was compelled to abandon that colony, for want of 
aid, especially from my Society (or Company) which abandons me! It is a pity, 
because others will be able to fish in troubled waters, and to take advantage 
and benefit of what I founded with much danger, pains, care, grief, and 
expense.

Affairs in much better state in Carolina.—The peace concluded. 

Indeed, affairs stand well now in Carolina; the Government is better 
established, the wild Indians destroyed, a good peace concluded, the main 
difficulties surmounted, the most convenient lands, for the colony, cleared 
and cleaned out. The air there, accordingly, is more healthy, the population 
more dense,—and those who will succeed us in that region will be much better 
off than we were, for the trials of the beginning are over. My heart aches to 
leave such a beautiful and good country, where there are so fine prospects of 
future prosperity, and such hopes of a flourishing colony.

Since fate will not favour me any more in this world, there is no better 
remedy than to leave it and to seek the treasures from above, where moth and 
rust doth not consume, and where thieves do not break through nor steal.

I could have added here an account of the English Provinces of the American 
Continent which I have seen, but, several authors having written on these 
matters, I refer the reader to them.

He may consult P. Henepin, Bloom's English America, Baron de la Hontan, 
Visher's Great Britain, and on Carolina especially: Mr. Ochs' more recent 
Essay, the Diary and Description of Carolina, by Lawson, the same man who was 
sentenced to death by the savages, as I have related it above.

Hereafter follow a few annotations about what I noticed during my voyage to 
the Tuscoruros' region and during my captivity among the Indians; only, I just 
write them, without order, in the very succession in which they struck my 
mind, and under letters, a, b, c, d, etc.

a. Neither I nor my colonists caused the slaughter and war of the Indians. 
[These reasons and others have already been stated above.]

The letter to Govr Hyde would have been too extensive, had I written all these 
particulars into it. Some inhabitants of Carolina, moved by jealousy and 
indiscretion, accused me and my people as having given occasion to the Indian 
war and slaughter. I could quote many reasons for my justification, but my 
innocence being notorious, I will not trouble myself much about it. I will, 
however, state here: [These reasons and others have already been stated 
above.] (1) If I had been answerable for these events, why did the Indians not 
kill & execute me as well as they did Surveyor-General Lawson? (2) I paid for 
the lands called by the Indians Chattauqua (written in the MS. Chatoueka.—
Translator) three times: once to the LL. Props, once to the Surveyor-General, 
a third time to the Indian King, called Taylor. (That Indian King lived with 
his people at the very place where my house and the started town, New-Bern, 
now stand.) With these Indians, I and my people lived very friendly, and I 
should as well have paid the balance of the land, if they had required it from 
me. (3) There was not a single complaint against me, as was evident by the 
great Assembly of the Tuscoruros where everything was discussed over again in 
the presence of the Virginian merchant. The real authors of the troubles were 
denounced by their names; by charity, I will not recall the latter here; the 
two Lord Governors of Virginia & N. Carolina have seen to it.

b. Soberness and good order of the Council of the Savages. 

I have seen many considerable and important assemblies, and I have even taken 
part in some, but I have been surprised at the gravity & fine order of these 
heathen, at their silence, obedience, regard for their superiors; nobody 
speaks but in his turn, only once, with great decency & modesty. No passion 
made itself conspicuous, and sufficient time was allowed for the reply. 
Everything goes on with such propriety that I can say, for the confusion and 
shame of many Christian magistrates. The process was conducted in so fine an 
order, at the least as by any Christian judge, and they reasoned so well, that 
I was quite surprised.

c. These 7 villages of the Tuscororos discard responsibility. 

Seven villages, of the Tuscaruros' nation, pretended to be entirely innocent 
of the Indian war & slaughter. They argued, that they had no understanding 
with the other Indians,—the latter being more distant & nearer to Virginia, on 
which they depend for the trade. These 7 townships or villages, however, have 
some power over the small neighbouring groups, & hold them, to a certain 
extent, under some degree of bondage. That Tom Blount is King & Chief over a 
considerable number of Indians, full of sense, and much inclined towards the 
English nation. He contributed much towards a good peace, and even when the 
question was only about me, he spoke much in my favor.

d. Charity of an Indian widow. Some good qualities of the Indians. 

I cannot but state here the great generosity and pity shown by a good widow, 
who gave me from the very beginning, during my imprisonment, always to eat, so 
that at least food did not fail me.

But what is most remarkable, as soon as she saw me bound by young rogues who 
plundered me, and took from me, among other things, my silver shoe-buckles, 
fastened only by a small string, she took her beautiful brass-buckles, (with 
which she fastened her head-band,) and put them on my shoes. More than that, 
she was not satisfied till she had found out which Indian had taken my 
buckles, she bought them, and came in high glee, running to me and put them 
back on my shoes. Must it not be conceded that it was a great kindness from a 
savage woman, for the confusion of many christians? I must state here, to the 
shame of the latter, that the Indians are generally much more generous and 
charitable; I have observed many good traits in them: for example, they do not 
swear,—hold exactly what they promise,—do not quarrel in gambling, are not so 
greedy, have not so much pride. I have heard nothing unbecoming among their 
young men; although almost naked, they nevertheless behave more decently than 
Christians, etc. What I observed worst in them, is their strong anger, which 
generally becomes wrath.

e. The Savages' ceremonies in their triumphal feast. 

I must state here that when those barbarous burglars returned home, their 
wives, informed by messengers, prepared themselves for a great night-feast: 
every family cooked the best kind of meats, after their fashion, and brought 
them on the great execution-ground, where they also often have their dances; 
every family erected a small scaffold, with a good fire near it, and they 
disposed those stands in a circle around the said ground. In the middle was a 
big fire, near which the priest was standing.

The women all took their jewels and ornaments, consisting in Wampon necklaces, 
glass-coral, and burnt shells,—and then took some small sticks or rather thick 
twigs, and stuck them in the centre of the ground, vertically, as a sacrifice. 
They had also raised there 3 deer hides, as their Idols, which they do not 
worship, but respect.

The Queen, or, in her absence, the first in rank after her began first, the 
others followed, always singing; when the circle was completed, they danced 
around the fire and the three hides untill they were tired.

After that, every one went to her small scaffold to eat with her husband; when 
they had done, they took sticks wrapped in black, made the same ceremony as 
before, taking back the sticks adorned with coral, and putting the black ones 
in their place, and returned to their stands. Meanwhile, the priest was 
engaged in his duties, threatening the enemies, in most strange attitudes, and 
praising the soldiers, and exalting and exciting their courage for the future. 
After that, the young men went and brought green limbs of trees, painted their 
faces with black, white, and red, letting their hair fly loose, and sticking 
into it small feathers and white cotton; and so, looking more like horrid 
devils than like men, they all ran to the big ground with dreadful yells and 
howls and danced as was said above.

I observed that, when the Indian soldiers, or rather burglars, above 
mentioned, returned with their booty & prisoners, the priest and the tallest 
woman of rank  took the poor prisoners and compelled them to dance; when they 
refused to do it, they took them under the arms, lifted them, and let them 
down alternatively, as a sign that these christians had now to dance after 
their music, and had become their subjects.

These pagan ceremonies may be considered as their religious worship and 
idolatrous devotion. I sometimes noticed, in the morning, that they sang a 
little serious sounding song instead of praying,—what they also do in great 
dangers.

f. Religious worship of the Carolinian Savages. 

I also noticed among the Indians who dwell at the place where I settled and 
started the building of New-Bern, another kind of rites which come nearer to 
the christian divine worship. They had there a kind of altar, cunningly 
interwoven with small sticks, and vaulted like a dome. In one place was an 
opening, like a small door or wicket, through which they put their offerings. 
In the midst of this heathenish chapel was a concavity where they sacrificed 
beans, corals, and also Wampons. Facing the rising sun, was planted in the 
ground a wooden post, with a carved head, painted half red and half white. In 
front of it stood a big stick with a small crown at its end, wrapped up in red 
and white; on the other side, which looks towards the setting sun, was another 
image, with a horrid face painted in black and red. By the first, they mean 
some god, and by the other the Demon, which they know far better.

I cannot but relate here, to amuse the reader, what happened to one of my 
tenants, a tall, strong, well-built fellow: passing near by these idols, he 
examined them, and knew at once the difference between the good god, and the 
one which represented the devil. The latter being painted in red and black, 
which happen precisely to be the colours of the Bernese flag and arms, he 
became so angry about it, that he split in two, with his axe, the Devil's 
statue. When he came home, he boasted about it, as if it had been an heroic 
feat, saying that he had split the devil in two with one stroke. Though I 
could not help smiling, I could not approve his action. Soon after, the Indian 
King came, exasperated at this sacrilege, and complained loudly. I first told 
him, in a jocose way, that it was only the wicked Idol, that there was not 
much harm done, but that if he had cut the good Idol to pieces, I should have 
rigorously chastised him, and that, in the future, orders would be given in 
order that no such thing could happen any more.

Although the Indian King saw well that I spoke of the all thing as a joke, he 
did not like it much, but looked very serious. I accordingly told him, quite 
as seriously, that that man's action did not please me at all,—and that, if he 
could show me the one who had committed such a scandalous offence, he should 
be rigorously punished. To appease a little those Indians, I treated the King 
and his retinue to some rum, a liquor distillated from sugar-dregs, and a very 
healthy beverage, when taken moderately.

My courtesy put them in a more serene mood, and they left my home quite 
satisfied.

g. How the Savages bury their dead. 

They have more ceremonies for the burials than for the weddings and marriages, 
and I noticed something very peculiar at the burial of a widow. Before telling 
that event, I shall say, only in passing, what the priests sometimes do in 
case of sickness. After they have given the needed remedies, if these do not 
operate, they make grimaces, faces, and contortions, blowing at last their 
breath in the patient's mouth, with a loud noise and snoring, and I do not 
know what other incantations. If the sick person gets better, the joy is 
unutterable,—if he dies, they howl in the most dismal and frightful way.

The sepulchres or tombs of these Indians are very dexterously made, out of the 
bark of trees, vaulted. When the dead is being carried to his sepulchre, the 
priests stand near by, make great lamentations, and give a funeral oration. In 
their usual way, if there is some benefit to expect, they give great praises 
to the behaviour of the dead or of his relations, comfort them, and make I do 
not know what for horrible exorcisms. They take much pains, in gestures and in 
speech, so much so that they perspire abundantly. After the ceremony, the 
heirs or nearest relations give to the priests Wampon-necklaces, I mean corals 
made out of calcinated oyster-shells, purple-coloured, & yellow, which is the 
costliest reward they could give.

N. B. The Indians make, with those corals, garters, necklaces, girdles, so 
well interwoven that they really surprised me. After the tomb was covered, I 
noticed something which passes imagination, and which I should not believe, 
had I not seen it with my own eyes. From the tomb arose a little flaming fire, 
like a big candle-light, which went up straight in the air, and noiselessly,—
went straight over the cabin of the deceased widow, and thence further across 
a big swamp above 1½ mile broad, until it finally vanished from sight in the 
woods. At that sight, I gave way to my surprise, and asked what it meant, but 
the Indians laughed at me, as if I ought to have known that this was no rarity 
among them, they refused, however, to tell me what it was. All what I could 
ascertain, was that they thought a great deal of it,—that this light is a 
favourable omen, which makes them think the deceased a happy soul,—during they 
deem it a most unpropitious sign when a black smoke ascends from the tomb. 
This flying flame, yet, could not be artificial, on account of the great 
distance; it could be some physical phenomenon, like sulphurous vapors,—but 
this great uniformity in its appearance surpasses nature.

As I was on another occasion busy, in Govr Hyde's house, with the Council, to 
conclude a good peace with the Indians, six or eight of those Kinglets being 
present as representatives of their nation, with a retinue of other Indians, I 
noticed among them a priest whom I asked what was the meaning of what I 
related above. There were more than twenty Indians, but among them I found 
only that priest and another, an ancient, or old man, who were able to give me 
an explanation; and this did not satisfy me, and seems to me a fable, and a 
tale so ridiculous that it presented not even the shadow of a truth.

Transmigration of souls. 

They told me that only old priests of great experienee could cause such 
visions to appear. When I asked what was this flying flame issuing from the 
tomb, they told me it was the soul of the deceased, which went into another 
good creature, if the person had lived well & well behaved. But if she had led 
a bad life, the soul went into an ugly, wicked, and unhappy creature. They 
further told me that these priests attained to such science or magic, in the 
following way:

Sometimes a small, subtle fire, also like a kind of flying flame,—flickers 
from one tree to another,—what very seldom happens. When an Indian sees it, he 
must run with all his might to catch it, and in the moment when the hand 
covering the fire, extinguishes it, is born a kind of small spider which runs 
hither and thither, very quickly, in the hand, so that it is nearly impossible 
to keep quite close over it the other hand,—but that if one succeeds in 
keeping it tight,—it grows to the size of a mouse;—in that way the man who 
captured this wonderful thing becomes the best master & magician and can 
achieve all kinds of surprising feats. [N. B. These “conjurors,” as they are 
called in English, have also the power to evoke the Devil and to send him 
away.]

h. How an Indian contrived to raise a good wind into the sails. 

My pilot attested to me that, as he was once crossing the sound (a great sea 
bay in N. Carolina), in a boat, there was such a dead calm that they could not 
move. An Indian, who happened to be there told him that, if he wanted him to 
do it, he could in a short time raise a good wind. The pilot, who wished for 
nothing better, since he had none too much provisions, allowed him to act as 
he pleased, and all at once arose such a strong wind, and they sailed at such 
a rate, that they were frightened, but had to go, as there was no means of 
stopping. And so, they arrived, nearly in a little while, at the place for 
which they were bound, not without great risks of a shipwreck; the Pilot told 
me that in his life he would not use such kind of help again.

The reader may believe what he pleases of this and the things stated above, 
but one thing is certain: Satan wantons a great deal with those poor 
creatures, and there may be many delusions; if these fabulous tales had not 
been told to me in such a considerable Assembly, I should not have dared to 
quote them in this my account.

I have noticed and heard many other things among the Indians, but so many 
authors have written about them, that I would not enlarge any more upon this 
subject, for fear that I should only repeat their statements.

i. Barbarous actions of the Indians, as compared with the doings of the 
Christians. 

As to the barbarous and stern ways of the heathenish Indians (which I already 
mentioned above), I own that they are enraged when angry, but, left to 
themselves in peace and quietness, they are benevolent and obliging, after 
their own way. They seldom offend the Christians without having some motive 
for it, and, the greatest part of the time, the abuse comes from the 
Christians, who deal roughly with them. I spoke with several Indians about 
their cruelty, but an Indian King, a man of good sense, answered me in 
comparing the Indian with a snake: “Leave it alone, coiled up as it is, do not 
hurt it, and it will hurt no living creature,—but disturb its rest and it 
strikes and bites.” That the Christians have been worse and more cruel, 
especially the Spaniards who had so inhumanly dealt with their ancestors. As 
to their manner of warfare, which seemed to the Christian to be a brigandage, 
because the contest is not led boldly and openly, they had, of course, to 
avail themselves of some advantages; if not, they could not subsist and would 
always have the worst of it; that they were not many, and were not provided 
with cannons, guns, swords, powder, balls & other war inventions, far more 
treacherous and destructive than their own ways, which were more natural and 
far less pernicious; that the arms and war-ammunition which they had came from 
the Christians, and were, as said, inventions much more injurious, fraudulent, 
and wicked than theirs, and that the Christians dealt, not only with heathen 
or strangers, but with Christians, their own brethren, most cruelly,—and that 
amongst us we committed the most tyrannical acts, etc., (what I have 
experienced myself as may be seen above, in the narration of the plot laid 
against me by a rascally gang.)

ATTESTATION. [Number 108 in the Notary's register.]

VIDIMUS.

I, the undersigned Silvius Roulier, Notary Public at Yverdon, District of the 
same name, Canton de Vaud, Switzerland, certify and attest that the preceding 
narrative, containing sixty-nine pages, as well as a small notice annexed to 
it, and written on thirty centimes' stamped paper, after having them duly 
collated, are conformable to the originals, exhibited, and that due credit 
must be given to them.

Declared and attested in the presence of Louis Frankhauser, of Trab, Canton of 
Bern, merchant, and of Marius Brun, of Coinsino, policeman, both living in 
Yverdon, also undersigned, requested as witnesses.

Given at Yverdon, Saturday, July twenty-fifth, eighteen hundred and eighty-
five.

(Signed) SYLV. ROULIER, 
Notary Public.
(Signed)
Louis Frankhauser. 
Marius Brun.
[SEAL.] The undersigned, members of The Commission of the Public Library of 
Yverdon, certify that the above narration is the authentical copy, verified by 
them, of the manuscript which exists in the said Library under the following 
title:

Number 3110. Account of a voyage to America in the year 1710, by a former 
lieutenant-governor (bailli, old french: baillif) of Yverdon, manuscript of 
105 pages fo.

Yverdon, July 25 1885
JOHN LANDRY, Secretary.
The Vice President
CH. MEYLAN 
attorney-at-law.
[SEAL.]
No 431. Seen and vised for attestation of the signatures of Chs Meylan, 
attorney-at-law, & John Landry, Secretary, the 1t vice-president, the 2d 
secretary of the public library at Yverdon, signatures which are affixed to 
the above declaration.

Yverdon, July 25 1885 
The Justice of the Peace
E. PAILLARD.
SEAL.
I, the undersigned, Alfred DuFour, a resident of Mill River (Henderson Co.), 
N. C., state, attest, and declare that the preceding 191 pages, have been 
translated by me, word by word, to the best of my knowledge and abilities, 
from the authenticated copy of Baron de Graffenried's Manuscript, as taken by 
Sylvius Roulier, notary-public at Yverdon, Switzerland.

Charlotte and Mill River, N. C. 
October the twenty-second, 18 hundred and eighty-five. 
A. DuFOUR.

[End of record]

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