Greene County NcArchives Biographies.....Speight, Jesse 
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Cliff Darden cliffdarden@cs.com February 25, 2020, 9:15 pm

The North Carolina Standard, Raleigh, NC 
June 30, 1836
(From the Pennsylvania Inquirer, Editor's Correspondence)
Washington, June 14, 1836

	If I am ever fortunate enough to get my head into any kind of 
regulated condition, I will attempt to give you a correct view of the scenes 
that were enacted in the House of Representatives on Thursday, Thursday 
night and Friday morning.
	For twenty-six hours I was in the House, without food, drink or 
repose, engaged every moment, and the shock, even to a robust constitution-a 
constitution composed of cast steel and iron, was rather too severe to be 
endured.
	The contest at the time referred to, was a regular built battle, 
between the administration and the opposition, and was conducted with great 
address and firmness on both sides.  We had a comedy, farce, melodrama, 
opera, broad farce, and tragedy.  I must take the scenes one by one and 
complete them as fast as possible.
	At eleven o'clock on Thursday, in compliance with a special order, 
the House went into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, for 
the express purpose of taking up the bills to admit Michigan & Arkansas into 
the Union.  As Mr. Polk was well aware that a great political battle was to 
be fought, he placed the Hon. Jesse Speight, of North Carolina, in the chair 
well knowing that he of all men in the House, was best calculated to conduct 
the forces of administration and enforce order.
	Mr. Speight took the chair with evident willingness; and was thus 
placed at what Santa Anna would call, the head of the "Army of Operations."  
He was prepared for any thing, and all things, and was not to be intimidated 
by the excitability of Mr. Wise, or the cold cutting sarcasm of John Quincy 
Adams.  He was placed at the "helm of the king's ship" and his very look 
seemed to avow, I am determined to do my duty.
	The Hon. Jesse Speight is a Van Buren man body and soul, "bunt and 
earing," and is a good parliamentarian.  He "about six feet four in clear 
custom house admeasurement," and has a pair of fists that would frighten 
Mendoza.  Good nature and firmness of purpose are his predominating 
qualities; and I do not believe that anything can make him mad save the phiz 
of the abolitionist.  If he had his way, I do not doubt, he would barbecue 
fifty abolition gentlemen for breakfast, and make meat of an army of them by 
the way of a cold cut before dinner.  But as Chairman of the Committee of 
the Whole, he casts all party considerations aside, as I shall show before I 
close this letter.
	The Michigan Bill was taken up first, and by the courtesy of the 
House, the Ohio delegation was permitted to relieve themselves of sundry 
long speeches on the subject, before the army of operations was finally put 
in motion.
	Mr. Vinton, of Ohio, opened the ball with an amendment, and was 
followed by all his colleagues.  Mr. Storer of Ohio, was the last of the 
delegation to cast off the bill, and spoke at great length, and with much 
vehemence.  He was very careful to have the proposed amendment read, before 
he commenced the campaign: but, in a speech of an hour and a half's length, 
he did not utter a single syllable concerning it.  It satisfied him however; 
it may satisfy his constituents, and of course it's "none of the king's 
business," what it was composed of.
	The Hon. Edward E. Hannegan, who said he was deeply interested in 
the Michigan Bill, as any man could be, next took the floor, and after 
asserting that Mr. Storer had delivered a speech, which would apply as well 
to the old French war, as to the subject under discussion, proceeded to 
discuss the bill with great ability, force and eloquence.  Having disposed 
of the bill, he availed himself of the opportunity to reply to some remarks 
that Mr. Wise had made in relation to the "INSTITUTION" of Slavery.  Fired 
by the theme, and animated by the zeal of a FREEMAN, he set the dogmas of 
Mr. Wise at defiance, and said that if he had uttered the sentiments that 
Mr. Wise expressed, the cheeks of his constituents would have burned with 
scorn and indignation.  He stood forth the defender and champion of Liberty.
	Mr. Hannegan, who is always eloquent and impressive, was doubly so 
on this occasion, and the strong and eloquent language of his heart, 
animated by the enthusiasm of the moment, called around him a crowd of eager 
and enraptured listeners.  Between Messers. Wise and Hannegan there has 
always existed a close intimacy; and Hannegan poured forth his torrent of 
eloquence and anathema against illiberal principles, Wise appeared to be 
surprised, unable to account for the assault, and yet unwilling to construe 
it into personal unkindness.  At length however, the torrent of Hannegan, 
not of abuse, but of manly eloquence, became irrepressible, and Wise rising 
with slow and solemn dignity, in a cold semi-sepulchral voice, demanded to 
be informed if his friend intended to misrepresent him!  He said that he had 
not expected what he witnessed, and them went into an explanation of the 
language which had provoked the eloquence of Hannegan.
	Hannegan accepted the explanation, and going onward with his speech, 
delivered sentiments worthy of the cause in which he was engaged, and 
honorable to his nature.  He uttered the feelings of a man of Anglo-Saxon 
blood, and won at many hands, if not at the hands of others, the meed of 
honest admiration.
	When Mr. Hannegan had concluded, Mr. Russell, of New York, a 
descendant of the Puritans, and a disciple of the Covenanters, got the floor 
to offer an amendment to restrict the suffrage of Michigan, so as to shut 
out foreigners.  He made a short speech on the subject, and in my opinion 
made a most unnecessary and uncalled for attack on the Irish and Catholics.  
The Irish he denounced as vagabonds, and the Catholics he treated as the 
common enemies to our country and religion.
	Mr. McKeon, of the City of New York, rose to reply, and assailed Mr. 
Russell without the least regard to justice or mercy-he denounced him as a 
supporter of the old Federal party-as a man who had held out false lights to 
betray his country-as a man who was disposed to break down and tear down the 
Constitution of the country, to gratify an unholy zeal, and an intolerant 
spirit toward the Catholics.
	Mr. Russell, who attempted to get the floor several times to 
explain, but was not indulged by Mr. McKeon, at last succeeded.  He denied 
the charges which had been preferred, and said that he should treat them 
with that contempt and indignation, which he should award to their infamous 
and contemptable author.  They were made with impunity in that House, 
because it was sacred, but if repeated elsewhere, they should be punished 
with the severity merited.
	Great confusion, and the cries of order now prevailed; and as soon 
as Mr. Speight should silence the clamor with which he was surrounded.
	Adam Huntsman got the floor, and created a roar of laughter.  Old 
Adam was unusually happy.  His wit, like the courage of Bob Acres, seemed to 
ooze out of the ends of his fingers, and muscleless must have been the man 
who was not convulsed with laughter.  He talked about abolition; Judge 
White; wild cats; Wayne's defeat-his constituents; and said that they were a 
little the likeliest constituents any man ever represented-quoted Scripture 
and illustrated Nature- and finally would up by advising all hands to keep 
cool, and was of the opinion that if they would do so, this government would 
last fifty years longer.
	Whilst the House was in good humor, I stepped into the lobby, and as 
I merged from the door, Aaron Ward and Gerham Parks passed me.  By the great 
fishes, said Ward to Parks, if these fellows intend to fight it out, lets 
give them a tug.  We'll hang to it-stick to it, til they are satisfied.
	I was now satisfied that the House would not adjourn until doomsday, 
unless the Bills passed the Committee; and therefore, with a sigh in my 
heart, and a murmur on my lips, made up my mind for a regular siege.  Ward 
and Parks I knew expressed the determination of the party.
	A motion was now made that the Committee rise-the ayes and noes were 
demanded, and the result told that there was not a quorum within the bar.  
The Committee rose, and reported the fact to the House, when
	Mr. Parks demanded a call of the House, which was ordered.
	I cannot close this letter, without noticing one of the incidents of 
the morning of Friday, lest I ultimately forget to do so.  It is credible to 
the Chairman, Mr. Speight, and should not be neglected.
	About 6 o'clock in the morning, Mr. Slade, of Vermont, who did not 
attend the night session, in consequence of ill health, entered the Hall and 
asked leave to enter an amendment to the Arkansas Bill, to abolish Slavery 
within the limits of that state, after a given period.  An earnest attempt 
was made to cough and cry him down, and thus baffle his objects.  Mr Cave 
Johnson, of Tennessee, insisted that the amendment was not in order, 
inasmuch as the Arkansas Bill had been laid aside, though not reported by 
the Committee.  In this, Mr. Johnson, in my opinion, was right, and I should 
have been glad to have seen him sustained.  If Mr. Speight had decided in 
accordance with the views of Mr. Johnson, the amendment would have been cast 
out; for in committee of the Whole, there is no appeal from the decision of 
the Chair.  But Mr. Speight, notwithstanding his deep rooted and determined 
hostility to abolitionists and abolition, determined that Mr. Slade should 
exercise the rights of an American representative, received the proposed 
amendment, which was, however, instantly voted to the shades.
	During this scene, I was particularly attracted by the firmness and 
gravity of Mr. Speight.  Mr. Wise had spoken against time from six o'clock 
till ten, for the purpose of compelling the Committee to rise without 
reporting the Bill.  The moment the hands of the clock pointed to ten, Wise, 
in his thundering tones exclaimed, I demand that the Sergeant-at-Arms find 
the Speaker of this House, and that the Speaker take the Chair.
	Mr. Polk, who was sitting with Mr. John Quincy Adams, rose and said 
that he had no authority to resume the Chair until the Committee rose, and 
the Chairman vacated the seat.
	Mr. Speight, who had now braced himself back, very complacently cst 
his eyes toward Wise, and said in the most provoking tones of defiance and 
good nature, give yourself no uneasiness-keep cool-I am in this Chair, and I 
do not quit it, till I am voted out buy a majority of this Committee.
	The attempt to menace and dragoon, was sadly abortive.


Jesse Speight (9/22/1795-5/1/1847) was the youngest child of Rev. Seth 
Speight and Elizabeth Vines.  His mother died in December, 1798 and his 
father ca June, 1800.  His Uncle, William Speight, Esq. died in 1802, so he 
was raised by his eldest brother, William Vines Speight (ca 1778-
10/31/1836), who was a state senator 1808-1822.  Jesse served in the NC 
House of Commons in 1822, moved to the NC senate upon his brother's 
retirement and was elected speaker of the Senate of NC.  In 1828, he ran for 
the US House of Representatives, where he served 4 terms.  After the death of 
his brother, he finished his congressional term in 1837 and moved to Mississippi, 
where he was elected to the state house in November, 1839, speaker in January, 
1840, to the state senate in 1841, and speaker/president of the Senate of 
Mississippi in January, 1842.  He was elected to the US Senate in 1845, where 
he served until his death.

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