GARRET ALBERTSON, SR. MILITARY MEMOIRS, HUNTERDON COUNTY, NEW JERSEY Copyright (c) 2002 by William L Baran (WBaran@prodigy.net) ************************************************************************ USGENWEB NOTICE: These electronic pages may NOT be reproduced in any format for profit or presentation by any other organization or persons. Persons or organizations desiring to use this material, must obtain the written consent of the contributor, or the legal representative of the submitter, and contact the listed USGenWeb archivist with proof of this consent. The submittor has given permission to the USGenWeb Archives to store the file permanently for free access. ************************************************************************ Military History: Journal of Garret Albertson Sr., soldier of Jersey Blues in French and Indian War 1757 from Hunterdon Co. NJ. Source: Sketch of the Albertson Family and Life Travels & Adventures of Garret Albertson, Sr. Published 1845 by Thomas C. Albertson; reprinted 1918. A Short Account of the LIFE, TRAVELS AND ADVENTURES Of GARRET ALBERTSON, Sr. Born May 10, 1735 Died August 12 1813 Dedicated to his children and his grandchildren For perusal and amusement First Published 1845 by Thomas C Albertson Reprinted 1918 ADVERTISEMENT The following brief sketch of the Life and Adventures of Garret Albertson, Sen., having accidentally fallen into the hands of the undersigned, his grandson, he has thought proper to have a few copies of it put into print, for distribution among the various members of the numerous family of the writer, and for the amusement of those who are curious in matters of history- every thing having some value in the eyes of an intelligent people, which is calculated to cast even a solitary ray of light on the early annals of their country. Thomas C. Albertson Belvidere, Warren Co., NJ October, 1845 I GARRET ALBERTSON, was born on Long Island in the State of New York, in the year of our Lord 1735, on the tenth of May, old style, of reputable parents though not very wealthy, but living in good credit. My father, Nicholas Albertson, was by trade a Millwright; he had eight children, four sons and four daughters? myself being the eldest son, all of which he brought up and educated in a decent manner, principally by his trade. When I was about six or seven years of age, we moved from Long Island and settled in West New Jersey, purchased a plantation in the Great Swamp, a few miles from the noted tavern well known by the name of the Boar's Head, and built a sawmill for one Aaron Scyhawk, the first work he did in New Jersey: then sold and moved lower down in Amwell township, where he purchased a plantation on the bank of the Delaware River, two or three miles above Frenchtown, where he lived but a short time; then bought a farm and grist-mill near the Union Furnace, and before he sold I began to tend the mill. I must now mention one or two casual events that happened when I was attending the mill. I being young and not weighty enough to hoist the gate, my father lashed a heavy piece of pig metal on the end of the sweep to give it weight, and in my attempt to hoist the gate it broke loose, and fell upon my head. I immediately fell, and I know not how long I lay, but when I came to my senses I found myself covered with blood. Shortly after that event, another accident happened; I undertook to cut the ice for the purpose of loosening the waterwheel but unadvisedly, for want of judgment, being young, with the pole of the axe I beat the ice off one side of the wheel, the other side being heavily loaded with ice, and descended into the thoroughfare on the sheathing to cut the wheel loose, which I soon effected, when the wheel started; I threw down the axe, clinched my arms around the arm of the wheel and continued in that position till the wheel carried me quite round, with my feet up and my head down, and then swung backward and forward for a considerable time, till the weight of ice balanced in the bottom; had I only missed my hold, I must have been crushed to death in a moment. Previous to my attending the mill as above mentioned, I took the measles in the month of February, and by taking a heavy cold, got a gathering in my head, exceedingly painful; after which, I took a gathering in my body, which my parents though would prove mortal. My father went to Trenton, to one Doctor Norton, who gave him medicine; I took it, and in a short time it broke inwardly and discharged from my mouth, and I continued in a very low state from February till after the next harvest ensuing, being scarcely able to walk across the room; a kind, tender and affectionate mother to nurse me, and alleviate me in distress. "Oh! Bless the Lord my soul," for his kind indulgence to unworthy me, in sparing a useless life so long in time; oh! What deep distress lay heavy on me in the time of my sickness! I expected I must die, and what would become of my poor soul? So I agonized in distress between hope and despair. My mother told me I must pray; the Lord might help me, and she would pray for me, which she did. Now to return to my father's next movement, to Alexandria township, where he built a new grist mill, and lived there perhaps three or four years. Nothing very material, worth mentioning happened, only in time of the Indian War; I was one month on the frontiers. My father's next removed was to Johnson's Mills, on the Musconetcong (river), where I enlisted in the military service with the Jersey Blues for six months, received a bounty of 12 lbs, and a full suit of uniform. We were reviewed at Amboy, and embarked on board of sloops for New York, where we arrived and slept on board the sloops at night. One Hugh McDonald, of our company, got up in his sleep, stepped overboard and was never seen again. We then sailed up the Hudson River, and arrived at Albany, I think in the year 1757; from thence we marched to Fort William Henry by land, about fourteen miles, bounded on Lake George, where we lay encamped, I believe about two weeks. On our march to Fort William Henry, we received a flag from the French, demanding Colonel Schuyler and Doctor Stakes, then prisoners on parole in Canada. After drawing the bateaux and whaleboats from Albany, and fixing rafts and floating batteries for transporting artillery and horses across Lake George, we embarked and crossed the lake; encamping the first night on a point of land that made into the lake (peninsula), where Colonel Hunt had been defeated the year before by the French. Here were the greatest number of rattle-snakes I ever saw or heard of. Early in the morning we pushed out into the lake, and came in sight of the French advance guard, consisting of about fifteen or sixteen hundred. On seeing our fleet, they immediately struck their tents, and retreated into the woods. When we had landed and formed, we took a route through the woods after the French, and in an hour overtook them, when a battle commenced which continued near half an hour. I must go a little back, and observe, that we took one French prisoner when we landed; he was so true to his duty, that he would not leave his post as sentry. Now to return to the battle in the woods:?- Brigadier General Lord Howe, leading on his regular troops in front, the battle began very hot for a small space, when our troops collected so fast, that the French were obliged to give way after a stout resistance; but that brave Brigadier General Howe received three musket balls through his body and fell? much lamented by the army. He was a brave officer, and of undaunted courage, but exposed himself too much. The regular troops, who began the action formed and fired in heavy platoons; the French then gave way and retreated towards the fort; but we killed and made prisoners of the greatest part. Our regiment of Jersey Blues scarcely came into action, being far in the rear of the army. By the time we came to where the regulars had formed, the French began the retreat in every direction. When I saw a French soldier retreating, he turned round and seeing me, he presented his piece and fired; that moment I stept behind a saplin about eight or nine inches in diameter, leveled and fired; he ran, I saw him no more; I heard the bullet strike the saplin, I turned around and saw it lodged about breast high. By this time the regulars had formed a hollow square, for the reception of the prisoners; I saw one poor fellow brought in shot across his belly, with both his hands holding up his entrails; I heard him ask our Adjutant General, "Who was our commander?" He answered him, "Abercrombie". When the firing ceased, and the prisoners were all brought in, the army was rallied, and ordered to the bateaux on the lake. Being embarrassed, by countermarching through the woods, or want of more skillful pilots, the army got bewildered or lost, and parted in two divisions; one part on an eminence of rising ground, the other in a valley. Through some unhappy mistake they commenced firing on each other, which continued near a minute, and at length was stopped by a universal cry through the army,?-"All is well! All is Well!" I cannot ascertain how many were killed or wounded; one poor fellow fell near my side, he was shot across his face, his nose shot away, he rose again by taking hold of a bush. "Poor fellow," said I, "you are badly wounded." He cried, "O, pray help me!" I replied, "I cannot, the army is now on the march" then moved a small distance, when two divisions of the army joined together and ordered to halt, and lay on our arms all night?- no tents. I do not remember ever to have felt greater distress of mind, than I did that night. I thought the hand of Providence was turned against us, in a lonely wilderness. "Oh!" I thought, "If I could return again to my fathers house! I would never expose myself again to another campaign." However, the night passed with very little sleep, and at length morning came, the sun arose, and we received orders to march down to our batteaux on the lake, which we soon accomplished, refreshed ourselves, and lay there great part of the day, then received orders to march for Fort Ticonderoga, which we did, and lay that night at a place called the Old Saw Mill, about half way to the fort, and heard the French all night chopping and felling timber to fortify their breastwork, and they plainly saw our fires. When daylight appeared, the army was ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march; when drawn up in order, General Johnson came on with his Mohawk Indians, about five hundred, led on by himself, and the rear brought up by Gen. Layman and Gen. Putnam, with five stand of colours. They passed through the lines of the army with their heads uncovered paying a military compliment to our officers and army: when they had passed through, they took their route through the woods to flank the army next General Abercrombie's Highland watch. The grenadiers and light infantry took the lead, and began the attack at the breastwork, but after a bold and bloody action was repulsed with great slaughter. The different regiments then, in rotation march one after another until the whole army came into action. When we came near the field of battle, and the bullets began to whistle round us, I felt a tremor or panic of fear, and I strove to conquer it but in vain; at length, I really thought my hat was rising off my head, I slapped my hand on my head to keep it down – I reflected hard on myself for my timidity determined to march on, come life or death. When I came to this resolution, I cast my eyes and heart to heaven, and petitioning said, "Lord if it be thy will, that I come off the field of action this day, thy will be done? if I fall, thy will be done? but receive my soul!" From that moment I cast up my eyes and smiled? my panic left me? my hat settled on my head, and I felt calm and composed; such is the effect of resignation to the will of Heaven. Our orders were then to march on within gunshot of the breastworks, and every man to shift and cover himself as well as he could, behind trees, stumps or logs, which they did. Lieutenants Bonnel and Coryell, myself and others, took our stand behind a large pine log which the French had felled to fortify their works. We made the attack about nine or ten o'clock in the morning and continued in that position till the afternoon, without cannon or mortar pieces, though we had both where we landed, but lay exposed the whole time to the fire of the French from their breastworks, with only small arms. As I before observed, several of us were covered by a large pine log, where we would drop and load, then rise and fire over the log, until our ammunition was almost spent; my firelock at length got so hot I could not handle it. I told Bonnel I had a mind to jump on the log to see what the French were about in their breastwork. "Take Care" said he. However, I jumped up, and the very moment I stept up, a bullet brushed my hair on one side; I was down quick. I told Bonnel. He answered, "I told you to take care" I had no desire to trying the log again. The French would often charge their field pieces with grapeshot, and fire away through our army nothing but sulphur, smoke, and fire, through the day. I could not ascertain the number of killed or wounded, the accounts were various, but the slaughter was very great. Our Lieutenant Colonel Shaw, of Amboy, was among the slain, and a great many of our Jersey Blues. One John Hendrickson of our company, was shot near the gullet of his throat, the ball comong out at his back; he came to me where I was stationed and showed me his wound. I told him to go to the bateaux; he went and crossed the lake with the army the next day, and lay in my tent that night, and next day was sent to Albany with the wounded, and put in the hospital; I heard he lived, until what he ate came out at the wound in his back. This same Hendrickson, in the wood fight, came up to a French soldier who had been shot, and fell, but rose again on his knees, Hendrickson presented his piece the French soldier implored mercy, but he granted none, and shot him dead. I have thought whether his excruciating pain and lingering death, might not be a just judgement on him for his cruelty. To return to the battle: the day being far spent without affecting our intention of reducing the French, our orders were to retreat and leave ground, after leaving a piquet guard over the field of battle, ambushed in the woods, word came that the French were going down the lake, to cut off our retreat and take our batteaux, in consequence of which, the army was rallied about midnight or after, and ordered to march to the lake to secure our retreat and boats, in a dismal dark night, through a thick pine swamp,. The minute the word was given March! The piquet guard left over the field of battle, fired a heavy volley upon the French that were out plundering our dead and wounded, with candles and lanterns. The piquet said, they stumbled over on another and their lights were soon extinguished. We arrived at the lake and secured our retreat. Next morning, by daylight, the army was ordered on board the batteaux, in order to cross the lake, and arrived at Fort Henry that evening, where we lay encamped a few days, then marched for the Mohawk river, arrived at Schenectady, lay there a few days, then marched along the Mohawk river through the German flats, so on for several days until we came to a rising ground between the Mohawk and Wood creek, where we continued some time and built a fort by the name of Fort Stanwix. Then a draft was made from the army of three thousand men under the command of Col. Broadstreet, for attacking and taking Catarockaway, on lake Ontario, and allowed forty days, but accomplished it in less than thirty. We now took up our march for Wood creek, and I must here observe there was a carrying place between fort Stanwix and Wood creek (portage?) some distance to take the boats by land; the army therefore marched by land, while the boats took in the baggage and tents. We arrived the first night at a place called Bull's Fort; the boats not coming forward, we made tents of our blankets and lay on the ground; that night there came on an exceeding heavy rain, and being fatigued we made a fire before our poor tent, slept sound awhile, but behold when we awoke, the water was running under us, two or three inches deep; we rose and passed the remainder of the night without sleep. Early in the morning, I went with my sergeant's mate, my corporal, and one man more, to a sutler and bought a pint of rum, in hopes it would elevate us in distress, but too late, I had taken a heavy cold, and had not one day's perfect health until I arrived home at my father's house. When returning with our liquor, we met an Inspector who asked, " Where did you get your liquor?" I answered, "Of that man sitting yonder," and pointed to the man. He asked, "how much did you give him for a pint?" I said, "Five shillings," He stepped up to the man, took his keg and carried it off without any ceremony. That day the bateaux came up, the army then went on board and went down Wood creek for several days' march. In one place we rowed three miles, and I heard them say that were well acquainted with the creek, we had not gained ahead more than twenty rods, so crooked did the creek run. Nothing material occurred until we came to Oneida lake; we then sent a flag to that nation, to known if they would join us; they returned the flag with their negative answer? that they would neither fight for, nor against us, but would trade with us; which they did in abundance, with dried eels and roasting ears of corn, for our beef, pork, and biscuits. We then crossed the Oneida lake, a lake I suppose to be 20 or 25 miles in length, and so on down the river for old Oswego on lake Ontario. When within a few miles of Oswego, we sent three men in a whaleboat, with two doctor's lads, to see if they could discover any signs of the Indians, and when they got near the old fort to draw the boats to land, and cover it with bushes, and make no fire: contrary to these orders, they landed on a small island just at the head of Oswego falls; the three men went on down to old Oswego? the two boys left the boat laying in the stream uncovered, and kindled up a fire? the Indians discovered them, came on the island tomahawked and scalped them both; which we saw next morning, and buried them on the island. We then went to work drawing the bateaux about one hundred yards around the head of Oswego falls, and then launched them in at the foot of the falls, which were very rapid; one person had to stand at the bow of the boat when launching, with a handspike or paddle to strike and break the wave at first entering. While we were thus employed, one James Heaton, belonging to our company, who enlisted in Greenwich, went a small distance into the woods, supposed to get a drink, others thought he had deserted to the French to give notice of our coming, as he was a Roman Catholic, others thought he was killed and scalped by the Indians, but we never saw him after. The Indians were daily laying in ambush around our army, which appeared by their killing and scalping the two boys, and often firing upon our flanking parties. This fall was so high and pitched over so rapid, that I saw our Mohawk Indians go under the pitch of water with long spears and fetch out a number of salmon. From thence we went down the river and landed at Old Oswego, on lake Ontario, which was taken by the French the year before and reduced to ashes. We then embarked again on board our bateaux and whale boats on lake Ontario, and rowed I suppose about ninety miles along the eastern shore, for Catarockaway, the greater part of that distance in the night, following a pilot called the commodore; who went ahead and flashed powder every few minutes, which light we followed, and landed on an island opposite the fort, about one mile and a half off, as I suppose, where we lay in plain view of the French, until late in the afternoon; when we received orders to cook three days' provisions, and be in readiness to embark on board our boats, in order to cross the water and land on the French ground; which we accomplished without opposition from the French: in the attempt landing, the boats were to be drawn up in a line, within two hundred yards of the shore, and stand fast until a signal was given by the firing of a brass howitzer, when the whole were to give three cheers, then every man immediately to his oar, and pull with resolution to land, which was soon accomplished. Being landed a detachment of our army was sent to reconnoiter the woods, lest a party of the French might be out of the fort in ambush, but discovered no party out. This was on Friday evening. We landed two brass cannon and two mortar pieces, and brought them up to a rising ground: I must observe, we landed behind an eminence of rising ground which covered our landing from the fort. We drew up our mortar pieces, and opened a fire upon the fort that night, and threw bomb-shells successively through the night, and the French returned cannon ball, but little execution was done on either side. I was stationed to keep guard over the boats where we first landed, and never saw the fort until it surrendered. When morning came the sun arose, I left my guard and went on board my bateau to take my breakfast, with a sergeant's mate and one man more. While setting in the stern of my boat eating, the French sent a cannon ball which just cleared the stern of the boat and went into the water, and cracked like a red-hot plowshare, dashing the water over us; my mess mate put out a hard word, and said he would not stay there, for there was hot stuff. We left the boat, this was Saturday morning; the army was this day employed in making fascines and gabbeons, made of bushes, for fortifying an entrenchment; and then under cover of a dark night, about half the army marched under the bank of the lake and got into the French settlement near the fort in profound silence, went to work, repaired and fortified the entrenchment? planted the cannon and mortar pieces long before daylight and opened fire upon the fort. The Mohawk Indians flanked the army on the left wing, and kept up a continual fire thought the night, while we were taking possession of the entrenchments. We being now so near the fort, there was scarcely a shot but did execution, and soon made a breach in the wall? beat down their sentry boxes, on the corners of the fort? killed one sentry standing in one of the boxes? threw several bombs into the fort, and on their magazine. The fire commenced so hot from our entrenchments, that about 10 o'clock they sent a flag desiring to capitulate; Col. Broadstreet went into the fort, and in a short time returned. They pulled down their white colors on the fort and Broadstreet gave them one hour to carry off their chests and goods, which time they improved to good purpose. The army then marched up and took possession of the fort, went to work to destroy the provisions and demolish the fort, many hundreds of barrels of beef, pork, molasses, train-oil, and hogs-fat, which we could not possibly transport over the lake; we beat in the heads of the barrels and tumbled them down a steep bank into the river St. Lawrence. They capitulated to exchange the governor of the fort for Col. Schuyler, and the second in command for Doct. Stakes, both prisoners in Canada, but marched through our army on parole, and the soldiers man for man. The French then embarked on board their boats, and went down the river St. Lawrence for Montreal? the Mohawk Indians were eager to follow them, which Col. Broadstreet absolutely forbade. We then went to work to plunder and demolish the fort; I must remark, a brig and schooner, which they took from us the year before at Old Oswego, loaded with fire-arms, clothing and furs, endeavored to make out into the lake, but the wind being calm, could not. Mr. Williams, our gunner, ordered the two pieces of cannon on the bank of the lake, fired several shots, and brought them to. One Frenchman had his leg shot off, was brought on shore and laid by the edge of the lake, when one of our Mohawk Indians came along, took up a stone and dashing it on his head, killed him on the spot; poor creature clasped his hands, implored mercy, but found none. We then put fire to the fort, burnt it down, and embarked on board the batteaux in order to return to Old Oswego, which we accomplished in about two days, with the brig and schooner, loaded as aforesaid, which we unloaded, pushed them into the lake, set fire to them and saw them burn up; then proceeded up Oswego river, passed Oswego falls, and crossed Oneida lake, thence along Wood creek and returned to fort Stanwix, from whence we started, in less than thirty days; I supposed we shared about 7 lbs 10 shillings per man, of the plunder we had taken, but I scarcely enjoyed one day's health, from the time I before mentioned getting wet at Bull's Fort; I grew daily more feeble and unwell. Lieut. Bonnell asked me if I would rather go down to my captain Douglas, at Schenectady. I answered, "Yes" He then took me to the doctor, who bid me put out my tongue? I did so; he then felt my pulse, and I immediately fainted away. When I came to my senses, the first thing I observed, was my sitting down; Bonnel and my corporal Thos. Hill were holding me up and bathing my face with spirits. I heard the doctor say, "It is not worth while to send him down to Schenectady, he will not live!" which hurt my feelings very much. Bonnel and my corporal went with me to my tent; Bonnel asked me if I had a desire to go to my captain at Schenectady. I answered "Yes!" He said he would send his waiter, Josiah Bryan, to take care of me, until he came down, which he did; this was about three weeks before the end of the campaign, I was on furlough. Accordingly the next day, he accompanied me down to bateaux, with one Stephen Barns, a sergeant from Philipsburg in Greenwich, and Jeremiah Foster, a second cousin of mine, both sick. We sat down on the bank of the river, while the bateau was making ready to start; Barns sat close by my side, fell back, and I believe in one minute was dead. Bonnel thought I appeared as low as Barns, which hurt my feeling very much; however, I and Foster embarked on board, went down the Mohawk river until we arrived in a few days at Schenectady, where Captain Douglass was, who was wounded in the battle of Ticonderoga. I desired a furlough to go home; he thought I was not able, and said he would give me one in the morning, which he did. After dressing his wound, I embarked in a wagon for Albany, about 14 miles distant, with a number of sick and wounded, an unmerciful driver, through a pine swamp crossway. He drove on a trot, and the poor creatures with myself, begged, pleaded and screamed; I thought I must die in the wagon. At length we arrived at Albany, the town was so crowded with sick and wounded soldiers, that it was very difficult to get in a house to lodge; but at length got into a poor widow woman's chamber, which was crowded with soldiers, with my cousin Foster, lost my blanket and continued weak and feeble. Next morning we embarked on board a sloop for New York, with a doctor on board, who administered to me some medicine, and said, if I would call at his house in New York, he would give me something to help me; I requested my friend Foster to take notice of the house as the doctor pointed it out. Accordingly we landed and walked up the street a small distance, when on a sudden I choked up, and fell down; I thought I was dying, something appeared to rise up in my throat as big as my fist; the peopled gathered and asked Foster, "What is the matter with the man?" I retained my senses and reason, and heard all that was said. I then told my friend we would return to the sloop, which we did. On our return, we met William Rea, then a merchant in Quaker Town, New Jersey; he had been well acquainted with me and my father's family, but did not know me now. He asked Foster who I was? he told him; he then asked, if I wanted money. I told him "No" Did I want to send any word to my father? I said, "Yes!" to meet me in Brunswick such a day as the captain of the sloop said he would be there. Mr. Rea was faithful to his word. My father sent a man and horses, and met me at the time appointed. I then proceeded on my ay to my sister Okesons (Anglechea Albertson wife of Daniel Okeson) near the Union Furance; she stripped me naked, got me into a tub of soap- suds, washed me all over to destroy the vermin, put on clean clothes, and got me to bed, and sent for my father and mother in the night; my dear mother wept over me to see me in the condition I was. The next day I arrived at my father's house, in a very low state of health; my father applied Bateman's drops, Turlington's Balsam of Life and British Oil, which drove out the scorbutic humor in my blood in a wonderful manner, which under God, I believe was the preservation of my life, and by the ensuing spring I enjoyed a good state of health. The second season after, my father and mother died; my father in the spring, of the smallpox? my mother in the fall, of pleurisy. I then brought myself into trouble by administering on my father's estate. Shortly after the death of my parents, I contracted for marriage with Elizabeth Reynolds, daughter of Robt. Reynolds, to marry after my return from Virginia, where I intended to go. The reason of my going was, some of the creditors were taking every advantage they could of me, by reason of which the estate fell short of discharging the debts, although it was generally believed the estate was sufficient to discharge the debts, which I am confident it was, had it not been for a certain unjust judge, with whom my father had much dealings? he was too old for me, but he is dead and gone to give his account. Previous to my going to Virginia, I was arrested for 8 lbs, gave Robert Johnson bail for my appearance at Trenton Court, then settled my administration account at Trenton and told my bail my intention of going to Virginia, who agreed to it; I left in his hands twelve or thirteen pounds to attend court, and see the business settled, which he neglected to do for near two years, which I was absent. I then went on my way to Virginia, arrived at my sister's, took a school for three months, and at the expiration of that term taught a school for twelve months. I then took two hundred acres of Lord Fairfax's excellent life-land for five years, of the Earl of Tankerfield, Lord Fairfax's agent; went to work on it, cleared eight acres in company with my brother-in-law, Samuel Schooley, sowed it with wheat and procured some house hold furniture, with the full purpose of settling there; returned to New Jersey and married Elizabeth Reynolds as aforesaid, with full intention of moving to Virginia; went on to the Delaware river, unloaded and put some of our goods in the flat,? but by the persuasion of my wife's friends and mine, returned and still remained in New Jersey. I then settled and went to work at my trade, making wagons; at length I was subpoenaed by lawyer Pidgeon, to appear at Trenton Court, I appeared; Judge Johnson, my bail's father went with me; we went to lawyer Pidgeon, he made up the amount of debt and cost to 47 lbs, some shillings; I then gave my obligation for that sum, Judge Johnson bound with me. On our return home, he told me to go to work and make wagons, he would take all I could make, and he would see the debt paid; and observed, Pidgeon wold not trouble me. While he was bound with me. Accordingly I went to work, though much discouraged? in a low state of health and much affected with a pain in my breast. I followed making wagons, and with selling a horse, I made up the sum and lodged it in Judge Johnson's hands, but he did not take up the obligation. At length I was arrested again, implored Johnson to settle it, he did not yet, until an execution was served on my body, and so it went on to the last extremity; at length he took up the obligation. While several years elapsed, I followed my trade making wagons for the support of my small rising family, nothing material happening for several years, until the American Revolution; when I was again called upon to go forward in the service of my country, which I readily complied with, and served on the frontiers along the sea coast several months, in different capacities? as sergeant, lieutenant, adjutant, second major of the second regiment of Hunterdon county militia, commissioned by Governor Livingston, and shortly was voted in by the officers of said regiment as their first major, but did not apply for my commission, therefore did not receive it, by reason of moving into Sussex county toward the close of the war, and followed farming for several years, doing very well. At length I took a serious turn of mind, and reflecting on the uncertainty of this transitory life, began to think it was high time that something should be done, by the grace of God, to prepare for a better inheritance, having never joined any society in religion. I then became acquainted with the Rev. Uzal Ogden, a man much in my esteem. He christened myself and family; I being initiated into the Protestant Episcopal Church, of course, became a member and communicant of that church, and felt myself happy under the constitution of that society, so on, for several years, until at length Mr. Ogden removed from Sussex County, down to Newark, and left us like sheep without a shepherd, no settled minister and very few supplies, our churches seemed almost vacated. Shortly after, I purchased a small farm in Knowlton, where I lived twelve or thirteen years, acted ten years town clerk, and one year Assessor, but in the course of that term had almost forgotten my church and religion, if I ever was possessed of it, The people in that place had very little relish for religion, and I soon associated with them. I then sold my little farm and returned back to Hardwick for one year, then moved in the border of Independence, where by the kind indulgence of my heavenly father God, I still live, move, and have my being. I shall now mentioned the numbers and names of my children. I have had nine children, five sons and four daughters; my sons are, Nicholas, David, Robert, John, Garret deceased in the fifth year of his age;? daughters, Mary, Margaret, Elizabeth, and Angelica; four of my children are dispersed far abroad, David and Robert at Niagara, Margaret at Shemokin, Elizabeth, Fayette Count, State of Pennsylvania. I am now near the close of the seventy-seventh year of my age, and have served my country up of twenty years of that time, either in a civil or military capacity. Blessed be God, I have lived to see and hear of all my children being settled in the world; and I with my wife, have joined the Episcopal Methodist Church, and live comfortable and happy, with full resignation to the will of heaven. Now to my dear children, the best legacy I am able to give you is, to recommend you to God and His grace, to love and serve Him; and if you live to see my day, I hope you will experience, and acknowledge, more comfort and consolation in religion, than you ever found in the transitory things of this world. And now to close the feeble history of my life and adventures, I retire from public action, and am now too far removed into the shade for scorn to point the finger at. Fears, I have very few; and hopes? there is my consolation; there is the source of my joys?and the cure of my sorrows; they no longer rest on vain, idle, fallacious objects, on private friends, or public justice; they have now a more durable foundation, they rest on heaven. For a further confirmation of the power and reality of religion, and for our instruction, I shall quote the words of that eminent servant of God, Sir John Mason? who, on his death bed, called to him his clerk and steward, and addressed himself on them thus:?"Lo, here have I lived to see the reign of five princes, and had been privy councellor to four of them, and have seen the most remarkable observables in foreign parts for a series of years; and after all, I have learned this?that seriousness is the greatest wisdom?temperance the best physic?and a good conscience the best estate; and were I to live again, I would not give one hour in the chapel of God, for all the life I have spent in the palace; for all things else forsake me now, except my God? my duty? and my prayer." If any doubt should arise in the minds of my readers, in regard to the length of time since the British war against the French in America, in the year 1757, that my memory could not retain it so long? I shall answer, I was orderly sergeant in that service? was presented with an orderly sergeant's book? in one end I kept the orders of the day in the other a journal from the time I left Amboy (NJ) until I returned home, of everything material during that campaign, which revived my memory. I shall make mention of a short petition of our illustrious general Washington, at his resignation and retirement from public office? recommending Congress and these United States, to God, and His holy keeping. So in my soul's desire,, and shall be my prayer to God? for my children?grandchildren?my dear relatives, and near connexions. I've had a tedious journey, And tiresome it is true; But see how many dangers, The Lord has brought me through. Garret Albertson, Sen'r. April 23rd, 1812 He died August 12th, 1813; leaving a numerous connexion to lament his loss. The undersigned having constituted themselves an Executive Committee for the purpose of taking steps to the immediate prosecution of a large estate left to Nicholas Albertson, or his Descendants, by a near relative in Amsterdam, Holland, take this opportunity to notify you, as said descendants, that there will be a meeting of the same in the City of Pittsburgh, PA., on Thursday the 14th day of January next, at 10 o'clock A.M. The place of meeting in the City will be made known by the Committee, who can be found at the St. Charles Hotel in that City. It appears from a well authenticated source that Nicholas Albertson came from Amsterdam, Holland, about the year 1728 and located first on Long Island, NY at "near Rockaway," In 1742 he removed to Hunterdon County, New Jersey, and died at Johnson's Mill, on the Musconeteong Creek, in said County and State, in May 1760. And not many years after his oldest son, Garrett," received a letter from Holland addressed to his father's family, notifying him of said estate and urging him to come and claim the same. He never went, for obvious reasons, which will be fully stated at the meeting. It is earnestly desired that all of the said descendants who may desire to participate in the benefits of this estate may attend promptly, either in person, by letter or a duly authorized representative, and bring or send any old manuscript, old Bible records, or copy of the same or any information that will throw light upon the early history of Nicholas Albertson or his family. Particular attention is called to this matter. It is desired at this meeting that sufficient Funds shall be raised to send to Holland immediately a duly authorized agent or attorney to prosecute the claim or estate in the name of Nicholas Albertson's descendants; By request of the Committee: Dr. Robert P Cooke, New York City John A. Patton, Smithfield, PA Samuel Albertson, Hope, New Jersey William Albertson, Belvidere, New Jersey Robert C. Albertson, White Haven, PA. William B. Okeson, Port Royal, PA. (see biographical in Washington and Jefferson College Catelogue. The foregoing is a copy of a circular letter sent out to members of the Albertson Family a half century ago (1762) The estate mentioned therein has not been settled up to the present time (1845).