OHIO STATEWIDE FILES - HISTORY: Chapter 32 (Abbott, John S. C., 1875)
***************************************************************************
OHGENWEB NOTICE:  All distribution rights to this electronic data are
reserved by the submitter.  Reproduction or re-presentation of copyrighted
material will require the permission of the copyright owner.  The submitter 
has given permission to the USGenWeb Archives to store the file permanently 
for free access.
***************************************************************************
File contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by
Kay L. Mason
keziah63@yahoo.com	
January 7, 2000
***************************************************************************

			   Chapter XXXII.
		The Council Fire and the Battle-field.

   After the departure of Tecumseh, General Harrison pondered the question of
peace or war. We cannot think, in view of the light of subsequent events,
that he made a mistake in deciding to commence hostilities. The Governor, in
the autumn, took a strong armed force of a thousand men, and set out on a 
march to the Prophet's village, on the Tippecanoe. Of course the Indians, who,
through their scouts, kept themselves informed of every important movement
of the Governor, regarded this armed invasion of their territory as a hostile
act.
   The Governor gave out that he was going to the Prophet's Town to ascertain
for himself what they were doing there; it was also thought that it would do
good to let the Indians see what an army he had at his disposal. After a 
march of about six miles above Vincennes, the Governor threw up some fortifications,
which he called Fort Harrison. Here he laid in a supply of provisions and 
ammunition, and here he could find refuge in case of an attack.
   The army marched with the utmost caution, in two bands, one each side of 
the Indian trail. Their route led them along the eastern bank of the Wabash,
through an open prairie country. Their line of march was so arranged that, 
in case of alarm, the troops could almost instantly be thrown into a hollow
square or formed in line of battle. Early in November they approached the 
valley of Tippecanoe, and encamped within ten miles of the Prophet's town.
This was disputed territory, claimed by the United States in virtue of a 
treaty which the Indians declared to be fraudulent, and therefore null and 
void.
   The next morning the army resumed its march. Several small bands of Indians
were seen in the distance, but they evaded all attempts at communication. 
When the troops arrived within three miles of the town, three of the leading
chiefs made their appearance, and inquired of General Harrison why he 
approached their peaceful settlement in so hostile an attitude. The governor
replied that he had no hostile intentions if the Indians would ratify existing
treaties. This was simply saying that he had come to compel them to acquiesce
in the cession to the United States of all that immense territory which the
governor claimed through the treaty of Fort Wayne. The Indian ambassadors, 
having received this unsatisfactory reply, withdrew.
   The governor selected a favorable spot for his night's encampment. His
troops were mainly posted in a hollow square, and slept upon their arms. Each
corps was ordered, in case of attack, to maintain its position at every hazard
until relieved. The dragoons were placed in the center. They were directed, 
in readiness to relieve the point assailed. The most minute arrangements were
given to meet every conceivable emergency. The troops threw themselves upon
the ground for rest. Every man had hs accoutrements on, his loaded musket by
his side, and his bayonet fixed. Governor Harrison gave the following official
account of the battle which ensued:
   "On the morning of the seventh I had risen at a quarter after four o'clock,
and the signal for calling out the men would have been given in two minutes,
when the attack commenced. It began on our left flank; but a single gun was 
fired by the sentinels, or by the guard in that direction, which made not the
least resistance, but abandoned their officer and fled into the camp, and
the first notice which the troops of that flank had of the danger was from
the yells of the savages within a short distance of the line. But, even under
these circumstances, the men were not wanting to themselves or the occasion.
Such of them as were awake, or were easily awakened, seized their arms and 
took their stations; others, who were more tardy, had to contend with the
enemy in the door of their tents.
   "The storm fell first upon Captain Barton's company of the fourth United
States regiment, and Captain Geigler's company of mounted riflemen, which
formed the left angle of the rear line. The fire upon these was exceedingly
severe, and they suffered severely before relief could be brought to them.
Some few Indians passed into the encampment near the angle, and one or two
penetrated some distance before they were killed. I believe all the other
companies were under arms and tolerably formed before they were fired on. The
morning was dark and cloudy; our fires afforded a partial light, which, if 
it gave us some opportunity of taking our positions, was still more advantageous
to the enemy, affording them the means of taking a surer aim; they were
therefore extinguished as soon as possible. Under all these discouraging
circumstances, the troops (nineteen-twentieths of whom had never been in 
action before) behaved in a manner that can never be too much applauded. They
took their places without noise, and with less confusion than could have been
expected from veterans placed in a similar position. As soon as I could
mount my horse I rode to the angle that was attacked. I found that Barton's
company had suffered severely, and the left of Geiger's entirely broken. I
immediately ordered Cook's company and the late Captain Wentworth's, under
Lieutenant Peters, to be brought up from the center of the rear line, where
the ground was much more defensible, and formed across the angle, in support
of Barton's  and Geigler's. My attention was then engaged by a heavy firing
upon the left of the front line, where were stationed the small company of
United States riflemen (then, however, armed with muskets) and the companies
of Baen, Snelling and Prescott, of the fourth regiment.
   "I found Major Daviess forming the dragoons in the rear of those companies, 
and understanding that the heaviest part of the fire proceeded from some 
trees about fifteen or twenty paces in front of those companies, I directed
the major to dislodge them with a part of his dragoons. Unfortunately, his
gallantry determined him to execute the order with a smaller force than was
sufficient, which enabled the enemy to avoid him in front and attack his
flanks. The major was mortally wounded, and his party driven back. The Indians,
however, immediately and gallantly dislodged from their advantageous position
by Captain Snelling, at the head of his company. In the course of a few
minutes after the commencement of the attack the fire extended along the left
flank, the whole of the front, the right flank, and part of our line. Upon 
Spencer's mounted riflemen, and the right of Warwick's company, which was
posted on the right of the rear line, it was excessively severe; Captain
Spencer and his first and second lieutenants were killed, and Captain Warwick
mortally wounded - those companies, however, still bravely maintained their
posts, but Spencer's had suffered so severely, I reinforced them with Robb's
company of riflemen, which had been driven or by mistake ordered from their
position on the left flank toward the center of the camp, and filled the 
vacancy that had been occupied by Robb's with Prescott's company of the fourth
United States Regiment.
   "My great object was to keep the lines entire to prevent the enemy from
breaking into the camp until daylight, which should enable me to make a 
general and effectual charge. With this view I had reinforced every part of
the line that had suffered much, and as soon as the approach of morning 
discovered itself I withdrew from the front line Snelling's, Posey's (under
Lieutenant Albright) and Scott's, and from the rear line Wilson's companies,
and drew them upon the left flank, and at the same time I ordered Cook's and
Baen's companies, the former from the rear and latter from the front line, to
reinforce the right flank, foreseeing that at these points the enemy would
make their last efforts. Major Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not
knowing my intentions precisely, had taken the command of these companies, 
and charged the enemy before I had formed the body of dragoons with which I
meant to support the infantry; a small detachment of these were, however, 
ready, and proved amply sufficient for the purpose.
   "The Indians were driven by the infantry at the point of the bayonet, and
the dragoons pursued and forced them into a marsh, where they could not be
followed. Captain Cook and Lieutenant Larebee had, agreeably to my order, 
marched their companies to the right flank, had formed them under the fire of
the enemy, and being then joined by the riflemen of that flank, had charged
the Indians, killed a number, and put the rest to a precitate flight. A
favorable opportunity was here offered to pursue the enemy with dragoons, but
being engaged at that time on the other flank I did not observe it until it
was too late.
   "I have thus, sir, given you the particulars of an action which was certainly
maintained with the greatest bravery and perserverance on both sides. The
Indians manifested a ferocity uncommon even with them. To their savage fury
out troops opposed that cool and deliberate valor which is characteristic of 
the Christian soldier.
   "The Americans in this battle had not more than seven hundred efficient
men, non-commissioned officers and privates; the Indians are believed to have
had eight hundred to one thousand warriors. The loss of the American army was
thirty-seven killed on the field, twenty-five mortally wounded, and one
hundred and twenty-six wounded; that of the Indians about forty killed on
the spot, the number of wounded being unknown."
   As we now reflect upon these transactions, it seems doubtful whether the
governor acted wisely. He led an army of a thousand men several hundred miles
through the wilderness. Of these men, whose lives were so valuable, sixty-two
were killed, and of the hundred and twenty-six wounded, many lost arms and
legs and were crippled for life. It cannot be denied that he commenced the 
war, for the armed invasion of their country was certainly a hostile act. He
killed about forty Indians and probably wounded many more. He laid the little
town of the Prophet in ashes. He then returned to Vincennes, leaving the 
Indians so exasperated by what they deemed a totally unjustifiable outrage,
that they were all ready to listen to the solicitations of the British to 
join them in their second war against the United States.
   It is by no means certain that Tecumseh and his brother were not sincere
in their protestations that they had no wish for war. They were eminently
sagacious men. The plan which they professed to have adopted to save their
race from extinction was eminently a wise one. The conspiracy which they were
accused of organizing was foolish in the extreme. Tecumseh, in his last 
interview with Governor Harrison, proposed that they should both go to 
Washington and submit the question to the President of the United States, 
whether the Indians ought to surrender their lands which the whites had
purchased of certain chiefs whom the Indians declared had been bribed to sell
lands to which they had no title.
   Tecumsh was absent in the South at the time of the battle of Tippecanoe.
He was engaged, as he said, in an endeavor to unite the chiefs in the attempt
to prevent any further fraudulent surrenders of their hunting-grounds. When
he heard of the battle he was great surprised and troubled. He immediately
returned and renewed his application to the Governor that they should repair
to Washington and refer the difficulty, which had now assumed so appalling
an aspect, to the President. The Governor did not accede to this proposal.
   Tecumseh then assembled a grand council of twelve tribes on the Mississiniway, 
a branch of the Wabash. It was held on the 12th of May, 1812. The Wyandot
tribe was then the most powerful of the Indian tribes. Their chiefs opened 
the council. They blamed the Indians on the Wabash as being the cause of the
renewal of hostilities, which it seems that the Wyandot chiefs were very
anxious to avoid. One of their chiefs, speaking in behalf of the rest, said:
   "Younger brothers! you who reside on the Wabash, listen to what we say.
We are sorry to see your path filled with thorns and briers, and your land
covered with blood. Our love for you has caused us to come and clean your
paths and wipe the blood off your land, and take the weapons that have spilled
this blood from you, and put them where you can never reach them again."
   To this rebuke Tecumseh replied: "Elder brothers! We have listened with
attention to what you have said to us. We thank the Great Spirit for inclining
your hearts to pity us. We now pity ourselves. Our hearts are good. They never
were bad. Governor Harrison made war on my people in my absence. It was the
Great Spirit's will that he should do so. We hope it will please the Great
Spirit that the white people may not let us live in peace. We will not
disturb them. Neither have we done it, except when they came to our village
with the intention of destroying us. We are happy to state to our brothers
who are present that the unfortunate transaction which took place between
the white people and few of our young men, at our village, has been settled
between us and Governor Harrison. I will further state, that had I been at
home, there were would have been no blood shed at that time."
   It seems that the young men who, without due authority, commenced the 
attack upon Governor Harrison's troops, belonged to the Potawatamie tribe.
Tecumseh condemned them with great severity.
   "We are sorry," he said, "to find that the same respect has not been paid
to the agreement between us and Governor Harrison, by our brothers, the
Potawatamies. However we are not accountable for the conduct of those over
whom we have no control. Let the chiefs of that nation exert themselves, and
cause their warriors to behave wisely, as we have done and will continue to
do with ours. Should the bad acts of our brothers, the Potawatamies, draw on
us the ill-will of our white brothers, and should they come again and make
an unprovoked attack on us at our village, we will die like men, but we will
never strike the first blow."
   These reproaches roused the Potawatamies chiefs; one of them arose and 
accused the Prophet of being the cause of all the difficulty. "We have no
control," he said, "over those few roving young men. We do not consider them
as belonging to our nation. We will be thankful to any people who will put 
them to death wherever they may be found. As they are bad people, and have 
learnt to be so from the pretended Prophet, and as he has been the cause of
setting those people on our white brothers, we hope he will be active in 
reconciling them. As we all hear him say that his heart is inclined for peace,
we hope we may all see this declaration supported by his future conduct, and
that all our women and children may lay down and sleep without fear."
   To this Tecumseh replied in terms which seem to render it incredible that
he could have been endeavoring to organize the tribes into a hostile confederacy.
   "It is true," said he, "that we have endeavored to give all our brothers
good advice. It they have not listened to it we are sorry for it. We defy any
living creature to say that we ever advised any one, directly or indirectly,
to make war on our white brethren. It has constantly been our misfortune to
have our views misrepresented to our white brethren. This has been done by
pretended chiefs of the Potawatamies, who have been in the habit of selling
to the white people lands which did not belong to them."
   This charge brought one of the chiefs of the Delawares to his feet. "We 
have not met," he said, "to listen to such words. The red men have been 
killing the whites. The just resentment of the whites is raised against them.
Our white brethren are on the march with their guns in their hands. This is
no time to say to one another, 'you have done this, and you have done that.'
If it were we would say to the Prophet: 'both the red men and the white men
have felt the bad effects of your council.' Let us all join our hands and 
hearts together and proclaim peace through the land or the red men. Let us
make our voices heard and respected, and let us rely on the justice of our
white brethren."
   In 1812 the second war commenced war between the United States and Great
Britain. The English officers in Canada immediately made every effort to 
induce the Indian tribes to enter into an alliance with them against the
Americans. A large council of Indian chiefs was convened at Malden, in Canada,
by the British authorities. British officers have generally been as distinguished
for their arrogant and overbearing demeanor as for their bravery. There was
present at this council a Wyandot chief, Walk-in-the-Water, who was alike
illustrious as an orator and a warrior.
   A British officer by the name of Elliot addressed this chief very haughtily,
demanding of him whether he had advised the Wyandots and other tribes to 
remain neutral in the conflict. Walk-in-the-Water rose with great dignity,
and made the following bold an pertinent reply:
   "I have advised all the tribes to remain neutral. I believed it to be best
for us and and for our brethren. We have no wish to be involved in a war
with the Americans, for we know by experience that we have nothing to gain
by it. And we beg the British not to force us into this war. We remember that
in the former war between the British and the Americans, we and the British
were defeated. We red men lost our country. You, the British, made peace with
the Americans without our knowledge, and you gave our country to them. You
still said to us, 'My children, you must fight for your country, for the
Americans will take it from you.'
   "We did as you advised us, and we were defeated, with the loss of our best
chiefs and warriors and of our land. And we still remember your conduct towards
us when we were defeated at the rapids of the Maumee. We sought safety for our
wounded in your fort. But what was your conduct? You closed your gates against
us, and we had to retreat the best way we could. And then we made peace with
the Americans, and have enjoyed peace with them ever since. And now you wish
us again to take up the hatchet against the Americans. We say again that we
do not wish to have anything to do with this war. You should fight your own 
battles and leave us red men to enjoy peace."
   Elliot was greatly enraged, and here interrupted the chief, saying, "This
is American talk. I will not hear another word of it. If you do not stop I
will order my soldiers to take you and your chiefs and hold you as prisoners.
We will consider you our enemies."
   Walk-in-the-Water sat down. Another chief arose, by the name of Round Head,
who had espoused the British interest. He was the chief of a small tribe of
Wyandots residing in Canada.
   "Father!" said Round Head, "you say that the talk just delivered by my
friend Walk-in-the-Water is American talk, and that you cannot hear any more'
of it; and that if it is persisted in you will take the chiefs prisoners
and treat them as enemies. Now hear me. I am a chief, and am acknowledged to
be such. I speak the sentiments of the chiefs of the tribes assembled around
your council-fire. I now come forward and take hold of your war-hatchet and 
will assist you to fight against the Americans."
   Two Wyandot chiefs, with Tecumseh and his brother, followed, speaking in
the same strain. Elliot added some very threatening remarks, which induced
Walk-in-the-Water and his friends to leave the council-house and re-cross
the river to Brownstown, on the American side. They immediately appealed to
the American general at Detroit for protection, but, for some unknown reason,
it was not afforded them. The British sent over a large detachment of soldiers.
accompanied by Tecumseh and Round Head, and took these chiefs as captives.
   Not many weeks after these events a friendly chief, who was called the
Crane, proposed to General Harrison, who was encamped with his army at Seneca,
on the Sandusky, that he should send an embassy to all the Indians in Canada,
many of whom had been forced to adhere to the British cause, inviting them to
retire to the American territory, where they would be protected in neutrality.
General Harrison approved of the measure. President Madison, much to his honor,
had refused to employ the savages in the American army. It was his main 
object to induce all the tribes to remain neutral.
   A very large council of Indians, friendly and unfriendly, was convened at
Brownstown, on the western bank of the Detroit River. The deputation called
upon Tecumseh, in Canada, and urged him to attend the council. He replied:
   "No! I have taken sides with the British, and I will suffer my bones to
bleach upon this shore before I will re-cross that river to join in any
council of neutrality."
   The British Indian agent, Elliot, and a British merchant, McKee, were 
present to watch the proceedings of the council. One of the chiefs rose and
delivered the following speech, which had been entrusted to him by the Crane,
who was not present:
   "Brothers! you red men, who are engaged fighting for the British king, 
listen. These words are from the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese and Senecas.
Our American father has raised his warpole and collected a large army of his
warriors. They will soon march to attack the British. He does not wish to
destroy his red children, their wives and families. He wished you to separate
yourselves from the British, and to bury the hatchet which you have raised.
   "You can then return to your own lands, and hunt the game as you formerly
did. I beg you to consider your situation, and act wisely. Do not wantonly
destroy your own people. Brothers! whover feels disposed to accept this advice,
let him come forward and take hold of this belt of wampum which I have in
my hand. I hope you will not refuse to accept it in the presence of your 
British father, for you are independent of him."
   There was a moment of profound silence. Not a single hand was raised to 
accept the proffered pledge. Round Head then rose and said:
   "Brother Wyandots, we have heard your American talk, but we will not listen
to it. We will not forsake our British father, nor lay down the standard
which we have raised. I speak the sentiments of all here present. And I charge
you to say to the American commander that it is our wish that he would send
more men against us. All that has now passed between us we do not call fighting.
We wish to fight in good earnest."
   Then Elliot himself rose, and, if correctly reported, said, in language 
absurd and disgracefull to him, addressing the chiefs friendly to the Americans:
   "As you now see that my children here are determined not to forsake the
cause of their British father, I wish you to carry back a message with you.
Tell my squaw, your American father, that I want to cook the provisions for
me and my red children more faithfully than she has done. She has not done 
her duty.
   "If she receives this as an insult, and feels disposed to fight, tell her
to bring more men than she ever brought before. Our former skirmishes I do
not call fighting. If she wishes to fight with me and my children she must
not burrow in the earth, like a ground-hog, where she is inaccessable. She
must come out and fight fairly."
   To this speech Elliot, and English gentleman, an untutored savage, whose
uncouth name was Between the Logs, replied. He was, however, a Christian
Indian, one of the Moravian converts.
   "Brothers! I am directed by my American father to inform you that if you
reject the advice given you, he will march here with a large army, and it
he should find any of the red people opposing him in his passage through
this country, he will trample them under his feet. You cannot stand before him.
   "And not for myself, I earnestly entreat you to consider the good talk
I have brought, and listen to it. Why, would you devote yourselves, your
women, and your children, to destruction? Let me tell you if you should defeat
the American army this time you have not done. Another will come on, and if
you defeat that still another will appear that your cannot withstand; one 
that will come like the waves of the great water, and overwhelm you and
sweep you from the face of the earth.
   "If you doubt the account I give of the force of the Americans, you can
send some of your people in whom you have confidence, to examine their army
and navy. They shall be permitted to return in safety. The truth is, your
British father lies to you and deceives you. He boasts of the few victories
he gains, but never tells you of his defeats, of his armies being slaughtered,
and his vessels being taken on the big water. He keeps all these things to
himself.
   "And now, father, let me address a few words to you. Your request will be
granted. I will bear your message to my American father. It is true none of
your children appear willing to forsake your standard, and it will be the
worse for them. You compare the Americans to ground-hogs, and complain of 
their mode of fighting. I must confess that a ground-hog is a very difficult
animal to contend with. He has such sharp teeth, such an inflexible temper,
and such an unconquerable spirit, that he is truly a dangerous enemy, 
especially when he is in his own hole. But, father, let me tell you, you can
have your wish. Before many days you will see the ground-hog floating on
yonder lake, puddling his canoe towards your hole, and then, father, you will
have an opportunity of attacking your formidable enemy in any way you may
think best."
   This speech terminated the council. The Canadian Indians generally returned
across the river and adhered to the British. But they held a council by
themselves. The great chief, the Crane, sent them the following speech:
   "Let all the Wyandots abandon the British. They are liars, and have always
deceived the Indians. They built Fort Miami, as they said, to be a refuge 
for the Indians. When wounded and bleeding, after our defeat by General Wayne,
we fled to the fort for protection, they shut the gates against us." He
mentioned many other acts of what he deemed perfidy.
   It is well here to notice that the great question which was now agitating
the Indians and dividing them, was the all-important one whether a few chiefs
had the right to sell important tracts of Indian territory to the whites 
without the consent of the tribes. Colonel John Johnson, in the year 1818,
attended a large council at Upper Sandusky. There was immense gathering there
to pay respect to the memory of the illustrious chief, the Crane, whose Indian
name was Tarke. Colonel Johnson gives the following very interesting account
of the scene he witnessed. We take the liberty slightly to abbreviate:
   "On the death of the great chief of the Wyandots, the Crane, I was invited
to attend a general council of all the tribes of Ohio, the Delawares of Indiana, 
and the Senecas of New York, at the Upper Sandusky. I found, on arriving at
the place, a very large attendence. Among the chiefs was the noted leader
and orator, Red Jacket, from Buffalo. The first business done was the speaker
of the nation delivering an oration on the character of the deceased chief.
Then followed what might be called a monody, or ceremony of mourning and 
lamantation.
   "The seats were arranged from end to end of a large council-house, about
six feet apart. The head men and the aged took their seats facing each other, 
stooping down their heads and almost touching. In that position they remained
for several hours. Deep, heavy, and long-continued groans would commence at
one end of the row of mourners, and so pass round until all had responded.
These were repeated at intervals of a few minutes. The Indians were all
washed, and had no paint or decoration of any kind upon their persons. Their
countenances and general deportment denoted the deepest mourning.
   "I had never witnessed anything of the kind before; and was told that this
ceremony was not performed but on the decease of some great man. After the
period of mourning and lamentation was over, the Indians proceeded to business.
There were present the Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares, Senecas, Ottawas and
Mohawks. The business was entirely confined to their own affairs; and the 
main toped related to their lands and the claims of the respective tribes.
   "Red Jacket was the principal speaker, and was intemperate and personal in
his remarks. Accusations, pro and con, were made by the different parties,
accusing each other of being foremost in selling lands to the United States.
The Shawanese were particularly marked out as being more guilty than any
others. It was said that though they were the last who come into the Ohio
country, and that they had no right there but by the permission of other 
tribes, they were always the foremost in selling the lands.
   This brought the Shawanese out, who retorted, through their head chief on
the Senecas and Wyandots with pointed severity. The discussion was long
continued, calling out some of the ablest speakers, and was distinguished
for ability, cutting sarcasm and research - going far back into the history
of the natives, their woes, alliances, negotiations and migrations. I had
attended many councils, treaties and gatherings of the Indians, but never
did I witness such outpourings of native oratory and eloquence, of severe
rebuke, and of taunting national and personal reproaches.
   "The council broke up in great confusion and in the worst possible feeling.
A circumstance occurred towards the close which, more than anything else, 
exhibited the bad feeling prevailing. In handing round the wampum belt, the
emblem of amity, peace and good-will, when presented to one of the chiefs, 
he would not touch it with her fingers, but passed it on a stick to the person
next to him. A greater indignity, agreeable to Indian etiquette, could not
be offered. The next day appeared to be one of unusual anxiety and despondency
among the Indians. They could be seen in groups everywhere near the council-house
in deep consultation. They had acted foolishly; were very sorry; but the
difficulty was who would first present the olive branch.
   "The council convened late and was very full. Silence prevailed for a 
long time. At last the aged chief of the Shawanese, Black Hoof, arose. He
was a man of great influence and a celebrated orator. He said, in substance:
   "'Yesterday we acted like children and not like men. I and my people are
sorry for the words which were then spoken, and which have done so much harm.
I now come into the council, by the unanimous desire of the people present, 
to recall those foolish words. I here take them all back.'
   "He then presented the belt of wampum, the pledge of friendship, which 
was passed around, all receiving it with the greatest satisfaction. Several
of the principal chiefs delivered speeches to the same effect, handing the
wampum around in turn. In this manner the whole difficulty of the preceding
day was settled and, to all appearances, forgotten. The Indians are very
courteous and civil to each other. It is a rare thing to see their assemblies
distributed by unwise or ill-timed remarks. I never witnessed it except on 
the occasion here alluded to. It is more than probable that the presence of
myself and other white men contributed towards the unpleasant occurrence. I
could not but admire the genuine philosophy and good sense displayed by men
whom we call savages in the transaction of their public business; and how
much we might profit in the halls of our legislatures by occasionally taking
for our example the proceedings of the great Indian council at Sandusky."
   Black Hoof, of whom such honorable mention is here made, is worthy of some
special notice. His Indian name was Catahecassa. He was, perhaps, the most
renowned of the Shawanese chiefs, both as an orator and a warrior. White men
who had heard him speak all testify to the gracefulness of his gestures and
to his wonderful command of expressive language. Mr. Drake, in his sketch of
the chieftain's life, says that he was well versed in the traditions of his
people. No one better understood their peculiar relations to the whites, whose
settlements were gradually encroaching on them, or could detail with more
minuteness the wrongs with which his nation was afflicted. Although a stern
and uncompromising opposition to the whites had marked his policy, through a
series of forty years, and nerved his arm in a hundred battles, he became at
length convinced of the madness of an ineffectual struggle against a vastly
superior and hourly increasing foe.
   No sooner had he satisfied himself of this truth than he acted upon it
with the decision which formed a permanent trait in his character. The 
temporary success of the Indians previous to the campaign of General Wayne, 
had kept alive their expiring hopes. But their signal defeat by that gallant
officer convinced the more reflecting of their leaders of the desparate 
character of the conflict. Black Hoof was among those who decided upon making
terms with the victorious American commander. And having signed the treaty
of 1795, at Greenville, he continued faithful to his stipulations during the
remainder of his life.
   From that day he ceased to be the enemy of the white man. As he was not 
one who could act a negative part, he became the firm ally and friend of 
those against whom his tomahawk had so long been raised in vindictive hostility.
He was opposed to polygamy, and lived in faithful union with one wife for
forty years. It is said that he was greatly beloved and revered by his numerous
family. In his early yeas he witnessed the burning of a captive. The awful
spectacle appalled him. He ever afterwards opposed the barbarous custom, and
it is said that he saved many from the stake. He was cheerful in his disposition,
and fond of conversation. Through a thousand perils his life was prolonged
to one hundred and ten years. His influence prevented the greater part of 
his tribe from joining the English. In that contest he remained firmly the
friend of the United States. Though he was not called upon to take any active
part in the war, his moral influence over the Indians contributed much to the
success of our arms.