Family History: Chapters VII-VIII, Jenkins', The Family of William Penn, 1899: PA File contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by Linda Kyle. jkyle@trib.co USGENWEB NOTICE: Printing this file by non-commercial individuals and libraries is encouraged, as long as all notices and submitter information is included. Any other use, including copying files to other sites requires permission from the submitters PRIOR to uploading to any other sites. We encourage links to the state and county table of contents. ____________________________________________________________ The Family of William Penn Founder of Pennsylvania Ancestry and Descendants Page 88 (cont.) VII. FAMILY LIFE AT RUSCOMBE. From 1710 until after William Penn's death in 1718, the home of the family was at Ruscombe, a place in Berkshire, near Twyford. It was rented by Penn, and from an expression in a letter of Hannah Penn, already cited, the house seems to have been a large and expensive one. Like most of the houses in which the Founder had his home in the course of his life, Ruscombe has been entirely destroyed. The traveller by rail from London to Reading now passes over the spot where it stood, "in the last deep cutting between Maidenhead and Twyford, on the Great Western Railway." The Penn papers in the collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania include a number of letters, mostly from Hannah Penn to her son Thomas, which have interest for us in studying the family life at this period. They disclose many details in the experience of such a family as the Penns, in the time of George I., at a country mansion in England. The letters are, it is true, quite incomplete, some of them are occupied with matters comparatively trivial, and the view they give us is but fragmentary, yet their contents, simple and without concealment, are authentic and trustworthy as far as they go, and, taken in connection with the facts which we already know, they throw a fresh and fuller light on our subject. The family at Ruscombe, in the period we speak of, included Penn until his death, his wife and her five children (until John was sent to business at Bristol and Thomas to London), and during much of the time the wife and children of William Penn, Jr. These, with the several servants usual in an English house like Ruscombe, made a large household, and there were no doubt frequent visitors. The head of the house, after her husband's paralytic stroke, was Hannah Page 89 Penn. Fortunately for them all, she brought to her hard place a large ability. The heiress of a prosperous merchant, she had been reared in the somewhat austere community of Friends at Bristol to habits of business industry. Long before her day the writer of the Hebrew Proverbs had described such a woman: "She is like the merchant-ships; She bringeth her food from afar. She riseth also while it is yet night, And giveth meat to her household, And their task to her maidens. . . . Her lamp goeth not out by night. She layeth her hands to the distaff, And her hands hold the spindle. . . . She looketh well to the ways of her household, And eateth not the bread of idleness." Her situation was indeed very difficult. The deaths of both her parents had but a short time preceded the disability of her husband. His affairs, public and private, were sadly embarrassed. Pennsylvania was mortgaged, and the great movement of German settlers, by which the lands were rapidly taken up and the financial condition of the Penns improved, had but fairly begun. Besides the care of her own children, and her concern for their future, she had also her anxieties for the wife and children of her step-son, who were practically abandoned to her care. William Penn, Jr., seems to have been himself seldom at the house. In 1714 Hannah wrote, "I have not seen him this half year, nor has he seen his father these eighteen months." Her Bristol relatives gave her their firm support. John was sent, as already mentioned, to live there and become a merchant. Simon Clement, her aunt Mary's husband, was one of her valued advisers. Her own marriage settlement, reserved for her private use, had been drawn upon to assist in sustaining the family fortunes.1 1 This may have occurred considerably earlier. Penn, in a letter to Logan, 10th of Third month, 1705, says, "They [Hannah's children] bought dearly what they had [in Pennsylvania] their mother lending Page 90 Thomas Penn went up to London late in 1715 or early in 1716, to enter a business career. He was then but a lad,--in the latter year fourteen years old,--yet his mother seems to have relied upon his services in a marked degree. It seems probable that he was his mother's own son, with her business energy and capacity, an inheritance from the Bristol merchants. Her letters to him are addressed, in 1716, "at Michael Russell's, Mercer, in White Hart court, Gracechurch street," and we may presume that we have here the name, occupation, place of business, and probably also the residence of his employer,--his "master" in the terms of that day. Members of the Russell family are several times cordially referred to in the letters.1 A letter from John Penn, at Bristol, to his brother Thomas, in 1716, is as follows: "BRISTOLL 6 Octo 1716. "DEAR BROTHER "I have Rec'd thine of 8 Sep'. by wch find that thou art Settled of wch I am heartyly Glad not doubting but it will be for thy advantage & all that I begruge thee is the Conversation of So many of our Good ffrds & Relations & at Present my Mother a Line from whome I have not had Since she was the Last time at London, Pray to whome Give my Duty her estate in land to the value of at least £3000 or thereabouts, to answer my debts, that was raised by selling her hereditary land, or being mortgaged, which was all one." 1 There is an allusion to Michael Russell in Joseph Smith's "Catalogue of Friends' Books," Vol. II. p. 519, referring to him as party to some legal proceeding ("Michael Russell, appellant; John Cochran, respondent"), and to a printed document, "The Appellant's Case." In the period following the Great Fire in London, 1666, the London Friends leased land of the Fishmongers' Company at White Hart Court, Gracious Street (as it was then commonly called), a plot near the junction of Gracechurch Street and Lombard Street, which had been occupied by the White Hart Inn, destroyed by the fire. A meeting-house and several dwelling-houses were built. Dr. John Fothergill was a tenant of one of the houses in 1748. Isaac Sowle, the bookseller, and Lace Raylton, his successor, whose names are familiar on the early Friends' imprints, also lived there. Cf. "The London Friends' Meetings," W. Beck and T. F. Ball. By successive leases the Friends held the property until 1862, when they surrendered it to the Fishmongers' Company. Page 91 as also Respects to all our Good frds & Relations wch wth my Dearest Love to Self.-- "Conclude from "Thy affec Bro: "PENN." Hannah Penn's letters to Thomas, as preserved in the series in the Historical Society's collections, begin at an earlier date than the above. They have a pathetic undertone of continual anxiety and pressure. In one she says, "After fourteen days' expectation and many disappointments I have at last drawn on thee for ten pounds, payable at sight to Edmund Hide, which take care to answer punctually. I would have return'd twenty, but could not get it done; hope I shall to-morrow, for I never underwent the straits I have since these thy disappointments. I wrote to Henry Gouldney, and John to thyselfe, by last post, & to no purpose, for Harry Prat says he has nothing; so I have promis'd, but am not able to perform." Other letters are to the same effect. December 20, 1717, she says, "No sooner one load goes off, but another goes on by the expences of a large family. I am in a great strait, having promised the butcher more than I can raise for him." It would seem, indeed, that Thomas Penn in these years must have been almost daily concerned in some business for his mother, and that apart from the aid given her from Bristol she relied upon him largely, in London, to collect debts, to arrange advances or loans, to put off creditors, to meet drafts which she had been obliged to make, to purchase and forward supplies, etc. Let us now read somewhat more at length from the mother's letters. Here is one at the beginning of 1716: "3d of 1st Mo., 1716. "DEAR CHILD, "Thine with the King's speech1 came but last post; it had two post marks, so think the neglect lay there,--perhaps, the want of a fairer direction, 1 George I. He was scarcely warm in his seat or sure of retaining it. The Stuart rising in Scotland had just been put down. Page 92 that seeming to have been wrote in haste; however, that it brought me acct's. of thy health & bro'r Aubrey's amendment, made it very acceptable to me, as was the king's speech to the family. My sister has wrote to thee, and sends it with the little things to-morrow, by Stephen; if thou can have time call at thy sister Aubrey's for it. Thy poor father has been often ill, but at present is indifferent, as is the rest of the family. Give my kind love to thy Master, to whom and in his business double thy diligence, to make amends for the lost time. I have almost forgot how thy accounts stand, which I expect at thy leisure to be informed of, but have herewth sent thee an order on Joseph Boult for 30£; about 10 of it Judeth Fisher will call on thee for, about a week hence; 'tis for somewhat she is to buy for Mary Chandler, so pay her demand, and husband the rest well. Let me hear from thee now and then, but I will not expect much, because of thine to-day I find tis a very buisy time with you, I have also more writing to do, so inlarge not, but putting thee in remembrance of the mercys thou hast received, which bear in mind and endeavor to make notable returns in a watchful and circumspect life. "I am in the best love, "Thy truly affte Mother, "H. PENN." In a letter in the Sixth month (August) of the same year she mentions sundry family affairs, but particularly speaks of his wardrobe, over which she long continued a mother's supervision. She says, "I hope this will find thee at thy place and that thy master is well returned, to whom give my dear love. . . . I doubt I shall not be able to send thy cloathes this week, for some of thy Linnen is not yet dry,--wherefore think thou must shift this 3d day, or for fear of the worst I may send thee a suit of Linnen herewith. . . . Pray get leave to go to Joseph Boult's, to hasten me ye 20£, if he has rec'd it, by Stephen1 if possible. Give my dear love to thy brother Aubrey, and my thanks for his fine piece of venson, which was acceptably partook of by us all yesterday. I also take thy cousin Lowther's care and love to thee very kindly, in bringing thee to thy place, and was sorry thy master happened to be from home, and [hope] that thou will in a little time find it to thee as a home. I want to know what thy sister Penn does, whether she is 1 Stephen was evidently some one going frequently and regularly to London, probably a "carrier." Page 93 gone for the North, or not, or intends going soon. . . . With my dear love and best desires for thy good I close this." The mother's anxiety that the lad should do well in the business of his master is frequently expressed. She is concerned also for his health. She prescribes medicine for him, in the medical fashion of that day. She has many little errands for him. Here is a letter in the autumn of 1716. Hannah Penn had been in London on a brief visit,--staying, it would appear, at the Aubreys': "RUS[COMBE] ye 16th of 8br "DEAR CHILD "Give my kind love to thy Master and tell him I desire him to Give thee Leave to Carry this Irish Letter to the post house safe, the night it Comes to hand; put Tom Greys also into the penny post, and deliver that to H. G.1 with thy own hand at his house. Thou must also put C'ristopher on Inquireing after the box Yt went in the Coach with us from my Son Aubrey's. . . . "We are, I bless God, all pretty well. I think it necessary thou should take a little moderate purge of Epsom waters, or let D. Phipps or C. Heathcote order thee one, & Do thou pay first. Take care of cold; I have left fustian to line either thy old Coat, or wastcoat, when needful. Ask Mary and betty at thy bro. Aubrey's after my Gold Seale, which I cannot find since I came home, & doubt I left it on their table or window, the night before, as I also did forgett the Lemons, and Shrimps,--if Mary got any for me,--but that's no matter now, only my Seale and the Lemons, order Christopher to send wth the box. "[We have now six little] pigs, one of which I would send thee, if acceptable, & yt Mary thinks would dress well after such a Journey,--or I will send a goose next week. My uncle and cousin Clement are gone for Bristoll. "My dear Love and best wishes attend thee; I am "Thy aff Mo "H. P." The goose which the mistress of Ruscombe here suggests went up to London presently, for a week later than this letter there is a note from the little daughter of the household, Margaret Penn, who writes Thomas in a style which 1 Henry Gouldney. He has already been referred to in a previous foot-note. At his marriage, January 26, 1681, he was described as "of Cheapside, linen-draper," son of Adam Gouldney, of Chippenham, Wilts. Page 94 suggests that of their father in his early and cheerful days. She says,-- "RUSCOMBE, ye 23 of 8ber, 1716. "DEAR BROTHER "I Rec'ved thy Letter and Kind Presant by Mary, which I thank thee very kindly for, & like them very well. My Father is as well as Usuall, as is my mother now, and Sister Aubrey; they send thee their Dear Love, as I do most indearedly, and am "Thy very aff'te Sister "MARG'TT PENN." [This is the letter; but here is the postscript:] "My Mother gives her Kind Love to the Master, and has sent him a Ruscombe Goose, and I send thee a fue Pears and appels, and if I knew when it would be thy wedding day would send thee, too, a Chicken, or anything that would be more acceptable." The writer of this will be recognized as Margaret, the younger sister of Thomas,--she who afterwards married Thomas Freame. In this correspondence she is called "Pegg," reviving the recollection of her aunt, the "Pegg" of London, in the day of Pepys's Diary. Her banter of Thomas about gifts for his wedding-day was far in advance of that event, for he--a prudent bachelor, with ambitions presently for betterment of fortune and advancement in rank--postponed it more than thirty years. In a letter already given in part, dated at Ruscombe, "28th of 10ber 1716," there are these details: "Thy poor father has been very indiferent these 2 days, which has Increas'd my Cares, but being in the same Manner as Usuall I yet live in hope of the Lord's Mercy in his Preservation to us. the rest well and send their Love both [to] ye Master [and] H. & E. G." [A postscript:] "Delay not too long the sending some raisons, figgs, & almonds for thy poor father, also 6 lemonds & orringes. thou has I supose baskets. If thou fail by Stephen thou may send by Ambrose 5th day till tenn from the bell savage."1 1 The Bell Savage was a famous old inn on Ludgate Hill, established at least as early as 1453. "In its later years it was a great coaching inn, but the formation of the railways destroyed its trade; it fell into neglect and dilapidation, and was eventually [1873] demolished." The printing establishment of Cassell, Petter & Galpin was built on the site. Page 95 An undated letter, probably about this time, says,-- 'DEAR CHILD "having this opertunity by Tho Grey I let thee know thy father is midling, myselfe and the rest of us pretty well. Thy brother after being hindred severall days by the Weather is gone toward bristoll this morning wth R. Colter & in expectation of overtaking John Cowling. I desire thee let the bearer J. G. have halfe a Guiney to buy me some Tea, and would have thee send me 5 Guineys made up safely in it1 by Stephen of the money yet remaining in thy hands, & if thou hast opertunity by or upon the first of next Month inquire of Jo: Gurnell how the Exchange is and if he can as Usuall help me to 50lb in a bill at 30 days sight on Tho Wight and what Exchange. I hope thou had mine by last return, & will if thou had not, send me a pd of Coffee. Send me also some patterns of black and white Grosett if you cut any. [On back of letter:] Give my dear love to thy Mr and Mrs Mary Russell & H. G." Another incompletely dated letter, probably July, 1717, is filled with requests and commissions: "CHILD "send down if thou can an ell of silk to match Each of these, the Lightest was bought at Collisons not long since. a Persian [word lost] match'd to the other Culler may do if thou cannot gett it exact. "4th-day morning. . . . Thou may call on Jo Boult for the money for these silks if thou need. "16th of 5th Mo. This was wrot a week since and intended by Bishop Vickress2 who disapoynted me by not calling. I am sorry in thy last thou gave me no Acct of Dear E. G's illness, for whose loss I am in no small Concern,3 Greatly pittying her poor husband & near & dear Relatives, of whose welfare lett me hear. & tell thy Sister Pen we are all near as She Left us. Guly has a little Complayn'd of her head akeing today but is better tonight, we are all else so so." [On the back of the letter:] "Thou may stop in Jos Boults hands, if not already sent to me 20lb 1 This method of sending money seems to have been frequently used. See later ten pounds sent "in a peck of oysters." A note from Margaret to Thomas, November 3, 1717, after stating that "brother John is gott safe to Bristol," adds that "my mother received the tee, and that which was in it, safe." 2 A neighbor. See letters from him later. 3 Probably Elizabeth Gouldney, wife of Henry Gouldney. She died "of cholick," 13th July, 1717, and was buried at the Bemhill Fields ground on the 17th. She was fifty-nine years old. Page 96 for these things I send for, but not more than necesity requires, & desire him to send the rest & a pound of Coffee with it. "J Penn is pretty well again. "Put thy aunt's letter into the post house wth Care." Joseph Boult, so frequently mentioned as one of those who were relied upon for money in time of need, appears to have been an agent of William Penn, though his precise relation to him does not clearly appear. There is a note to Thomas Penn, in 1717, from a tenant probably, written at Lewes, in which the writer says that "being with him in a barber shopp by his house I ask'd him if his name was Boult, for yt I thought I had Paid him money on accot of thy Father, and whether [he] did Business still for him. He said he did when he had ordr & if I had any money to pay he would write about itt," etc. A letter from Hannah to Thomas on the birthday of Margaret, the completion of her twelfth year, November 7, 1716, is as follows: "RUS[COMBE] ye 7th of 9 mo, & Pegg's birthday. "DEAR CHILD "I have by Coach both thine as also one to thy sister, who is now turnd from her thirteenth Year, & has helpd Sukee to finish thy 6 shirts (and will help to recruite thy old ones) wch I suppose will be also wore out, by this time twel've month, if thou hast health, of wch I hope, and I therefore think I had best, if I can gett neat french Doulas, to make thee 6 or 8, which would be very Comfortable to me in ware, & to thee, I fancy, this winter. "I have for some weeks delayd sending a goose to thy Mistress, in hopes of Wild foule, or something else valuable to send with it, but being hitherto disapoynted, and the waters at presant forbiding our pursuite of any Game, I send this alone at last, to begg her acceptance; tho am Indeed ashamed to think I have stayd so long to so little purpose. Thy poor father is rather worse, at least more uneasy, for a day or two past, but hope if the weather mends, that so he may gett out more, that he may be better again; we are else pretty well, & all dearly salute thee. "I am glad of Samll Arnolds having accepted the bill, & desire mine to Andrew Hall may be payd to Content. I would also desire ten pound by Stephen in a peck of oysters, but I would not be too often troublesome and therefore will try to shift till thou receaves ye 50lb from Jon: Gurnell, and of which send me 20 in good Goldsmiths Notes & 20lb in Page 97 mony, also pay betty Collison ten in part of acct--& send me by first some patterns of Grave Mixt Grassetts from her, till I get a Suite made I cant well adventure to London this cold weather. Nor have thou as yet told me whether the Doctor is yet gone from thy Sisters or not, but of that mention nothing to them unless he is absent. "If thou wants Cloathing before I come up let me know what. "if Jon. Gurnell is Unsatisfied for want of the words Vallue recd thou may if wth his advice Interline it, but I am always in a Strait in those words, least my letters should Miscarry or be Intercepted between me and him." [On back of letter, in another hand:] "My Mistress would have thee tell J. Gurnall that Shee will write to Thomas Wight by next post without faill, but desiers her bills may not be sent till ye post following, and also would have thee when opertuinity offers to goo and see thy aunt Lowther and Lett Mrs know whare Shee Lives." Aunt Lowther's house was probably in London; she may have been moving; her residence, it seems, was not well known at Ruscombe at this time. She had been a widow since 1692, and was now approaching the end of her days. The following, in the spring of 1717, gives a view of the different concerns that occupied the mistress of Ruscombe: "RUS. ye 4th of 1st mo 1717. "DEAR CHILD "I am weary, it being both Gardening and Washing time, and Expecting to morrow, on the Green, if not in the house, the familys thereof, to the Buriall of Mary Blagrove. But having received thy 2 letters, I answer that part however relating to thy sister Pen; in which let her have a guiney, besides her bill, and take for thy selfe 20£, or more if absolutely needful, but I am surrounded wth Calls and Cares; I hope thou had and will mind the Contents of my last, & send me the money soon. Hasten this also to J. Vine; I expect my Landlord's Call Soon, he became of age to day. Thy two letters I had to night together, also the hoods, oranges, Coffee, etc.; tis too late to see the patterns, So say nothing, & expect to hear again from thee soon." A letter, September 10, 1717, sends Thomas to Henry Gouldney and Joseph Boult on business, and says, "my being full of company, and thy Aunt Wharley1 going to-morrow 1 The extent to which the recognition of relationship was carried is exemplified here. Isaac Penington, by his marriage with the widow Page 98 hinders my writing to H. G. Thy dear father is full as well as thou left him; I have been ill, but am better." Mary Russell, who was one of the family with which Thomas lived, perhaps the wife of his master, was then at Ruscombe, and sent love to her relatives. In a letter in November, 1717, Hannah writes to Thomas, sending a letter by a "New England Friend" who has been at Ruscombe, with whose visit, she says, we "have all been pleased and comforted." Thomas's wardrobe, at the beginning of winter, excites her concern once more, and is coupled with the ever-present finance question. "I would not have thee," she says, "want Stockens, but get them; or what thou cant not well Shift without; but for a new Coat, if thou can spare it this winter do, by new lineing or a thicker wastcoat but especially till R. Baker is payd. I hope thou have pd poor Danell Skinner, I have Walter's bill, and others presses me hard, as also my coming to London, but the weather and roads much discourage. I am heartily Afflicted at the Loss of dear Silvanus Grove, in Whom we have all lost a Most Capable and Valuable friend. The Tea is come safe, & we like it pretty well. My Dear Love to thy M. &. M., & very dearly to thee." In a letter of about the same date, devoted mainly to instructions as to money, or drafts on Samuel Arnold and Jonathan Gurnell, she fears she takes up too much of his time, and intends to ask excuse of his master when she next comes to London. But there is this postscript: "I had thine; am sorry for thy Loss and Negligence in losing the guinea; tis wit dear bought, and I hope will last with thee for thy increase of care in time to come.1 Send the enclosed by first penny post. Johne and all other our relations well at Bristol by last post." Mary Springett, had five children, four sons and one daughter, Mary, who married Daniel Wharley, of London. Mary Wharley was therefore a half-sister of William Penn's first wife, and her sistership to William Penn's second wife was altogether one of courtesy. 1 We may believe that Thomas laid this experience and admonition to heart. It does not seem that he often wasted or lost a guinea. Page 99 A letter in December, 1717, speaks of Thomas's wardrobe in some detail. Referring to the tardy receipt of some things which he was to send down from the city, she adds,-- "But [I] am now satisfied in that, as also in thy Choice of a Coat, only doubting that when thou have wore this a month or 2, Every day, 'twill be too bad for First days; or perhaps thou dessigns thy other for every day, and the new one for best, which I think Indeed the Most Likely. I wish thou could have shifted till nearer Spring for a hatt, for I doubt to buy a good one now twill be near spoyld before the Hight of summer. I wish thou had saved thy last from spoyling, by buying one more ordinary and cheaper, & which I fancy will be thy best way still, & so postpone a good one till summer; of which however Consider and act for the best Husbandry, & then please thy selfe; but be sure wch ever tis, that tis Packd up in a very Frd-like way, for the fantasticall cocks in thine, and thy brother Johne's hats has burthend my spiritt much, and Indeed more than most of your dress besides; therefore, as thou Vallues my Comfort, Regulate it more for the future. I have a Multitude of Toyls and Cares, but they would be greatly Mittigated, if I may but behold thee and thy brother, persuing hard after Vertue, & leaveing as behind your backs the Toyish allurements & snares of this uncertain world. Oh may it be so, saith my soule. "Thy poor father is as of late, so, so; my selfe and the rest Indifferent. Pegge, who has been at Atalls, Just come home, & sends her dear Love to thee; give mine to thy sister Aubrey." [Then she adds:] "But I will not longer detain thee than to advise thee not to faile of reading the Scriptures, and prizing the happiness of silence in meetings, when thou can get to them." Ten days later she is concerned for Thomas's health: "I have not wrote to thee since thy last, being Loath to Intercept thee in thy load of business, in which practice diligence, but forgett not thy own health, by overlifting or overworking, for the continuance of thy health will be for thy master's advantage, as well as my comfort. . . . I only add my good wishes, tho the surfeit [etc.] thou took last year will make me in care for thee till I hear this is over." There are two notes at this time from Gulielma Maria Penn,--the daughter of William, Jr., the "little beauty," as her grandfather had called her in one of his letters to Logan fifteen years before, when she was in her infancy. Page 100 They are to Thomas, and indicate that he had been doing errands for her also; they bear a slight air of mystery. It may be noted that she begins both, "Dear Uncle," and signs herself "thy very affectionate cousin." (Thomas was, of course, half-brother to her father.) She desires him, in one, "to send ye inclosed to M. Knight, and ye other to my mother." Then, in a postscript: "If thou hast any Letters for me send them to Cousin M. Stafford, at Margaret Wiggin's." The second note runs thus: "December ye 22 1717 "DEAR UNCLE "I desire ye will Excuse me for troubleing thee so often. I rec'd both my letters & am very much obliged to ye for thy kindness in Profering thy self to do anything for me. I desire thou wilt send ye inclosed to Cousin Patty Stafford. Pray dont say anything to any Body that thou heard from me; allso if anything comes for me Send it By ye Aylesbery Coach, as ye last Parcel was sent, and thou will very much oblidg "Thy very affct Cousin "G. M. PENN." Mary Penn, William, Jr.'s., wife, has been in London, and unwell; Hannah chides Thomas for making but a brief report of the case. She says,-- "RUS. ye 27 of 12/mo 1717/8 "DEAR CHILD "Thy last letter, on acct of thy sister Pen's illness a little surprisd me, & on which I wrote to H Gouldney. I hoped for a letter from some of you since, but none Came as yt except one from thy sister Aubrey, which however has Easd me; but When ever thou writes of illness of thy frds be not so short as not to tell the Malady, especially when thou desires anything for their care, for wth out knowing ye Cause tis hard to study a Cure, but I hope 'tis nothing bad, if 'tis let me hear again by post. . . . I would have thee write me a line 7th night, to lett me know how thy sister does, & when any Ships Sayle; lett me also know whether thou have now any cash in hand, & how much, also How Irrish Exchange runs. Cousin Tho. Aubrey is got hither on his way for London & pretty well, his Horse lame or would have left us to morrow, but intends it ye day after, to whom I refer for perticulars, and about ye patterns to my next opertunity, and with dear Love from me and Pegge conclude; from thy "Affte Mother, H. P." Page 101 The letters which I have observed passing between the two brothers John and Thomas at this period, and later, are kindly and affectionate in tone. Thomas, perhaps, is somewhat formal and business-like, but is always regardful of the conventions of correspondence. I have noted one letter, in 1723, in which, being then at Bristol, Thomas wrote to John, in London, at "Crown Court, Aldersgate," and departed from the plain manner of the Friends, saying throughout "you," "ffebruary," "ffriday," "Monday," etc., but this is an exception; in other letters, later, he uniformly says "thine," "thy," "thee," "First-day," etc. His letters are well written, in a fine, even, and pleasing hand, and he expresses himself clearly and definitely. Hannah Penn's cash-book, a small, square book, showing the house-keeping expenses at Ruscombe between May 15, 1715, and November 5, 1719, is among the Penn collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The opening entries, and most of those which follow, are in the handwriting of Hannah Penn, but some are in another hand, probably that of her son John. The account begins with this entry: "We came to Ruscomb from Bath the 9th of 5th mo: 1715,1 then Rec'd of John Wren by bill on Joseph Boult £10." The page upon which this is entered contains further entries of the proceeds of bills drawn upon T. Wight through Jonathan Gurnell, payments of cash by Ambrose Galloway, and others, making in all twelve entries between May 15, 1715, and Twelfth month, 1716, and covering four hundred and thirty-one pounds and fifteen shillings. Other memoranda of bills drawn, etc., appear on other pages, but most of the book is occupied with cash payments. As these throw light on the daily life at Ruscombe, I extract as follows: 1 This was evidently Penn's visit to Bath, taken in the hope that the waters might benefit him, mentioned by the "visitor" to Ruscombe, in last chapter, and also by Simon Clement. Page 102 "1715 £ s d 5th mo. 9 payd hire of ye horses & to the Coach man yt brought us up from Bath 5 0 0 pd Carriage of our goods fro Bristoll 12 6 pd a debt to Rachell Hall 4 0 0 pd Jane Grove for Tayloring work 1 1 6 pd the poors Tax 1/2 year 9 4 22 pd Farmer Crockford in pt for Hay 5 0 0 pd Goodee Lovejoy for weeding &c. while we were from home 14 10 pd Goodee Collins for her work 15 0 pd Neighbour Burton, horse hire 9 0 disbursments at Henly Markett 7 1/2 to my pockett 5s to my husband 10s 15 0 to Daughter Aubrey for severall things 3 8 0 to Daughter Pen to pay Gilbert Tomson's bill 17 10 0 for 3 Lobsters 2 3 for a dozen of Cherrys 1 6 23 pd Thomas ye Butch'r in full of a former bill 3 15 9 pd for 7 ducks & 6 fouls 9 0 pd for a dozen of sope 5 0" The entries above are nearly all those occupying the first page of cash payments. Other entries on subsequent pages include the following: "1715, 5th mo. 27, payd for a Couple of Rabets 1s, 6d. For 4 lbs of butter, 6s. "28th, pd for a dish of fish, with Lobster and Crawfish 7s 6d; John Good, for white liming ye house, 10s; for severall things of ye Pedler, 2s. 9d.; for gathering herbs and camomile flowers, 1s; for a sythe for yo walks, 2s 6d. "6th mo 1, for a flitch of bacon, 39 lbs, 19s 6d. "19th, to Tho: Pen for his journey to Bristoll, 10s. "22nd, pd bringing Johnes things and a hamper from Bristoll, 5s. "27th, pd Margaret Chandler's son by bill on Joseph Boult in full for wine due to her £3 13s 6d." Other entries, omitting dates, are extracted as follows: "For a roasting pigg 2s 6d; for a bushel of Potatoes 2s; for a goose to send to London 2s 3d; for pins and other small things at reding 4s; for earthen pans at twiford, 2s 4d; pd Tho Grove ye window tax 15s; Page 103 for sweeping chimneys, etc., 2s; ye smith at Twifords bills £1 19s; pd Thos Grove, for landlord, ye land tax £3 11s; mending ye side-saddle, etc., 1s; for stuffe for an under coate for Pegge 3s 4d." Entries of payments of taxes and rent suggest with tolerable certainty that the owner of Ruscombe was a Mr. Foster. 1718, First month (March) 26, there is this entry: "pd Landlord Foster by disbursements & taxes £9 10s, and in money £10 10s in full to Decem'r last." The cash-book contains no entries from Fifth month (July) 21, 1718, to November of that year. Two pages were left blank, but the account has not been set down. The melancholy reflection is that this was the period in which the death of the Founder occurred. Entries in the book about a year later, in the handwriting of one of the children (as there are occasional payments of petty cash to "my mother"), and evidently a man, suggest the work of John Penn, though it may have been Thomas's. They seem to show quite clearly that at this time, probably Michaelmas (September 29), 1719, the home at Ruscombe was broken up. The entries of cash paid out are nearly all stated to be "in full," and then appears this one: "Balance this 26th Octor 1719 and wch I Brought from Ruscombe to Hammersmith £4 16s 1 3/4d." There are three pages of charges in the book, begun by Hannah Penn, headed "Son and Daughter Penn, Dr." These begin in September, 1712, just after the apoplectic seizure of the Founder; they refer, of course, to William, Jr., and his wife. They extend to Eighth month (October), 1717, and amount to about three hundred pounds. We shall more particularly refer to them in the chapter on William Penn, Jr. In May, 1720, Hannah Penn was in London, and wrote from there to Rebecca Blackfan, at Pennsbury, in Pennsylvania, a letter which has already been referred to, but which is worth giving in full: Page 104 "LONDON, ye 9th of 3rd Month, 1720. "DEAR COUSN: "By ye Death of my dear Husband & ye Loads of affliction that has encompass'd me thereon I have been disabled from conversing much wth my Friends, as well as from doing them or myself much service on that side ye water. But as it would be my greatest pleasure to find myself in a Capacity to pay my dear Husband's Debts, & see my poor Children made capable of maintaining themselves, wch I am now strugling for, & when attained, shall be also willing to assist thee & thy Son, if you are not yet got to a Settlement, but I would hope you are in some little way and Place, for I am realy concern'd to think of thy Son's loseing so much of his time. And that it may be no longer, I have sent thee Peter Evans's Bond, for thee to advise wth my Friends upon, & use as they shall direct,--James Logan & R. Hill, in particular. "I find sev'l of my Letters to thee & others have miscaried, & therefore know not whether they had acct of ye Death of my dear Sister Lowther, who Died of a Lingering Feaver & gradual decay about 5 Months after her dear Brother. My poor Niece Poole is also since Deceas'd, of an uncommon Ayling & pain in her Head, scarce understood by any, but as was suppos'd proceeded from a Bruise on an overturn in a Coach some Months before: She has left one only Daughter, who I hope may have Comfort in Her Riches, & not become a Prey to ye World, or some Worldling. My Cousin John Lowther is maried, has one Child, (a Daughter) and Lives at Mask as yet. My Cousin Sir Thomas, the Heir of Sir William, is just return'd from his Travels in France & Flanders. He went out a very promising hopeful young Man, & I greatly hope is not worsted but improved by his journey. His two Sisters are both Living, but his younger Brother Died of the Small Pox two years since. My Daughter Aubrey is I hear well, as is my Daughter Penn & her Son & Daughter, all here in Town, & Springet wth a Merchant in Ireland. "My Children, Three of them are in Town here, well, as are I hope my Two youngest at School. My Son Penn, after his Father's Death, came over from France to send his Commissions, as I hear, to your side, & then return'd again to France, where I think he has spent his time mostly ever since, & I doubt too fast, for I hear he is now but weakly, & 'tis doubted in a Consumptive way; May he yet Live to see, & have a Heart given him to repent of his Follys, is what I heartily desire. My Son John gives his kind Love to thee & his Cousin William, to whome give mine, & in thy next let me know in what Condition Pensberry is & by whom Inhabited now, for I hope I am not at any charges there, but that it at least maintains itself and Family; and I hope thou hast taken Care to preserve the Goods as much as may be from damage, an Inventory of wch I shall write to J. Logan for, as being liable to be Call'd to an Account for it on acct of Debts, & because I am under a Page 105 necessity to prove ye Will in Chancery by the opposition my Son Penn &c. has given me therein. "I find by reading thy last Letter, again, per W. Watson, that thou art still on Pen'sberry; who will be the Inheritor of that Place at last is yet uncertain, 'till ye Law has settled our Affairs, but ye Goods & Stock must be valued, to help to pay Debts, of wch my Husband has paid & engag'd for divers on his Son's Acct; some of wch I have been oblig'd to pay, & am call'd on for more, wch I avoid 'till our matters are determined. The young Blacks must be dispos'd of to prevent their increasing Charge, I have offer'd my Daughter Aubrey one, but she does not care for any, I would however have ye likelyest Boy reserv'd, and bred to reading & sobriety as intending him for my Self, or one of my Children; about wch I design to write to J. Logan, for if Sue proves a good Industrious Servant, & Sober, I would have her ye more tenderly us'd in ye disposal of her Children. I have wrote more than I intended & 'till my Head achs, so wth kind Love to thee, & my Cousin Wm & those of my Loving Neighbours who formerly knew me in your parts, I close & am "Thy Loving Cousin, and Friend, "H. PENN. "TO REBECCA BLACKFAN." Endorsed "To Rebbecka Blackfan at Pensberry or Elswhere in Pensylvania." The statement that three of the children are in London and the two youngest at school confirms the presumption that the Ruscombe home was broken up in the autumn of 1719. The three in London were, of course, John, Thomas, and Margaret. Those at school were Richard and Dennis. Three years later, John, who had then come of age, appears to have been settled in the country, and there is a letter to him from Thomas in London. It suggests that Hannah's and Margaret's home was then with John, but that a lodging for them was being inquired for. The letter follows: "LONDON, May 15, 1723. "DR: BROTHER "I had James's Letter which came just in the Nick of time to hinder my purchasing a Natural pacer 5 yrs old and 13 Hands High for about 5 Guineas. Shal be glad to hear the Horse he mentions may please thee. I have herewith sent thee a Gallon of good French Brandy which hope will do; also [blank] of Cloths, the Charge whereof have put down below.1 My Mother was in the City last night, and is brave and 1 The memorandum of the "cloths" is given on the lower corner of the letter. It includes twenty-six yards "Callam," eight yards "Sarsnet," and "four yds Wide," altogether five pounds four pence. Page 106 well. Daniel Phillips I suppose has been with her, so that she can inform thee his opinion concerning Tunbridge & Windsor, but there's a Lodging to be let at Winchmorehill, about 1 Mile from Bushill, and Close by the Meetinghouse, which shee may have. W. Picton had it some time Since: 'tis a very pleasant Situation, and large garden, near the New river, and but about 5 miles from Wormly, where you may have fishing enough. If thou likes that side of the Country I think the place will do. I have no more to add but Love to thy Self & Peggy and am "Thy aff: Bro. "THO PENN. "I expect to see thee first day." In March, 1726, a letter to John Penn from one of his correspondents is addressed to him "at Thomas Penn's, in Three Kings Court, Lombard St., London." A year or two later John had established himself in Berkshire, at the place called Feens, already mentioned. It was near Maidenhead and evidently not far from Ruscombe, and letters addressed to John by Thomas and Richard show that he lived there until he came to Pennsylvania in 1734. His brother's letters allude to it as "your house." We get a glimpse of one of his friends at this period, Thomas Bishop Vickris, who had been among Hannah Penn's neighbors at Ruscombe. There are notes from him to John in 1729; these allude to his (Vickris's) house as "a cottage" at "Winton." John, it appears, had given him a pointer dog, and in acknowledging the present, Vickris assured the donor that the animal should "have a Liberal Education suited to his Birth!" October 22, 1729, Vickris writes from London to John, "I am eating soope and drinking your health at ye George and Vulture w'th your Bro Tom." VIII. WILLIAM PENN, JUNIOR. Of the children of William Penn by his marriage to Gulielma Maria Springett, only two, as we have already seen, married, and one of these, Letitia Aubrey, had no children. The other was William Penn, Jr., and from him is derived one of the two existing lines of the Penn family. Page 107 William Penn, Jr., was born at Worminghurst, his mother's estate, March 14, 1680/1, ten days after the grant of Pennsylvania to his father. Little is known of his childhood and youth. His father's letter to him, before sailing in the "Welcome," has been given. He was married early. The Bristol Friends' records show the marriage of William Penn, Jr., and Mary Jones, daughter of Charles, Jr., and Martha, at Bristol, on the 12th of Eleventh month (January), 1698/9. He was then not quite eighteen years old. His wife was four years older. She was born on the 11th of Eleventh month (January), 1676/7, and was, therefore, just a day more than twenty-two on her wedding-day. The marriage certificate is as follows: [The memoriall or Copy of the Certificate of Willm Penn Junr. & Mary Jones's Marriage. The Certificate itselfe being made on double Stampt pchment according to the late Statute.] Whereas it doth appeare by the memorialls of the men's meeting of the people called Quakers within the City of Bristoll that William Penn, son of Willm. Penn Esq and Mary Jones daughter of Charles Jones Junr. of the same Citty, merchant, did on the four & twentieth day of the eighth month last past manifest their intentions of marriage. AND WHEREAS such their intentions was on the eighteenth day of the ninth month last published in the publique meeting house of the said people in the presence of many people there congregated AND FORASMUCH as there appeares no just cause wherefore a marriage between the said William Penn Junr. & Mary Jones should not be consumated we therefore whose names are hereunto subscribed are witnesses that on the day of the date hereof the said Willm. Penn Junr. taking the said Mary Jones by the hand did declare that he did take the said Mary to be his wife, And that the said Mary holding the said Willm. Penn Junr. by the hand did declare that she did take the said Willm. to be her husband, And that also the said Willm. Penn Junr. & Mary holding each other by the hand did mutually promise each to other to live together husband and wife in love and faithfulnes according to God's Holy ordinances as in Holy scriptures declared until by death they shall be separated AND ALSO the said Willm. and Mary as a further testimony of such their taking each other and of such their promises each to other have hereunto Page 108 with us sett their hands the Twleveth day of the eleaventh month in the year one thousand six hundred ninety eight. WILL. PENN JUR. MARY PENN. The names of the Witnesses that subscribed with them to the same Certificate are-- Walter Duffield Thomas Penn J. Hampton Isaac Jenings Tho. Callowhill Charles Harford Richd. Snead Wm. Stafford Robt. Bound Paul Moore Benj: Coole Charles Jones Anne Jones Margt. Lowther Letitia Penn Hannah Penn Ch: Jones Jun Edw: Hackett J. Dooer Lidia Hacket Junr. Margret Lowther Junr. Eliz: Corshey Richard Rooth Marget. Rooth Jane Trahear Danll. Pill Ffra: Roath Peter Young Martha Jones Eliz: Jones Anthony Lowther Sarah Roath Eliz: Harford Jane Watkins William Penn Nathll. Wade Ffra: Whitchurch Wm. Cluterbuck Snr. Richard Codrington Wm. Coplin Henh. Swymmer Richd. Taylour. Junr. John Corshey Edw: Jones Katherne Bound [Certified to be an Extract from the Register or Record numbered Society of Friends 116, and entitled a Register of Marriages formerly kept by the Society of Friends at the Monthly Meeting of Bristol.--From the General Register Office, Somerset House, London.] Charles Jones, Jr., father of Mary Penn, was the son of Charles and Ann Jones, of Redcliffe Street, Bristol, who were among the early Friends in that city. The name of Charles Jones appears in Besse's record of the "Sufferings" of Bristol Friends in 1663 and later. The son, Charles, Jr., was probably born prior to 1654; the Friends' records show seven other children born to his parents between that year and 1664. Charles, Jr., married, 1674, Martha Wathers, and she dying First month (March) 8, 1687/8, he married again, 1695, Sarah Corsley, widow. He died, it seems, from William Penn's letters cited below, about January, 1701/2. By his first wife he had several children, including Page 109 Mary (Penn), who appears to have been the second child.1 When William Penn sailed for Pennsylvania, in 1699, he left his son behind. "William [Junior] . . . and . . . his young wife chose to remain in England," Maria Webb says. Their first child, Gulielma Maria, and their second, Springett, were born during the two years of William Penn's absence. In the latter's correspondence with Logan, after his return to England, there are numerous allusions to William, Jr., and his family. Thus:2 [Kensington, 4th of Eleventh month (January), 1701/2:] "My son and family well; a sweet girl and a Saracen of a boy; his wife--a good and pretty woman--at Bristol on her father's account, who is dead and buried." [Kensington, 3d of Twelfth month (February), 1701/2:] "Son and wife at Bristol upon C. Jones's death. I send a packet to thee that was from him. . . . The three daughters I think, or son and wife, administer. All amicable among the relatives." In a letter to Logan, from Worminghurst, August 18, 1702, William Penn, Jr., thanks him for informing him of some "base and scandalous reports" which had come to Logan's ears concerning him, and adds,-- "I hope you will be assured I am far different. . . . I love my friends, keep company that is not inferior to myself, and never am anything to excess. My dress is all they can complain of, and that but decently genteel, without extravagancy; and as for the poking-iron I never had courage enough to wear one by my side. You will oblige me if you give this character of me till I make my personal appearance among you, which shall not be long, God willing. . . ." [Postscript:] "My children are, I thank God, both well, and remember to thee. The boy is a jolly fellow, able to make two of his uncle already." 1 John Jones, of Bristol, linen-draper, whose will is dated December 13, 1699, and was proved 1702, appears to have been a son of Charles Jones the elder, above, and a brother of Charles Jones, the father-in-law of William Penn, Jr. He leaves to his "cousin [niece] Mary, married to William Penn, £100."--Cf. will, PENNA. MAG., Vol. XVII. p. 74. 2 The letters to and from James Logan, from which numerous citations follow, are to be found in the "Penn-Logan Correspondence," two volumes, issued by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It seems unnecessary to cite volume and page with each extract. Page 110 William Penn's letters to Logan contain these passages: [London, 6th of Fourth month, 1703:] "My son has another boy, mine and his name." [Another letter, about the same time as above:] "My son (having life) resolves to be with you per first opportunity. His wife this day week was delivered of a fine boy, as I found when I came home in the evening, and which he has called William, so we are now major, minor, and minimus . . . my grandson Springett a mere Saracen, his sister a beauty." William Penn, Jr., came to Pennsylvania in company with Lieutenant-Governor John Evans in February, 1703/4. It had been a cherished plan of his father's to send him to the new country, to get him out of undesirable company at home, and to let him acquire the knowledge of a simpler and more moderate way of living. The young man's letter to Logan in August, 1702, already cited, shows that he was expecting to come soon, and the visit had evidently been resolved upon considerably earlier. February 4, 1701/2, Penn, Sen., had written to Logan, from Kensington, suggesting how he should manage the young man when he came: "My son shall hasten; possess him, go with him to Pennsbury, advise him, contract, and recommend his acquaintance. No rambling to New York, nor mongrel correspondence. He has promised fair; I know he will regard thee. . . . Be discreet; he has wit, kept the top company, and must be handled with much love and wisdom; and urging the weakness or folly of some behaviors, and the necessity of another conduct from interest and reputation, will go far . . . he is conquered that way, pretends much to honor, and is but over-generous by half, and yet sharp enough to get to spend. He cannot well be put on. All this keep to thyself." In a letter February 24, 1702/3, Penn spoke of his son's departure having been delayed by reports of sickness at Philadelphia, as well as his--the son's--wife's approaching confinement (expected in six weeks). And in another letter whose date is missing, but presumed to be about the same time, Penn writes to Logan,-- "Immediately take him away to Pennsbury, and there give him the true state of things, and weigh down his levities, as well as temper his Page 111 resentments and inform his understandings, since all depends upon it, as well for his future happiness, as in measure your poor country's.1 I propose Governor Hamilton, S. Carpenter, I. Norris, young Shippen, and your easiest and most sensible and civilized for his conversation; and I hope Col. Markham, and Cousin Ashton, and the Fairmans may come in for a share; but the first chiefly. Watch him, outwit him, and honestly overreach him for his good; fishing, little journeys (as to see the Indians), &c., will divert him; and pray Friends to bear all they can, and melt toward him, at least civilly if not religiously. He will confide in thee. If S. Carpenter, R. Hill, and Is. Norris could gain his confidence, and honest and tender G. Owen not the least likely, (for he feels and sees), I should rejoice. Pennsylvania has cost me dearer in my poor child than all other considerations."2 Governor Evans and young Penn left England, probably in the early autumn of 1703, and had a long voyage. A letter, dated at London, December 4, 1703, from Penn to Logan, asks him to "tell my poor boy that all his were well the last post . . . per next packet boat to Barbadoes, a month hence, he will hear from his wife." Three days later, "7th 10br," probably also from London, Penn again wrote to Logan,-- "My son's going did not cost me so little as £800, and the land he left destitute of stock at Worminghurst, with the taxes becoming due at his going off, with carpenter's [bills] etc., makes 200 more, and thou mayst imagine how hard it is for me to get it, Ireland so miserably drained and reduced as it is, an account of which I had to-night, at my lodgings from Sir Francis Brewster's own mouth. . . . Let my dear child have my endeared love. The Lord direct his ways for his honor, his father's comfort, and his own peace." William, Jr., had been living, it is evident from this letter as well as other evidence, at Worminghurst. It is probable that he had removed there at his marriage. During his absence in Pennsylvania his father apparently went there, and may have made the place his home. He says, in a 1 The underlying thought here, no doubt, was that the young man would succeed his father as Proprietor and Governor. 2 The allusion here is not very plain, unless it means that by his absorption in Pennsylvania's affairs, and perhaps his absence from England, 1699-1701, Penn had neglected a due parental oversight of his son. Page 112 letter, 31st December, a short time after that last cited, "A Scotch plot [and other circumstances] allow me a few days at Worminghurst for my better health and refreshment." Evans and young Penn reached Philadelphia February 2, 1703/4. A letter from Isaac Norris to Samuel Chew, dated "12th of 12th month" (February), says, "The Governor and W. Penn, junior, caught us napping; they arrived late at night, unheard to all the town, and at a time when we were big with the expectation of a Queen's governor." A letter from Logan to Penn, Sen., dated at Philadelphia, Twelfth month (February) 15, contains evidence that the voyage had been unusually long. He says,-- "I leave the account of the tedious voyage. . . . By thy son . . . I received thine of the 27th 6th mo. [August] . . . Thy son's voyage I hope will prove to the satisfaction of all, and to his, and therefore thy happiness. It is his stock of excellent good nature that in a measure has led him out into his youthful sallies when too easily prevailed upon. . . . He is very well received . . . 'tis his good fortune here to be withdrawn from those temptations that have been too successful over his natural sweetness and yielding temper." Penn writes to Logan from London, on the 10th of First month (March), 1703/4,-- "Tell my son I met my wife and his at young S. Tilley's marriage, near Guilford, and then they were well; and by two letters since their return. Guly and Springett are well from their agues, and little Billy so too and the spark of them all; and my poor little ones also well, and great love among the children." Hannah Penn writes to Logan from Bristol, 5th of Eighth month (October), 1704,-- "I am very glad our son likes the country [Pennsylvania] so well and has his health so well there. 'Tis in vain to wish, or it should be, that he had seen that country sooner (or his father not so soon). . . . With this comes a letter from his wife, so that I need say the less of her, only that herself and the three pretty children are well for aught I hear." Penn writes to Logan from Bristol, on the 2d of November, 1704,-- Page 113 "If my son prove very expensive I cannot bear it, but must place to his account what he spends above moderation, while I lie loaded with debt at interest here, else I shall pay dear for the advantage his going thither might entitle me to, since the subscribers are [or?] bondsmen cannot make ready pay, according to what he has received, and on his land there. So excite his return, or to send for his family to him; for if he brings not wherewith to pay his debts here, his creditors will fall foul upon him most certainly." The young man's stay in Philadelphia lasted only a few months; the reproaches, just or unjust, which attended it are familiar in our local history of the time. Upon his arrival, he and James Logan boarded a while at Isaac Norris's, and then, in June, took William Clark's "great house," newly built, on Chestnut Street at the southwest corner of Third, where they kept "bachelors' hall" and where later Governor Evans joined them. Young Penn would not adjust his expenditure to the allowance--apparently very moderate--which Logan was authorized to pay him. His outlay was, the latter reported to Penn, "much above the limits set me. The directions given me can by no means satisfy him, nor answer what is thought suitable the presumptive heir of the Province." Logan was a clean and temperate liver; he had, no doubt, little satisfaction in the direction which young Penn and the Governor were inclined to take,1 but his performance of his duty in the premises was not remitted. Like many men of his race, he was a faithful and exact administrator. Young Penn was made, immediately upon his arrival, a member of the Provincial Council. The minutes show2 that at the meeting February 8, 1703/4, "William Penn, Junr., ye Propr's Son, was called to ye Board & took the affirmation of a member of Council." He was thereafter occasionally present at the meetings, and in the list of those attending his name was placed at the top, next following that of the 1 Logan writes to Penn, July 14, 1704, "The Governor is at present very ill with the cholica pictorium, in no wise owing, I believe, to what is commonly accounted the cause of it, intemperance." The allusion shows the reputation which Evans had already established. 2 "Colonial Records," Vol. II. p. 117. Page 114 Lieutenant-Governor. His last attendance appears to have been September 15, 1704. He was promptly taken also, as his father had suggested, to Pennsbury, and a meeting with the Indians was held. Logan says, in a letter dated 14th of First month (March), that the preceding week, Penn, Jr., himself, and Judge Mompesson "went to Pennsbury to meet one hundred Indians, of which nine were kings. Oppewounumhook, the chief, with his neighbors who came thither to congratulate thy son's arrival, presented nine belts of wampum for a ratification of peace, &c., and had returns [of presents] accordingly. He [W. P., Jr.] stayed there with the judge, waiting Clement Plumstead's wedding with Sarah Righton, formerly Biddle."1 But the social life of Philadelphia was undoubtedly dull, seen from the standpoint of a young man who had tasted and enjoyed dissipation in England. The hopeful experiment of reformation through exile was doomed to failure. In July, Isaac Norris wrote to Jonathan Dickinson, "Our young proprietor seems to like the country, and talks of fetching his family; but by endeavoring to sell off all of his lands, he must give me leave to think otherwise. He goes to no other worship [than the Friends'] and sometimes comes to meeting. He is good-natured, and loves company, but that of Friends is too dull." Norris was in a position to know of the young man's desire to sell his lands, for the purchase of the manor of Williamstadt--seven thousand four hundred and eighty acres, on the Schuylkill--had been pressed upon him by the young man. He and William Trent finally bought the manor, and remembrance of Isaac Norris is preserved in the name of the borough, Norristown, now a city in size and population, built upon it, and also in the name, Norriton, of the township adjoining.2 1 This marriage took place March 1, 1703/4. The bride was the widow of William Righton and the daughter of William Biddle, of New Jersey, ancestor of the Philadelphia family of that name. 2 A letter of Logan's, cited in Watson, Vol. I. p. 34, says, "Last night William Penn jun'r sold his manor on Schuylkill to William Trent and Isaac Norris, for £850. They were unwilling to touch it, for without a great prospect none will now meddle with land, but in his case he was resolved to sell and leave the country." Page 115 Two months later, Isaac Norris, writing again to Jonathan Dickinson, reported the occurrence which put a climax upon the young man's stay in the little Quaker town. A sharp conflict between Governor Evans and the Friends was already established, and Norris says "their attempts to discourage vice, looseness, and immorality,--which increase,--are baffled by proclamations [from the Governor] making void their presentations" (from the mayor's court). Then he adds,-- "William Penn, junior, quite gone off from Friends. He, being in company with some extravagants that beat the watch at Enoch Story's, was presented with them: which unmannerly and disrespectful act, as he takes it, gives him great disgust, and seems a waited occasion. He talks of going home in the Jersey man-of-war, next month. I wish things had been better, or he had never come." "Enoch Story's" was a tavern, a drinking-place, with the sign of the Pewter-Platter, in Coombe's Alley,1 the resort, it would appear, of the "men about town." The story of the occurrence to which Isaac Norris alludes is variously told,2 but the main facts were that a party were drinking at Story's one evening, and that a dispute arose, and a fracas followed, in which young Penn and others were involved. The watchmen (who were citizens serving on this duty, a night at a time) came in, and in their effort to restore order were beaten themselves, and gave some severe blows in return.3 1 Afterwards Pewter-Platter Alley, opposite Christ Church, running from Second Street to Front. 2 Watson's "Annals," foot-notes to the "Penn-Logan Correspondence," etc. 3 Watson says, "Penn called for pistols to pistol them, but the lights being put out, one fell upon young Penn and gave him a severe beating." Deborah Logan (foot-note to "Penn-Logan Correspondence") cites a different tradition that Joseph Wilcox, an alderman--soon after mayor--seized the Governor, Evans, "who was one of the gentlemen's party, and the lights being out, gave him a severe drubbing, redoubling his blows upon him as a slanderer when he disclosed his quality." It is evident that two occurrences have been confused. One was late in August or very early in September, in which young Penn and "the watch" were concerned, and another on the evening of November 1, involving "the watch and some gentlemen," and also "the Mayor, [Griffith Jones] Recorder, and one Alderman." By an examination of the dates and details given in Logan's letter and the minutes in the "Colonial Records" (especially September 15 and November 2), the two affairs will be distinguished. The minutes call that of November "a great fray." Page 116 The affair was "taken notice of" in the mayor's court (then comparatively young, established under the city charter of 1701), but action was suppressed before the grand jury, according to the statement of Logan in a letter to Penn, Sen., on the 28th of September, Governor Evans exerting himself to prevent any further publicity or prosecution.1 But, as Isaac Norris said in the letter to Jonathan Dickinson, young Penn was mortally affronted. He had regarded himself evidently as the future ruler of the Colony, the prince imperial, the heir-apparent, and as entitled to indulge his humor in a performance like that at Story's, if he wished. The idea that he was to be treated as other persons was too humiliating to be endured. He accordingly broke with the Quakers at once, ceased to attend their meetings, and attached himself to the company of Lord Cornbury, Governor of New York and New Jersey, who about this time was visiting the Delaware. Logan says in the letter already cited,-- "He is just now returned from Pennsbury, where he entertained the Lord and Lady Cornbury, and what we could not believe before, though for a few days past he has discoursed of it, assures us that he is resolved to go home from York in Jersey man-of-war, and within a week at furthest designs to set off from this place." The young man did so return. He sailed in the "Jersey" (some time in November, probably), and was never again seen at Philadelphia. It had been an unfortunate visit. He had injured not only himself, but his father, and added strength to the partly democratic and just, partly factional and unfair, opposition to the Proprietary interest. 1 At a meeting of the Council, September 15, young Penn was mentioned as having been proceeded against in the mayor's court. ("Colonial Records," Vol. II. p. 160. Cf. foot-note in "Penn-Logan Correspondence," Vol. I. p. 321.) Page 117 Logan wrote regretfully and pathetically in a letter to Penn, from New Castle, on the 8th of December,-- " 'Tis a pity his wife came not with him; there is scarce any thing has a worse effect upon his mind than the belief thou hast a greater regard to thy second children than thy first, and an emulation between his own and thy younger seems too much to him in it, which, were it obviated by the best methods, might be of service, for he is and must be thy son, and thou either happy or unhappy in him. The tie is indissoluble." The voyage in the "Jersey" was rough, as was natural for a crossing of the Atlantic in a sailing-ship of 1704, in midwinter. In a long, sad, almost sobbing letter from Penn to Logan, dated at London, on the 16th of January, these passages occur: ". . . as for Guy no news yet; but my son, who has come safe, though near foundering in the Jersey, says he believes she [Guy's brig] is lost, for after the storm they saw her no more. . . . nor didst thou send me word what my son sold his manor for; but after all he drew a bill for £10 at his arrival, to ride 200 miles home, and which he performed in two days and a night. I met him by appointment between this and Worminghurst; stayed but three hours together." [Earlier passage in the letter:] "The Lord uphold me under these sharp and heavy burdens. . . . I should have been glad of an account of his [W. P., Jr.'s] expenses, and more of a rent-roll, that I may know what I have to stand upon, and help myself with. He is my greatest affliction for my soul's and my posterity's or family's sake." Upon his return to England, young Penn endeavored to begin a public career. His father, in a letter from London (dated at Hyde Park), on the 30th of April, 1705, speaks of his own troubles, and adds, "with my poor son's going into the army or navy, as well as getting into Parliament," etc. A little later, May 10, he says,-- "My son has lost his election, as also the Lord-Keeper's son-in-law, but both hope to recover it by proving bribery upon the two that have it, Lord Windsor and Squire Arsgell. I wish it might turn his face to privacy, and good husbandry, if not nearer to us." Apparently the nearing of relation did not occur. The young man found his wings too weak for the flights he proposed, and was soon in straits for money, which his father Page 118 in his own financial stress could not supply. Penn, Jr., wrote to Logan after his return, asking for help: "You must believe I cannot live here about a court without expenses which my attendance occasions, and I must own to you I was never so pinched in my life, wherefore must beg you to endeavor all you can to send over my effects with all speed you possibly can. . . . I hear the prosecution against me still continues, and that they have outlawed me upon it:1 I have complained to my father, who tells me he has and will now write about it, and that I shall have right done me in it, which I do expect at your hands, I mean at the Quakers', who are the people that have given me this affront. . . . as my honor has been injured, I am resolved to have justice done me, or run all hazards, without consideration to relation, friend, or interest in the country. "I desire you, if possible, to sell the remainder of my land there, before you send over, and make what returns you can. . . . "P.S.--Pray put Isaac Norris and William Trent in mind of their promise to send me over a pipe of old Madeira, which I shall take kindly. My father has promised me to write you about my charges there. If there be any extravagant ones, I am to bear them; but as to that of books, pocket money, and clothes, with the charges of going and returning, he will allow." The young man apparently resumed his residence at Worminghurst upon returning to England. In a letter to Logan from London, 8th of Fifth month (July), 1707, at the time his own affairs were approaching their worst, Penn, Sen., wrote,-- ". . . Depend upon it, if God favors me and my son with life, one, if not both will come as soon as possible. Worminghurst he has at last resigned for sale; so that having conquered himself and his wife too, who has cost me more money than she brought by her unreasonable, and for that reason imprudent obstinacy for dwelling there, to which she could have no pretence, either by family or portion, but by being my son's impetuous inclination; and I wish she had brought more wisdom, since she brought so little money, to help the family. Worminghurst, with some land to be sold in Ireland, about £45 per annum, will lighten his load as well as mine; for his marriage, and my daughter's [Letitia's] too, have not helped me,--his to be sure, more especially. We are entering, or it seems likely we should, into nearer friendship than before, he knowing the world and duty to a father better; for he has been of no use, but much grief and expense to me many ways and years too, losing him before I found him, being not of that service and benefit 1 This was probably not the case. Page 119 to me that some sons are, and 'tis well known I was to my father before I married. But oh, if yet he will recommend himself, and show himself a good child and a true Friend, I shall be pleased, and leave the world with less concern for him and the rest also." Isaac Norris, then in England, aiding in the settlement of Penn's affairs, and judiciously explaining to people there the nature of the controversies in Pennsylvania, in a letter to "his relations," on November 4 (1707), said, "Worminghurst, that has been these many years a charge, and little profit, is sold well, and many debts are paid off by bills on Pennsylvania.1 Some Friends have been industrious in this, that if that of Ford's should go against him, his and his friends' reputations may stand the clearer, having nothing but that unreasonable debt against him." And four days later, writing to Logan, Norris adds,-- "Worminghurst is sold well, and thou wilt see bills to a considerable value. I have been persuaded to negotiate one, I think the largest, viz.; William Buckfield's for £608. I have sent it to brother [Samuel] Preston for acceptance. I understand he [Buckfield] has been an old servant and friend of the Governor, and the debt has been ready money lent, and to do it [lend to Penn] has dipt into a little estate of his own . . . several of the Governor's friends, tho' they would have all done honorably, yet seem to be more particularly in care for him than others [creditors]. I request thee, therefore, to put good bonds into hand." After his father's apoplectic seizure, in 1712, William Penn, Jr., seems to have left his family very much--but probably not altogether--to the care of Hannah Penn. The cash-book kept at Ruscombe, as has been mentioned, contains three pages of items of money advanced on their account by Hannah Penn between September, 1712, and October, 1717, the whole amount being about three hundred pounds. In Twelfth month, 1712, ten pounds was "paid Thos. Overton for their house-rent." In 1713 there are 1 Hepworth Dixon, in his Life of Penn, says (p. 321), "He sold the Worminghurst estate to a 'Squire Butler for £6050, just £1550 more than he gave for it, after having cut down £2000 worth of timber. This money satisfied some of his creditors, but not all; and one of them, a man named Churchill, was so importunate as to try to stop Butler's payment of the purchase-money." Page 120 payments "for fitting the children," "expence at the Children's going to school," eight pounds "paid Alice Hays for Daughter's and Guli's board," cash "paid Gill. Thomson for Springett and Bille's board," cash paid for "Daughter's and Guly's board to December," etc., and cash to William Penn, Jr., to pay "his note due to Cousin Rooth," twenty-five pounds. Payments for board for "Daughter" and for the children continue each year down to 1717. The last entry of the account is cash paid "S. Arnold for Guly's last half year's board & necessaries at Richard Wildman's." The will which William Penn the Founder made in 1701, at New Castle, Delaware, as he was about sailing on his return to England, and which was left behind in the care of James Logan, bestowed the Proprietorship and Governorship on William Penn, Jr.,1 after some bequests to Letitia Aubrey, John Penn, and the expected child, Thomas. The provisions of this will were, of course, in the father's mind during the period of the son's visit to Pennsylvania, and later, and until the will of 1712 was definitely made,--the sale of the Province to the Crown not being completed,--the young man stood in succession as Proprietary and Governor. When his father died, no doubt William, Jr., was disappointed and chagrined, if not altogether surprised, to find that he was left simply the estates which had been inherited by or settled on him from his mother and his grandfather, the Admiral. This was the provision made for him in the will of 1712. This will has been several times printed,2 but is worth giving here as part of the record on which the present narrative chiefly rests: "I WILLIAM PENN Esqr so called Cheife proprietor & Governour of the Province of Pensilvania and the Territoryes thereunto belonging, being of sound mind and understanding, for which I bless God, doe make and declare this my last Will and Testament. "My Eldest Son being well provided for by a Settlement of his Mothers 1 See the will in full in "Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," Vol. I. p. 222. 2 "Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," Vol. I. p. 219; PENNA. MAG., Vol. XIV. p. 174, etc. Page 121 and my ffathers Estate I give and devise the Rest of my Estate in manner following "The Government of my Province of Pennsilvania and Territories thereunto belonging and all powers relateing thereunto I give and devise to the most Hono'ble the Earle of Oxford and Earl Mortimer, and to William Earle Powlett, so called, and their Heires, upon Trust to dispose thereof to the Queen or any other person to the best advantage they can to be applyed in such a manner as I shall herein after direct. "I give and devise to my dear Wife Hannah Penn and her ffather Thomas Callowhill and to my good ffriends Margarett Lowther my dear Sister, and to Gilbert Heathcote Physitian, Samuel Waldenfield, John ffield, Henry Gouldney, all liveing in England, and to my friends Samuel Carpenter, Richard Hill, Isaac Norris, Samuel Preston, and James Logan, liveing in or near Pensilvania and their heires All my lands Tenements and Hereditamts whatsoever rents and other profitts scituate lyeing and being in Pensilvania and the Territores thereunto belonging, or else where in America, upon Trust that they shall sell and dispose of so much thereof as shall be sufficient to pay all my just debts, and from and after paymt thereof shall convey unto each of the three Children of myson Willm Penn, Gulielma-Maria, Springett, and William respectiuely and to their respective heires 10,000 acres of land in some proper and beneficiall places to be sett out by my Trustees aforesaid. All the rest of my lands and Hereditamts whatsoever, scituate lyeing and being in America, I will that my said Trustees shall convey to and amongst Children which I have by my present Wife, in such proporcon and for such estates as my said Wife shall think fit, but before such Conveyance shall be made to my Children I will that my said Trustees shall convey to my daughter Aubrey whom I omitted to name before 10,000 acres of my said Lands in such places as my said Trustees shall think fitt. "All my p'sonall estate in Pennsilvania and elsewhere and arreares of rent due there I give to my said dear Wife, whom I make my sole Executrix for the equall benefitt of her and her Children. "In Testimony whereof I have sett my hand and seal to this my Will, which I declare to be my last Will, revoking all others formerly made by me. "Signed Sealed and Published by the Testator William Penn in the presence of us who sett our names as Witnesses thereof in the p'sence of the said Testator after the Interlineacon of the Words above Vizt whom I make my sole Executrix. [Signed] "WILLIAM PENN. [Witnesses] "Sarah West "Robert West "Susanna Reading "Thomas Pyle "Robert Lomax Page 122 "This Will I made when ill of a feavour at London with a Clear understanding of what I did then, but because of some unworthy Expressions belying Gods goodness to me as if I knew not what I did, doe now that I am recovered through Gods goodness hereby declare that it is my last Will and Testament at Ruscomb, in Berkshire, this 27th of the 3d Month, called May, 1712. "WM PENN "Witnesses p'sent "Eliz Penn Mary Chandler "Tho: Pyle Josiah Dee "Tho: Penn Mary Dee "Eliz: Anderson "Postscript in my own hand "As a further Testimony of my love to my dear Wife I of my own mind give unto her out of the rents of America vizt Pensilvania £300 a year for her naturall life and for her care and charge over my Children in their Education of which she knows my mind as also that I desire they may settle at least in good part in America where I leave them so good an Interest to be for their Inheritance from Generacon to Generacon which the Lord p'serve and prosper. Amen." The will, when a copy was sent to Pennsylvania, did not altogether please James Logan. He wrote to Hannah Penn,1 on the 4th of November, 1718: "The sloop Dolphin arrived from London, bringing us divers letters, and among ye rest one from Jno Page to me with a copy of our late Proprietor's will woh gives me some uneasiness as being Drawn in hast I believe by himself only, when such a settlement required a hand better acquainted with affairs of that Nature. "The Estate in these parts is vested in so many without impowering any P'ticular or a suitable number to grant and Convey, that I fear we shall be puzzled. I hope you will take advice there what methods must be pursued in ye Case. In the meantime all the Province & Lower County's are in the Trustees, till ye Mortgage is Cleared, toward w'ch if our remittance by this ship come safe I hope another Large tally will be struck by them." To this the extended letter of Simon Clement, of Bristol, the uncle of Hannah Penn, dated at London, March 6, 1718/19, addressed to Logan, replies.2 Among other things, Clement says,-- 1 MS. letter in Historical Society of Pennsylvania collections. 2 "Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," Vol. I. p. 233. Page 123 "The Proprietor's will may indeed be said to have been made in haste, as you guess: but it was dictated by his friend Mr. West, though the blunders committed therein could not have been expected from a man of his accuracy. The truth is that he himself had labored under a paraletick affection, from which he never recovered the use of his limbs one side, nor I believe at that time the strength of his capacity, though it was afterwards perfectly restored, and continued to the time of his death, about six months since."1 Clement says further in this letter that he has no fear that Penn's choice of trustees will prejudice the standing of his affairs with those now in power,--Harley, Earl of Oxford, not being in 1718 the popular man he was in 1712.2 "You know," he says, "at that time they were the fittest that could be thought on; and though they are since grown a little out of fashion, the using their names on this occasion can give no offence to those now in play. Great men lay no stress on such little things. I prepared a draught of a commission for those lords to confirm your Governor, [Keith] by the authority devolved upon them, which I left several weeks since with Lord Oxford, to peruse and communicate with Lord Powlet, but I can't yet get him to dispatch it. And you know we cannot be as pressing on men of their degree as we might on men of our own rank, but I shall continue my solicitation in it as I find opportunity." William Penn, Jr., at first signified his disposition to acquiesce in the will's provisions, and to join his step-mother in carrying them out. Later he changed his mind. The 1 The meaning here is not very plain. Clement could hardly have imagined that Logan did not know fully about the physical condition of Penn between 1712 and 1718, and he surely did not mean to say that his mental "capacity" was ever "perfectly restored" after the stroke of August, 1712. 2 Robert Harley, minister under Queen Anne, was "at the height of his power" in 1711, when he was appointed Lord High Treasurer, and created Earl of Oxford and Earl of Mortimer. He was dismissed from office in 1714, impeached 1715, and sent to the Tower, and in 1717, after being brought to trial (at his own demand), discharged. This summary indicates the ground of Logan's concern, to which Clement was replying. It may be added that some writers on Penn's will have been confused by Harley's title, supposing that "Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer" must mean two persons, and that there were thus three trustees. Page 124 will was admitted to probate in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, "in common form," on the 4th of November, 1718, after some delay by William Penn, Jr.1 He had several meetings with Hannah Penn, in London, and Clement says in the letter already cited, they "mutually declared themselves desirous to cultivate the former friendship in the family, and to submit all their differences to be decided by a decree in the Court of Chancery, to be obtained with as little expense and contest as possible, and I believe they will take that way at last, though the young gentleman seems fickle and inconstant, and has been ready to fly out once or twice since, and is gone again to France without putting in his answer to the bill for proving the will, which must therefore be at a stand until his return, which he pretends shall be in this or the next month. His agents talk as if he believes the will has not sufficiently conveyed the power of government from him, and that he will send over a governor. But I should think he has more discretion than to offer it in earnest, or that he would not find anybody fool enough to go on such an errand; at least I am confident that your governor will never yield up his authentick authority to any person who should come up with a sham one." Clement was evidently unaware, as he wrote this, that William Penn, Jr., had already made a definite claim upon the Governorship and Proprietorship of Pennsylvania, and had sent out, several weeks before, a new commission in his own name to Lieutenant-Governor Keith, accompanied by a letter of "instructions." The letter was dated January 14, 1718/19, and directed Keith "immediately to call together the Council, and with them, in the most public manner, make known my accession to the government of the said 1 Letter from Simon Clement to Logan, London, December 30, 1718. "I am very glad . . . that the country can receive no prejudice for want of renewing the present Governor's [Keith's] commission, which has been delayed principally by reason of Mr. Penn's first obstructing the proving his father's will in the Prerogative Court, which, however, he has since consented to, and 'tis done." ("Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," Vol. I. p. 231.) Page 125 Province and Counties [upon Delaware] and assure the country of my great affection for them," etc. At the meeting of the Provincial Council, April 28, 1719, Keith laid the documents before the Council, and proposed that the Assembly be immediately (May 6) called together, "in order to join with me and this Board in recognizing Mr. Penn's right and title to the Government,"--to which the Council assented, "every member present" agreeing that the Assembly should be summoned. The Assembly, however, on the 9th of May, declined to approve the claim of Penn, Jr., to succeed his father. They pointed out the provisions of the will on the subject of the Proprietary rights. They called Keith's attention to a law passed by them, and confirmed by Queen Anne, providing that the Governor in office at the death of the Proprietary should continue until further order from the Crown, or from the heirs of the Proprietor. And they further emphasized the facts that the will devised the Proprietorship to the two earls, and that the new commission had not the royal approval. Under these circumstances they advised the Lieutenant-Governor not to publish the new commission or the accompanying instructions.1 The Council met two days later, on the 11th, and after discussion, decided by "a majority above two to one" that the Assembly's advice was good. Later, advices were received from London that the Board of Trade and Plantations recognized the validity of Keith's first commission, and regarded that from Penn, Jr., as invalid. It resulted, therefore, that the claim of the Proprietorship and Governorship by the son came to nothing, and apparently was not pressed beyond the one point of sending out the commission and letter to Keith.2 1 The Council's minutes say that "by means of other letters or accounts since received by Capt. Annis, the Assembly have fallen into sentiments different from what had been expected." 2 In the Council, upon the question of concurring in the judgment of the Assembly, there were present Richard Hill, Jasper Yeates, William Trent, Isaac Norris, Jonathan Dickinson, Samuel Preston, Anthony Palmer, Robert Assheton, John French, and James Logan. A "majority above two to one," ten members voting, would reasonably be seven to three. Of the latter three, as it appeared by proceedings at a subsequent meeting of the Council, Assheton was one. (He was the son of William Assheton, of Lancashire, whose wife was a relative in some degree of William Penn the Founder. Robert Assheton is commonly spoken of in Penn's letters as "Cousin Assheton.") At the Council meeting, November 7, 1719, Lieutenant-Governor Keith charged Assheton, in writing, with divulging the proceedings of the Board, and with writing "the latter end of August or beginning of September last," to William Penn, Jr., assuring him of his friendship, and attacking him (Keith) for not publishing the new commission, etc. Keith professed to give the substance of the letter from Assheton to Penn, inter alia that he (Assheton) "was Mr. Penn's stiff friend, and had stickl'd for him, tho' to no effect hitherto, because he had only one member of the Council to join him; that though the bearer [of the letter] was a stranger to Mr. Penn, yet being heartily recommended to his favor by these letters he might freely take an opportunity over a bottle to assure Mr. Penn that these things were unquestionably true." It resulted that Assheton, upon Keith's demand, left the Council, though later, 1722, he again became a member. Page 126 William Penn, Jr., died about two years after his father. The time and place of his death are variously given. John Jay Smith, in his address before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,1 says he "died in France;" Janney says he "died in France of a consumption;" Maria Webb says he "died in the north of France, in 1720, of consumption." Upon the authority of a genealogical sketch in Lipscombe's "History of Buckinghamshire," cited for me by Rev. W. H. Summers,2 it may be said that he died at LiÇge, Belgium, June 23, 1720. His wife, Mary Penn, died early in December, 1733. Rebekah Butterfield's journal, kept at Jordans,3 contains the following entry: "5th of 10th month, [December] 1733, Robert Jordan and John Gopsill was at ye burial of Mary Pen, widow, mother of ye aforesaid William Pen [3d]; they came and went with ye relations." Three children of William Penn, Jr., and Mary Penn are known. These were Gulielma Maria, Springett, and William, 3d. The dates of their births are given in the Friends' 1 "Penn-Logan Correspondence," Vol. I. p. xv. 2 MS. letter, March 25, 1897. 3 Cited in Mr. Summers's "Memories of Jordans and the Chalfonts," p. 242. Page 127 records (at London) for Surrey and Sussex. Information concerning them may be concisely stated as follows: CHILDREN OF WILLIAM PENN, JR., AND MARY. 1. Gulielma Maria Penn, born Ninth month (November) 10, 1699, at Worminghurst; the "beauty" and "sweet girl" of her grandfather's letters. She married, "early in life," Awbrey Thomas. He was the son of Rees and Martha Thomas, who came from Wales to Pennsylvania and settled in Merion in 1691. Martha, his mother, was an Awbrey, the sister of William Awbrey (or Aubrey), who married Letitia Penn.1 Awbrey Thomas was born Eleventh month (January) 30, 1694. He "visited England," and there married Gulielma Maria Penn (as above). "He did not long survive his marriage, and died without issue, probably in England." His widow married, second, Charles Fell, who was the son of Charles, son of George, son of Judge Thomas Fell, of Swarthmore Hall.2 By her marriage with Charles Fell, Gulielma Maria (Penn) Thomas had a son, Robert Edward Fell, "who in the year 1756 was promoted to a captaincy of marines. Afterwards he became a lieutenant-colonel in the army, under which title he lodged a pedigree in the Herald's Office, and procured a confirmation of arms in the year 1770; he was then described as Robert Edward Fell of St. Martin's in the Fields, Middlesex. His will . . . was proved the 28th of February, 1787, by Thomas Brookholding, his sole executor and the husband of his niece Philadelphia. There is no evidence of his having been a married man; but in his will he leaves his sword and pistols to his nephew, William Hawkins Newcombe."3 There are several letters from him in the collections 1 She was his second wife. Cf. article by George Vaux, PENNA. MAG., Vol. XIII. p. 294. 2 Watson, "Annals," Vol. I. p. 121, quotes from the London Gazette, year 1724, a paragraph that "Mrs. Gulielma Maria Fell, granddaughter of the famous Quaker, Sir William Penn, was publicly baptized in the parish church of St. Paul, Convent Garden, in October last." 3 Maria Webb, "The Fells of Swarthmore Hall," p. 356. Page 128 of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, addressed to Thomas Penn. In July, 1770, he was an officer of Lord Loudoun's regiment, and stationed at Limerick, Ireland. He acknowledges the favor of Thomas Penn having paid money for him "to Mr. Barclay" (probably John Barclay, of Dublin), and "having been obliged to make new Regimentals for the Review," he has drawn for ten pounds more of money coming from his mother's estate,--showing that his mother, Gulielma Maria Fell, was then dead, and indicating that Thomas Penn was the executor of her estate. There were two other children of Charles and Gulielma Maria Fell, (1) Mary Margaretta, who married John Barron, and (2) Gulielma Maria Frances, who married John Newcomb. May 26, 1750, M. M. Barron writes to Thomas Penn, from Leeds, a cordial family letter, in which she alludes to her husband.1 August 24, 1750, J. Newcomb writes from Frowlesworth to Thomas Penn. He and his wife have been boarding, but find it "very disagreeable," and propose housekeeping at Michaelmas. He asks for money. He speaks of "our little girl," who is at present at Hackney. Another letter from the same to the same, October 22, 1750, announces the birth of "a fine little boy," to "my dear little woman," the previous day, and that "by her particular Desire" he has been named Thomas Penn Newcomb.2 It seems to be commonly assumed that this line of William Penn the Founder, through his granddaughter, Gulielma Maria Penn, and Charles Fell, is now extinct. 2. Springett Penn, born Twelfth month (February) 10, 1700/1, at Worminghurst. He was the "Saracen" of his grandfather's letters. He did not marry. It is probable that he spent much of his time in Ireland. There are a few letters from or relating to him in the collections of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. One from John Penn to him, dated London, August 3, 1727, on a business topic, is freezingly severe in tone. Springett, however, was evidently 1 MS. letter, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 2 Ibid. Page 129 not one to permit lectures from his half-uncle--a man of very nearly his own age--to disturb his equanimity. There is a letter from him to John some time later; it is dated "Stoke, March 13, 1728-9," and begins "Dear Jack;" it ends thus: "Perhaps Alderman Tom knows more of ye matter than either of us, for it seems he was pleased to receive ye Gentleman's Request very favorably, turned his Quidd wth great Gravity, & gave an assenting nodd. Now if you have fed ye poor Gentleman with hopes and at ye same time cautioned me, ye Devil take you & his Worship ye Ald'n; if otherwise, be free in communicating yor thoughts to my Bro Will, & he'll save you ye trouble of writing them to "Yo'r aff Nephew & hum. Servt: "SPRINGETT PENN." Springett Penn joined with Hannah Penn (his step-grandmother), in 1725, in appointing Patrick Gordon Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania. The chancery suit over the Founder's will was not then settled. At the meeting of the Council, at Philadelphia, June 22, 1726, the commission of Major Gordon "from Springett Penn, Esquire, with the assent of Mrs. Hannah Penn, and his Majesty's royal approbation thereof," was produced and read, and "was forthwith published at the court-house." Springett Penn died in Dublin, Ireland, 8th February, 1731.1 3. William Penn, 3d. He was born, as appears by the Friends' records, at Worminghurst, First month (March) 21, 1703, and made then the "minimus" of the three Williams. He was twice married, and through his first wife descends the Penn-Gaskell branch of the Founder's family. This line will be more fully spoken of in a later chapter. 1 This date is given by Mr. Keith, in his article on the Penn Family in Appleton's "American Biography." In the Breviate in the Boundary Case (p. 444) it is stated as occurring December 30, 1730.