Military: Civil War: Part One: Chapters I-V, ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, 114th REGT. PENNSYLVANIA VOLUNTEERS, COLLIS' ZOUAVES Contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by Judy Banja jbanja@email.msn.com and Barb Griffin griffibf@email.uc.edu ___________________________________________________________ USGENWEB NOTICE: Printing this file by non-commercial individuals and libraries is encouraged, as long as all notices and submitter information are included. Any other use, including copying files to other sites, requires permission from the submitters PRIOR to uploading to any other sites. We encourage links to the state and county table of contents. ____________________________________________________________ http://www.usgwarchives.net/pa/1pa/milit.htm html table of contents to view graphics. MUSIC ON THE MARCH, 1862 - '65, WITH THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. 114th REGT. P.V., COLLIS' ZOUAVES. By FRANK RAUSCHER. PHILADELPHIA: PRESS OF WM. F. FELL & CO., 1220-24 SANSOM STREET. 1892 Copyright 1892, by FRANK RAUSCHER. iii PREFACE. Having been repeatedly asked by my comrades of 114th Regiment, Penna. Vols., to present the notes and recollections from my diary in a compiled form, which also embraces much of their own experience with the Army of the Potomac, from 1862 to 1865, I have reluctantly consented, in the preparation of the within pages. In recalling the events, briefly narrated, personal observation is supplemented and corroborated as far as possible by historical data and reliable statistics. While no pretence is made to write war history, yet no engagement is omitted in which our regiment participated. The record of these events is made in as few words as their importance permits, and yet all the marches and campaigns are scrupulously recalled. As leader of the band of the regiment, I am mindful of the services it faithfully rendered on the march and in camp, and also its hardships on the field and in prison pens. To the survivors of the regiment, I may here say that they can in this book again follow the band in every march the Zouaves made during those three eventful years - this time, however, with none of the deprivations and discomforts attending the days iv PREFACE. that tried men's souls. In appreciation of the kindly relations ever existing between the regiment and its band, this volume is unpretentiously dedicated to my comrades. FRANK RAUSCHER, Band Master. See Illustration of Frank Rauscher v CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTORY, 9 114rgtpvi01.txt CHAPTER I. Organization of the 114th Regiment, P. V., Collis's Zouaves - Camp Banks and Enlistment of the Band - Off to the Front - Assigned to 1st Division, 3d Corps, 11-20 CHAPTER II. On the March - Poolesville - With the Army of the Potomac - Zouaves Receive their Baptism of Fire at Fredericksburg - Capture of the Band, 21-40 CHAPTER III. Libby Prison - Camp Parole - Libby and Port McHenry Prisons Compared, 41-58 CHAPTER IV. Chancellorsville - Sad News from the Front - Rejoining the Regiment - Army Calls, 59-72 CHAPTER V. March to Gettysburg - Meade Relieves Hooker - Battle of Gettysburg - Narrow Escape of the Band - Third Corps Field Hospital - After the Battle, 73-103 CHAPTER VI. Williamsport - Harper's Ferry - Sulphur Springs, 104-117 114rgtpvi02.txt CHAPTER VII. Culpeper - First Serenade at Army Headquarters - Retreat from Culpeper, 117-129 vi CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTER VIII. Centreville - General Sickles Visits his old Command - Following Lee - Action at Kelley's Ford - Mine Run, 130-138 CHAPTER IX. Brandy Station - Attached to Army Headquarters-Duties of the Band and Regiment, 139-150 CHAPTER X. Reorganization of the Army - Coming of General Grant - Crossing the Rapidan - Battle of the Wilderness - Discomfiture of a Newspaper Correspondent, 151-162 CHAPTER XI. Spottsylvania - Death oŁ General Sedgwick - Reinforcements for the Army - A Drummer Boy's Sad Fate - The Bloody Angle - Ludicrous Incidents at Hospital - Guiney's Station, 163-175 CHAPTER XII. Movement on North Ann - Grant Baffled - Narrow Escape of Grant and Meade - Movements of the Cavalry - Cold Harbor - Crossing the James River, 176-185 CHAPTER XIII. Petersburg - Military Executions - Weldon Railroad - Sufferings of the Army - Departure of the 6th Corps - The Mine Explosion, 186-199 114rgtpvi03.txt CHAPTER XIV. Fighting on the Right and Left - Ream's Station - More Executions - Southside Railroad -Promotion of General Meade - Departure of General Hancock, 200-214 CHAPTER XV. Final Military Operations - Hatcher's Run - Dinwiddie - Five Forks - Warren's Bravery and Subsequent Release of Command - City Point, 215-226 CONTENTS. vii PAGE CHAPTER XVI. The Band's Novel Duty - The Capture of Petersburg - The Zouaves' Heavy Loss - Fall of Richmond-The Second Visit at Libby Prison - Surrender 6f Lee's Army, 227-243 CHAPTER XVII. March to Burksville - Along the Line of Lee's Retreat - Attached to the 5th Corps - Departure of the 68th P. V., Scott Legion - Homeward March, 244-255 CHAPTER XVIII. Arlington Heights - Last Review of the Army of the Potomac - Preparations for Discharge, 256-263 CONCLUSION, 264 SURVIVORS OF THE 114TH REGIMENT, P. V., 269 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. 9 INTRODUCTORY. One of the fundamental truths which history teaches is, that the progress made by man and governments alike, in all ages of the world, has only been achieved through suffering and sacrifices. The closest ties of kin, and of Church and State, have again and again yielded to the greater demands of the popular will and patriotic duty; thus showing that when the voice of public conscience speaks, the love of life and fear of death have ceased to remain as hindrances to heroic action in human affairs. These truths of history were emphatically repeated in the events of the late war - in that evil hour which betrayed the misguided South into armed hostility against the unity of the States, and in the general conflict and bloodshed which ensued for the, establishment of a Confederacy and the perpetuity of the Union. To those who passed through those dreary days of tumult and trial, whether in the field of deadly conflict or remaining as needful protectors of their firesides, a recital of some of the sacrifices and deprivations necessary to the life of the nation are here recalled, from personal observation and frequent participation, in the hope that the same may not be without interest 10 INTRODUCTORY. to the reader while perusing the annexed unpretentious record of associations with the Army of the Potomac The causes of that memorable conflict are not here called into question; enough to know that peace rather than war was the earnest desire of the whole people. It was the one fervent prayer of the clergy, who implored in unison that fratricidal strife might be averted; the eloquence of the forum was patriotically spent in an appeal to the better judgment of impassioned men, but all to no purpose, and finally the mighty and irrepressible forces at work were resolved to test the omnipotence of physical arbitrament in the resort to arms. Argument and statesmanship were at an end, treason had done its worst; our arsenals began to glisten with bayonets, the forts were looking angry with heavy guns and stronger garrisons, war-ships were preparing to speak in thunder tones of the national authority, and everywhere the best blood of the people was freely offered as a loyal sacrifice upon the altar of its country. [See PHOTO, facing page 11] GENERAL Charles H. T. COLLIS (1865.) CHAPTER I. 11 ORGANIZATION OF THE 114TH REGIMENT, P. V., COLLIS'S ZOUAVES - CAMP BANKS AND ENLISTMENT OF THE BAND - OFF TO THE FRONT - ASSIGNED TO 1ST DIVISION, 3D CORPS. It was in 1861, when President Abraham Lincoln made the first call for three hundred thousand volunteers for three years' service, in response to which Charles H. T. Collis, then a young man and enthusiastic in the cause for the Union, promptly raised a company of splendid material for the full term. The uniform adopted for the dashing members was that of the French Zouave d'Afrique, and besides pleasing their fancy very much, it attracted a number of men to join the company who had seen actual service in the French army, several of whom were French Alsatians. After having been thoroughly drilled the company, in full uniform, gave an exhibition of its proficiency in the Academy of Music, Philadelphia, and were soon after sent to the front, under General Banks, in the valley of Virginia, who at once selected the Zouaves for his body- guard, his headquarters being at that time in Strasburg. When Banks was compelled to retreat, having been confronted by overwhelming numbers of the enemy, the Zouaves were ordered to cover the rear and destroy the bridges behind them, so as to delay or prevent the rebels from following. General Banks retreated up the valley and through Winchester, in order to protect his trains. 12 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. Captain Collis, however, was soon convinced that the destruction of the bridges, as ordered, would prevent our own men from joining the main force, and therefore he relinquished that part of the task assigned him. He then pushed on to Middletown and took part in the battle at that place; but being cut off from the main force, Winchester was reached by another road. Here they were again compelled to fall back, and unable to join the main army, it was determined to make the Potomac at Blooming Gap. Captain Collis having ascertained that the road ahead of him was occupied by the enemy, he turned to the right, and finally reached Hancock, on the Potomac, after a long and fatiguing march, bringing with him about forty wagons laden with valuable stores, all of which would have been lost but for the wide-awake company of Zouaves. It was for this valuable service that Captain Collis was ordered to raise a full regiment of Zouaves d' Afrique. He immediately returned to Philadelphia, and in a short time organized the 114th Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers. By this time President Lincoln, after the failure of General McClellan on the Peninsula, called for the second instalment of 300,000 volunteers for three years, and under this call the regiment was enlisted. A camp was established in the lower part of Germantown, called Camp Banks, in honor of General Banks. The uniform adopted for the regiment was precisely like that of the original company - red pants, Zouave jacket, white leggings, blue sash around the waist, and white turban, which pricked up the pride of the new recruits, and gave the regiment an imposing and warlike appearance. CAPTAIN F. A. ELLIOTT. 13 The material for these uniforms was all imported from France, and special arrangements were made to secure a sufficient supply of the same to replenish the uniforms during the whole term of service. This regiment, therefore, the 114th, was enabled to preserve its identity as a Zouave organization until the close of the war. There were other Zouave regiments in the army, but as soon as their uniforms became badly worn, they were required to don the regulation blue. The officers of the 114th were men of pride and culture, as well as courage, and therefore determined to have a full brass band to accompany them, besides a drum corps and a vivandiere, the latter being an accessory of all French Zouave d' Afrique regiments. The officers and privates were as fine looking and as military in bearing as any set of men found in the army, and no regiment made a more imposing or better appearance. Concerning the band it may be 'here stated, that about one year before the war broke out, a number of young men formed a cornet band in Germantown. As instrumental musicians, they were amateurs and beginners, but with a fair knowledge of music as vocalists, by close application they made rapid progress; little suspecting, however, that so soon after they would be called upon to lead their friends and neighbors and others to the tented field; to make music on the march, in camp, and at Army Headquarters. It was through the influence of Captain F. A. Y. Elliott, of Germantown, who took a deep interest in the Zouaves from the beginning, and who had at this time himself raised a company for the regiment, that 14 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. The band enlisted with it for three years of service. Captain Elliott was prosperously engaged in the wool business in the city, and was in very comfortable circumstances. When the band was started he became a helpful friend of the project, subscribing liberally toward procuring the instruments, and afterward assisted in supplying the members with uniforms. It was mainly from this kindly and valued association with the band that it resolved to follow the fortunes of the regiment. For men who had never seen military service, it was a bold step; but the times and the honor proffered demanded promptness, leaving only the lack of confidence on the part of the members as to the degree of credit it would be to such a splendid regiment. Subsequent events, however, conclusively proved it to have been good policy on the part of the officers to secure a band, and that it became a prime factor and one of the most efficient aids in maintaining discipline. At the beginning of the war every regiment mustered into service for three months, and afterwards the three-year regiments, all had full brass bands, some of them numbering as high as fifty pieces. When it is considered that in every brigade there were from four to five regiments, three brigades in one division and three divisions in each corps, an aggregate of from thirty-six to forty bands is shown for every corps. When a division was encamped in a small space, which was frequently the case when on the march, and the band of each regiment performing at the same time at Regimental Headquarters, the effect of the confusion of sounds produced can hardly be imagined. Whilst this was an unnecessary arrangement and very expen- A POOR POLICY. 15 sive to the Government, it kept a host of non-combatants in the rear of the army. Congress, however, at an early day passed an act abolishing all regimental bands in the volunteer service, with the provision that each brigade should be entitled to a band at the headquarters. It so happened that when the order of disbandment reached the army, the bands had seen considerable and hard service on the Peninsula, under General McClellan, and therefore the men gladly accepted their discharges and almost to a man went home. As a consequence the army was left with scarcely any music. The Government at this time was regarded as become very parsimonious in this respect, and experience proved it to be a poor policy of economy. There are many, of course, that doubted the utility or necessity of band music in the army during the Rebellion, but when the vast amount of money spent in every large city on concerts, balls, and parades is considered, how much more necessary is its soothing and inspiring influence upon those who sacrificed all home comforts and social amusements to battle for their country? In the case of the Zouave Band, with only fifteen pieces, it was difficult at times to keep up its efficiency for duty during the whole period of three years with its hardships and many deprivations, one- third of the members often being on the sick list at one time. In all wars statistics show that the camp and exposure incident to an active campaign kill off more than do the battles, yet, the band, without any reinforcing, that headed on the march of the Zouaves on leaving Philadelphia, after three years of constant and severe service, 16 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. were at the head of the regiment, intact, on returning to the city. The band enlisted in a body, August 11th, 1862, and immediately entered upon camp duties, when it was initiated in the routine of tactics, such as dress parade, guard mounting, etc., but the members were allowed to sleep at their homes. It was expected that the regiment would remain at the Germantown camp for some time, for instruction, but important military events transpiring in Virginia - the disastrous second battle of Bull Run and the proximity of the rebels to Washington - it was made imperative for the new regiment to report at once at the Capital. Messengers called at our homes at midnight with orders to prepare and march at daylight the next morning. Early on the 29th of august we therefore bade an affectionate farewell to our families, broke camp, and at the head of the regiment marched to the city, paraded through several streets and were breakfasted at the Cooper Shop Refreshment Saloon. We afterwards learned that this grand place was gratefully remembered by the troops from different States, who, in transit through Philadelphia, were royally entertained there. After having the inner man so well provided for our regiment took up the line of march for Broad and Prime streets, where we took the cars for Washington. On the way we lost one man, who was knocked off the train and run over and killed. This sad occurrence cast a gloom over the whole regiment, and by many it was thought to be an ill omen. We arrived in Baltimore towards evening, and there being no transportation to Washington, the regiment experienced its first discomforts of soldiering. The men THE SOLDIERS' RETREAT. 17 had to make the best of the situation during the night, having no beds save the flagstones in the depot, and on the coming day many of the men had severe colds. However, we finally were provided with cars, but the train was ten hours in reaching the Capital. On arriving there, the men, being very hungry, were taken to the Soldiers' Retreat, the Government saloon; but there was a wide difference between it and the Cooper Shop in Philadelphia. They gave us a colored liquid, called "coffee," which was served us in horse buckets, besides hard bread and salt pork. The impression left upon us, bodily and mentally, at the Retreat, was not of a very complimentary character. That we were not expecting too much, however, for soldiers just fresh from their homes, the complaints of all the other regiments halting there conclusively proved. After partaking of the sumptuous fare referred to, the regiment was marched out to the northern defences of Washington and encamped at Fort Slocum, where the men were put under strict military discipline and drill; but this abruptly terminated, for on September 6th we received orders to march, going to the Baltimore pike, where, for the first time, we witnessed the grand sight presented by our army in motion. They were the veterans of the Peninsula, under General McClellan, marching forward to meet the foe on more northern soil. To our men who had but recently come from their homes, these battle-worn men were a horrible and repulsive panorama to gaze upon. It was a picture of neglect and suffering. The hands and faces of most of the men were brown as tan, almost black. They were almost shoeless, and carried 18 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. only their guns, blankets, haversacks and canteens. It was a sad scene, and the line of men appeared to be almost endless; a brigade of infantry, then one of cavalry, followed by artillery and wagon trains. In this way they alternated. Here, in this great array, for the first time we saw the most prominent generals of the Union Army, and occasionally we recognized some old acquaintance in the ranks. We were surprised to find that the men observed no precision of step, as we did who were under drill, and as yet had only learned to move like machinery and keep in line; but it was not long after that we discovered the secret, and were glad to do the same. McClellan's army was on the march to meet the rebels under General Lee, who was then in Maryland, and which culminated in the battle of Antietam. Our regiment was ordered to fall in line with this army on its march, and when we broke camp to do so there was a deal of dissatisfaction expressed among the men, on account of not having received the fifty dollars as bounty which the city had promised and the men were expecting before leaving their homes. However, the regiment, obedient to orders, followed the army of McClellan, and when it reached Rockville was suddenly halted by reason of a dispatch from Washington, with orders to return to camp at Fort Slocum. Our regiment being composed of new recruits, hardly two weeks in service and knowing but little of the manual of arms, to have put them in an engagement at this embryo period, would have been recklessly injudicious and have done more harm than good to the general service. Under these circumstances it A GOOD DAY'S TRAMP. 19 was held that the War Department did a wise act in recalling the regiment from active participation in the battle of Antietam. We, therefore, retraced our steps, encountering great difficulty, however, by encountering other troops and army trains which were moving in a contrary direction. Late at night we arrived at camp, after having marched about twenty-two miles, which was thought to have been a good day's tramp for new men not accustomed to such work. In this camp the regiment remained until the latter part of September, when we packed up to go on the other side of the Potomac, marching through Washington and over the historical Long Bridge. We were followed by Secretary of State Seward, who was on horseback, and when the regiment halted on the Virginia side he complimented our officers on the good music from our band. It is unnecessary to say that the encouraging words coming from such a high source, was accepted as a cheering sign of the band's coming popularity, by all the members. Soon after reaching camp the regiment was brigaded, the brigade consisting of the 105th, 68th and 114th Pennsylvania Volunteers and the 20th Indiana. It was the First Brigade, First Division, of the Third Corps. General Birney was at this time the Division Commander, but it was formerly in command of General Kearney. The division and corps had been known as a very active and fighting body, and the prospects were all for that kind of service, and our band being the only one in the whole division, the members at once were found to be a useful and very desirable appendage. The band was wanted everywhere; for 20 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. brigade guard mount, review, military funerals and serenades at night; its whole time was occupied in these and similar duties. The regiment, too, made good use of its spare time in being drilled for more important duties than the members had yet been called on to perform. Our camp was not far from Arlington, where General Heinzelman had his headquarters, at the former residence of General Robert E. Lee, who was at the head of the rebel army. Here on his beautiful lawn, overlooking the Potomac, a clear view of Washington was had, and here our band would perform during the evenings; not for the amusement of the aristocracy of Virginia, but for the pleasure and entertainment of Union soldiers. Great changes since then have taken place, and on that very spot, in the "sacred soil" of the South, now sleep thousands of our heroic dead, the government having established thereon one of the most beautiful of soldiers' cemeteries in the country. None but soldiers are buried there and no finer site for the purpose could elsewhere have been selected. CHAPTER II. 21 ON THE MARCH - POOLESVILLE - WITH THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC - ZOUAVES RECEIVE THEIR BAPTISM OF FIRE AT FREDERICKSBURG - CAPTURE OF THE BAND. October 1. - We had review, and by reason of the new order in regard to military bands, as heretofore particularized, our band was the only one in the line, and it was assigned at the head of the division. The old soldiers predicted an early move, holding, as they did, that a review was an infallible sign of something of the kind. October 10. - Received orders to make ready for march. Started the next day and tramped twenty miles, halting near Rockville; raining all day; encamped in the Fair Grounds and slept on the dance floor. October 11. - Broke camp at three o'clock in the morning and experienced the hardest day's march we had yet been subjected to, and during which the men had first learned how to lighten their burden, by stopping occasionally and unbuckling their knapsacks, and throwing out every article not indispensably necessary. The whole road was strewn with all sorts of things thus cast away, and a team following in the rear could have gathered a small fortune. This march brought us to Poolesville during the evening, with only about 250 men, the distance being twenty-five miles, and, as soon as we had made and 22 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. partaken of some warm coffee, the march was resumed toward the Potomac. The object of this hurry; it afterwards appeared, was to intercept a rebel raid of cavalry, but they succeeded in recrossing the river before our men reached the point aimed at. On this forced march we learned a great deal that was of value to us afterward. Up to this time the wagons carried our knapsacks, also the Sibley tent which accommodated all the members of the band. But on a march like this, and when making camp in the evening, is the very time these things are most needed. On making inquiry you are informed that the wagon train is miles away; and with no certainty when it would arrive; the best that can be done under the circumstances becomes the inevitable, and your ingenuity is put to the test. Nor were the officers any better off than ourselves, as they were in the same dilemma; but the privates, who carried their houses and household goods on their backs, had the benefit of the fatiguing task at night, when camp was made. This discomfiture also taught the members of the band that, although musicians, in other respects they were bona fide soldiers and subject to all hardships, when on the march and in camp, such as are incident to every campaign. We likewise experienced, as did others in the service, that the small tents, commonly known as "dog tents," were, by far, the most convenient arrangement for men on the march, as they could be carried during the day and then quickly unfolded for use at night. In this venture, because of the inclemency of the weather and the absence of our tent, we were very uncomfortable, indeed. The regiment having gone to the Potomac, the idea FORDING THE POTOMAC. 23 occurred to us of using some of their tents, but this was doomed to defeat, for, about midnight, the emergency being over, the men returned to camp and we had to vacate the comfortable shelter, and were compelled to spread ourselves on rubber blankets, on the saturated ground, with naught save the clouded sky for a covering. There was some sleep, of course, from sheer fatigue, and in the morning we found ourselves lying in pools of water. We remained here in camp two weeks. The season before this same ground had been occupied by Colonel Baker's ill-fated California Regiment, whose improvised ovens still remained, and which were utilized by our men, making pot-pies, roasting beef, etc., whilst doing picket duty along the Potomac. The Army of the Potomac, the battle of Antietam having been fought, was now marching southward again, under General McClellan. October 27. - We received orders to cross the Potomac, and again our thoughts were taken back to the previous year, when the Californians, in command of the brave and lamented Colonel Baker, crossed the river and were almost annihilated in the disaster at Ball's Bluff. We reached the Potomac on the last day of October, but found no pontoons nor even boats, and had to ford the river. We were told that the water would not be knee-deep, so we rolled up our pants, and the whole regiment, with a will, were at once wading the stream. At first the water proved to be shallow, but on approaching the Virginia side the current brought us into much deeper and rougher obstructions. Nearly all the men fell headlong into the channel and stumbled over the large stones, be- 24 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. coming wringing wet. All were in the same predicament, excepting the staff officers, who were on horseback, and Marie, the vivandiere, who had the forethought to pick up an old mule, on which she safely crossed the river. There was a deal of merriment while fording the stream, but it was quite different in the way of amusement after reaching the shore, for many had to remain in this saturated condition until the clothing dried upon them. We were chilled to the marrow, and, as an indication of the general suffering, three members of the band were on the sick list next morning. One of them we did not see for six months afterwards, having been totally incapacitated for duty, and another was subsequently discharged on account of disability. We were now on "sacred soil," in the enemy's domain, and received a very cool reception from the surly inhabitants, and they were in nowise backward in manifesting their animosity by their actions. Our regiment was now a part of the Grand Army of the Potomac and remained with it, taking an active part in its eventful career, participating in its successes and reverses, until it accomplished the great end for which it was organized and vigorously employed the submission of the Army of Northern Virginia, under General Lee, which was the mainstay of the Rebellion. November 1. - Early on the morning of this day we were put in trim and marched through Leesburg. The regiment was in good spirits, made a splendid appearance, and the band played "John Brown," while the proud Zouaves firmly accented in precise step the simple yet suggestive air. The women DISDAINFUL WOMEN. 25 looked contemptuously on us from the doors and windows of their houses. The few men we observed were all aged, the young-blood doubtless all being in the army of Lee. We encamped some distance beyond the town, and, after performing at General Birney's headquarters, we took a-walk through the place. Some finely attired ladies had just emerged from a house, and on seeing us, as we were on the pavement, they showed their decided contempt for us and the cause we represented by stepping into the street. We politely thanked them for their trouble and assured them that they were even more accommodating than our ladies at home, who rarely ever went to such obliging extremes. Our marches now were mostly along the mountain range of the Blue Ridge, passing through some beautiful and romantic valleys. As a rule we had plenty of good water, having often to cross and recross mountain streams and small rivulets. Here and there along this picturesque ridge I was particularly attracted by scenes that took my mind back to my early home in the blue Alsatian mountains of the old world. General Birney, who always had a taste and a keen eye for fine effects, would often encamp our division on the top of the Blue Ridge, and when the camp-fires were all aglow in the evening and the band performing some stirring selection, there was a peculiar grandeur and impressiveness in the scene that cannot be described, while we could hear, in the intervals of silence, below us, the heavy wagons and artillery trains rumbling and struggling to make their way over the primitive and storm- swept roads. In this locality whenever there was a heavy rainfall the water 26 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. rushed down the mountain sides, leaving the roadway obstructed by masses of stone, and over this perilous path the lumbersome trains had to follow the army. November 7. - We reached Waterloo, and for the first time during the season a heavy snow fell. So far on this march we had used no tents at night, bivouacking on the cold ground and covered only with our blankets. Fortunately, however, just as this cold spell broke upon us the wagon train also reached us, with which was our long-looked for Sibley tent, and we were quick to avail ourselves of its opportune, if not providential, arrival. On reaching this place we found the bridge over the Monocacy burned, and were compelled to halt until another structure was provided. The general expectation was that there would be some fighting at this point. The division was ordered in the woods, the band sent to the rear, and our batteries opened fire, but they received no reply. If there had been a rebel force in the vicinity, the conclusion was that they left after destroying the bridge. This kind of firing we heard every day some distance ahead of us, and supposed that they, like ourselves, were only feeling for the enemy. On this occasion the doctors informed us that whenever the regiment was engaged in battle they would expect the members of the band to assist in caring for the wounded, and in doing otherwise whatever was needful to them. This, however, was anticipated by us from the beginning. November 12. - We made camp near Warrenton, where we again heard the whistling of locomotives, something new to us since crossing the Potomac, and the boys were encouraged to look for more and better MAJOR CHANDLER. 27 rations, which of late had been very poor. For the first time, too, since crossing the river, we received the Baltimore papers, from which we were surprised to learn that General McClellan had been superseded by General Burnside, who was then our commander. This unexpected news had not the effect upon us that it developed among older soldiers, for we thought, if McClellan was too slow in getting to Richmond, Burnside might make shorter work and satisfy the cry of the people and purpose of the army, "On to Richmond!" In pleasurable contrast to the preparations for destruction going on around us, on the previous evening Major Chandler, of our regiment, received news from his Philadelphia home, informing him that a child had been born unto him; the appreciative father was in ecstacy over the event, and the band tendered him a complimentary serenade. Poor Chandler! It was not long after receiving this happy news from a devoted wife that the infant was fatherless, for the Major was killed at the battle of Chancellorsville in the following May. The officers of the regiment by this time had become closely attached to the band and in various ways made known their personal good will, which, added to their appreciation of our music, helped in no, small degree to mitigate our hardships and make us content. At this time there was what may be called a tobacco famine among the men, no sutler having been with the army since crossing the Potomac. Just then, if any one could have dropped in with a full supply of the "evil weed," he could have made an easy fortune from the sale of it, and the men would have worshipped him besides. With the 28 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. resumption of railroad communication, however, the want was soon supplied, and the boys once more were afforded the solace of leisure hours they so earnestly prayed for. November 15th. - We reached camp near to Fredericksburg; it had been raining almost every day, under a chilling temperature. As we approached the city the army began to unfold its interminable length to our view; every day new troops were coming, and on every road they could be seen in motion, all moving to the south. There were wagon trains, miles in length, drawing their serpentine trail over soft clay roads, which were made utterly impassable for the infantry; consequently the men on foot had to take to the fields, and march on the right and left of the roads. Some of them, we noticed, being almost barefooted, tramping with torture in every step, through the mid- November slush and mud; this, too, with their toes protruding through their shoes. Many of these "fighting men," and not without cause, found great fault with the manner in which they were treated. They also complained bitterly of the restraint placed upon them, and in conversation with a number they expressed themselves in this way: "We are going through the enemy's country; the people are intensely secesh, and not at all backward in expressing their sentiments; yet the officers put sentinels over their property to prevent our soldiers from taking anything to eat, and they stop us, although we get there sometimes." Said another "We have many sick in hospital, with not the slightest accommodations; they have to lie on the cold ground, while near by are large and empty mansions TOO MUCH RESTRAINT. 29 belonging to rebels, and yet our own guards allow none to enter." A soldier told me of two of our men who went to a haystack to get some feed for their horses, and in spite of the guard they helped the animals to a small quantity; they needed it so badly; but the captain of the guard shot one of the men dead, and wounded the other. The comrades of the men were so enraged, that they swore vengeance against the captain, who fled to the woods; but he was overtaken and bayoneted to death. In time, however, we learned to prosecute warfare by a different system. Sheridan's campaign in the valley of Virginia is a sample. He ordered everything to be destroyed that was of any use to the rebels; thereby materially helping to shorten the war. November 22. - Arrived in front of Fredericksburg, and being encamped opposite the town, on Stafford Heights, we had a beautiful view of the place and its naturally grand surroundings. We wondered what was coming next and commenced putting things in trim for winter quarters. There was a heavy snow the first week in December and the temperature bitter cold; many were on the sick list and bad colds were prevalent. We were kept in a constant state of speculation as to what General Burnside really intended to do. Here we were in close proximity to the Rebel army, nothing separating the two powerful bodies but the Rappahannock river. We conversed with the men in gray on the other side and frequently traded our coffee with them for their tobacco. In the rear of the town, from the heights, we could see them extending and strengthening [sic] their earthworks and fortifications. Sometimes, in the morning, earthworks would appear 30 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. that were not there the evening before, thus showing conclusively that they worked on them both day and night. All this was plainly visible to the naked eye, yet, in spite of these menacing facts, our army was looking complacently on. Inexperienced soldiers as we were, we came to the conclusion that General Burnside never intended to attack the enemy there; if he did, why allow all this opportunity to fortify their naturally strong position? And yet he did just what Lee wanted him to do. He knocked his brains out against the very walls we had seen for several weeks becoming stronger and stronger every day. The excuse at first was that the pontoons had not arrived; but they did arrive on November 28th, and yet Burnside added danger to delay. The fact was apparent to all that the engineering skill of the Confederacy was exhausted on this position. In the first week of December, General Burnside held a council of war with his corps commanders, when General Hooker proposed to move his corps some ten miles above Fredericksburg and attack the rebel position, in conjunction with the rest of the army through Fredericksburg, but Hooker's proposition was rejected by Burnside. Whatever this plan might have accomplished, one thing is certain, the result could not have been more disastrous than what did happen. December 10. - Burnside began operations in the endeavor to lay the pontoons. General Franklin was sent on the extreme left to attack the extreme right of the enemy's line, and break through the same, if possible. A heavy fog favored our army laying the pontoons in front of Fredericksburg, but as soon as LAYING THE PONTOONS. 31 the rebels observed our men at the work their sharpshooters picked off every man thus engaged; their men of deadly aim were concealed in the houses along the river, and the pontoniers were compelled to abandon the work. Another attempt was made and with the same result; our boats and planks were riddled with bullets and it was found to be impossible to face the unerring aim of the rebel marksmen. Our batteries were then ordered to open a heavy cannonade upon the houses where the sharpshooters were hidden, and in a short time the buildings were demolished. Once more our brave men attempted to put down the pontoons, and then they suffered almost as severely by the deadly fire brought to bear upon them from the rebel rifle pits. It now became necessary to face the lion in his den, and volunteers were called to row across the river in the pontoon boats, charge on the rifle pits and drive the rebels out. This was a desperate undertaking, but it was splendidly and effectually accomplished by volunteers from the 19th Massachusetts and 7th Michigan regiments. After this general clearing out, though at a great sacrifice of life, the pontoons were laid and our army at once began to cross. December 12. - The whole army was on the south side of the Rappahannock; General Sumner on the extreme right; General Hooker in the centre, and General Franklin on the left, below the city. Now came the tug of war. Burnside had given orders to Franklin to attack on the left, before making an assault on the centre, but he was only partially successful; so he attacked the centre, in the rear of Fredericksburg, or St. Mary's Heights, that very position upon which 32 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. we had looked so long. while it was hourly being made stronger. Every charge made by our best troops on this stronghold failed. General Sumner first sent French's Division, supported by Hancock's, but as they came from the town through parallel streets to make a charge on the Heights, they had to pass a canal, or wide ditch, which could only be crossed over bridges connecting the streets; and all this time the men were exposed to an incessant fire of artillery and musketry from front and both flanks, such as no troops in the world could stand. The line melted away before the works could be reached, and the assault failed. This was a severe blow to our army. Hancock lost 2000 men an& French not less than 1200. Then a division of the 9th Corps was sent in, and fared no better, losing I 100 men. The stone wall supported by artillery and infantry was too much for human endurance, and the rebels would not have cared had Burnside thrust the whole of the Union army against that impregnable position. General Lee, in his report of the battle, said that "six times did the enemy press on, with great determination, to within a hundred yards of the foot of the Hill, but meeting with such deadly resistance from our infantry, the columns were broken and they fled in confusion to the town." Burnside, however, was not satisfied with this fearful repulse, and proposed to take his old corps, the 9th, and charge the position, besides leading the assault in person. It was, of course, a feeling of desperation on his part, and the corps commanders unanimously opposed him. Our corps, the 3d, was commanded at this time by A SPLENDID CHARGE. 33 General Stoneman and consisted of three divisions the 1st, by General Birney; 2d, by General Sickles; 3d, by General Whipple. Our corps was assigned to Franklin's Grand Division. General Meade, who had commanded the 3d Division of the 1st, Corps, having pushed ahead with his Pennsylvania Reserves, succeeded in penetrating the woods, driving the enemy from the railroad and reaching the crest of the Hill, clear in the open ground beyond. The Rebels were now strongly reinforced and Meade found himself attacked in front and on both flanks, and finally was forced to fall back from the position he had so gallantly gained, at a cost of forty per cent. of his brave men. December 13. - It was at this date and pressing time that our division was ordered to cross on the pontoons, to reinforce Meade, and arrest, if possible, the rebel line, which was rapidly advancing. The band kept at the head of the regiment on crossing the pontoons. As soon as we were on the bridge we marched left, oblique; at the same time we heard peculiar noises above us. Having never been in such a position before, we did not comprehend, or even suspect, what it meant; but just then several shells burst in close proximity to us, which broke the secret and told what kind of music was in the air, with an accompaniment of minnie balls. Colonel Cavada thought we could be of no service there, and ordered the band out of the ranks, at the same time advising us to take care of ourselves. Just then the Zouaves gave three hearty cheers, went bravely in, charged splendidly, received their baptism of fire and fought, like old veterans, for which 34 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. they were afterwards highly complimented. The members of the band, when they fell out of the ranks, were in front of a large stone mansion, the Bennett House, between which and the Rappahannock was an immense and beautiful garden. Here, with the surgeons and Marie, the vivandiere, we established the field hospital, and soon after we had quite a number of out regiment, who were wounded, to assist in taking care of. The band members became very useful here, being employed day and night in aiding the doctors and nursing the men who had fallen in battle. December 15. - In the afternoon General Birney sent for the band to perform at headquarters. The lines of the contending armies were so close to each other that we could see their batteries and actually look into the mouths of their heavy guns. After playing for nearly an hour, including some of the national airs, which the enemy doubtless heard as clearly as did our own men, we were instructed not to go back to the hospital, but remain close to the line of battle. We knew not the why or wherefore for this unexpected change, but implicit obedience to orders being the first duty of a soldier, we went at once where directed. A short distance in rear of the line of battle was a ditch, perhaps an old railroad cut, running parallel with the line. As every moment the conflict was expected to be renewed, we thought that in that depression, or cut, there would be comparatively little danger, as the shells would pass over our heads. During the night the rain fell very heavy, but in spite of the inconvenience we slept soundly, having had very little rest the two previous nights. A STRANGER ON THE BANK. 35 December 16. - I awoke at daybreak, and my first thoughts, as in the case of every soldier, was to look around for material with which to make a fire and boil some coffee. So, with my brother Louis, we started off and strolled along this cut in search of firewood, and found, to our great surprise, not only kindling, but other useful articles, such as cooking utensils, knives, forks, etc. Our impression was that some troops had encamped there, during the night and were probably suddenly called away for some imperative duty, as was often the case. That idea satisfied us for the time, but a moment later a mounted officer appeared on the embankment above us, whom we thought was one of our own provost marshals hunting up stragglers in the road, and he asked what we were doing there. I informed him that we were encamped there all night, and he told me that we were prisoners. Still thinking him a provost marshal, I made known that I had charge of a band and had my orders; asking him to attend to his own business and assuring him I would attend to mine. He grimly smiled at my response and requested me to come up on the bank. I did so, and to my consternation, as he raised his arm I perceived his gray uniform under the rubber overcoat. It was all over, and the reality of our position, as from a flash of lightning broke upon us, that the band was captured. In looking around from that point, where our line was the night before the gray line of the Rebel army was now stretched out; and toward the Rappahannock I could see a formidable line of the enemy's skirmishers, who had already advanced to the river, and all our pontoons had been removed. The band being made and 36 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. declared prisoners were ordered to pack up, which we were required to do in such haste that we had not the opportunity allowed us to boil that morning's coffee. From some misconception of the band's sad predicament, it was currently reported that the men were captured while in a barn, and even our best friend, the lamented Captain Elliott, for a time rested under the delusion. Accompanying our new rebel acquaintances we were marched inside the enemy's lines and made to face General Archer, at his headquarters. The rebels appeared to be in excellent spirits; they jibed us about Burnside and asked us how we liked him now; others wanted us to give them some music, but our inclinations were not in that direction just then. After being introduced to General Archer he told us to lay down our instruments. This was something new to us; a question, in fact, we had never considered; therefore I took the liberty to remind General Archer that the instruments did not belong to the government, but were our own personal property, and should not be taken from us. At this he began to swear and said: "You Yankees captured me once and took everything from me, and it was all private property." I suggested that the cases were not identical; that a general without sword or horse was still a general, while a band without instruments was no band at all. My simple, and perhaps intrusive, argument failed to convince him, and with heavy hearts and dejected countenances we bade farewell to the instruments which had served us so well, and with which down to that event we had marched with pride at the head of our regiment. We were then ordered to fall in line with about 300 "bluelegs," ON THE WAY TO LIBBY. 37 who had been picked up in that ensnaring ditch, like ourselves, on that dark December morn. Bates's History of the Pennsylvania Volunteers contains this reference: - "The loss of the 114th Regiment in this battle was twelve killed, twenty-seven wounded, and seventeen captured. Of those captured were members of the band, who had gallantly accompanied the regiment when ordered across the river, and when it became engaged had rendered valuable assistance to the wounded and the surgeons in charge. On the night of the 15th, when the army recrossed the river, they were not made aware of what was passing, and when they awoke on the morning of the 16th, they found, to their utter amazement, the troops all gone, the pontoons removed, and in the hands of the enemy. Their instruments, which were their own private property, were taken from them, and they were sent to Libby Prison. After their exchange they returned to the regiment, and with a full set of superior instruments, presented to them by their friends at home, as an acknowledgment of their gallantry and the good service they had rendered." The band remained with the regiment until the close of the war, and did much to refresh the spirits of the men on many along and weary march, and besides which they contributed in no small degree towards the preservation of that high tone and manifest discipline which from the beginning characterized the Zouaves. Not only the regiment, but the whole division sustained a great loss in thus temporarily parting with the only band of music they possessed, although, according to the new regulations, the divi- 38 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. sion was entitled to three such accessories. Our band had supplied the music for every occasion in the division, and, practically, at no special expense to the Government. We learned through letters sent home from officers and men of the regiment, of the regret expressed at losing the music of the band; they were deprived of one prime feature in holding those grand dress parades, which always attracted a large assemblage of spectators; there was no longer the music to which they had become accustomed to step with mechanical precision; the soothing and enlivening strains at night, too; were pleasures of the past. It will be readily understood - when Burnside was baffled in every attempt to make an impression on the enemy's line - when he had sacrificed over twelve thousand men, as brave men as ever shouldered a gun - when he at last, in a fit of desperation, proposed to take his old corps, the 9th, and sacrifice it in the mad attempt to accomplish an impossibility all his corps commanders comprehended the situation, and failed to see why Burnside should do any better than. their best and bravest had done. This was the first battle they had been in against General Lee. Burnside now concluded that the only alternative left him was to withdraw his army across the river. The fierce wind and rain on the night of the I5th shielded him, and the whole army was, skilfully withdrawn with no material loss, excepting a few prisoners, with whom the band was included. The pontoons were covered with whatever was at command to deaden the sound while the army was recrossing. The men were forbidden to speak or make the slightest noise, and to avoid even the rattle of their canteens. The road they fol- A CLEVER REBEL GUARD. 39 lowed to the river was right and left of the ditch wherein we were encamped, and yet not the slightest noise was heard by us. So cautiously was the nightmarch effected that the members of the band were not disturbed. The query has frequently been proposed as to why it was that no other band was captured? There were none on that side of the river save our own, all other bands remaining on the northern side of the Rappahannock. After having been marched here and there, and being relieved of our instruments, which made us feel doubly sensible of our embarrassing position, we were taken to the headquarters of General "Stonewall" Jackson, where our parole papers were made out, and which we signed with very nervous hands, our signatures binding us not to take up arms against the Confederacy until properly exchanged. We were given to understand that we could be sent home at once by the Saturday flag-of- truce boat, which put us in better spirits, thinking that we would be spared looking into the hated Libby Prison, but our hopes told only a flattering tale. We were afterwards taken to Guiney's Station, on the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad, where a pleasant surprise awaited us. My brother Louis, who, at the breaking out of the war, was living in Richmond, had in that city a very close friend, a German, who remained with the Confederacy, while my brother came North, and here, on this occasion they met, his friend now as a rebel guard over him, and he also guarded him, and the rest of us, back to Richmond. To his credit his personal friendship remained; he evinced no rancor 40 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. toward any of us; on the contrary, by and through him we received many favors. In our misfortune it was a great consolation to us to find such an unlooked for and considerate friend in time of need and extreme distress. The gentlemanly conduct of this rebel guard brought vividly to mind those noble words of Byron: - "The truly brave, When they behold the brave oppress'd with odds, Are touch'd with a desire to shield or save." CHAPTER III. 41 LIBBY PRISON - CAMP PAROLE - LIBBY AND FORT McHENRY PRISONS COMPARED. We had to remain at the railroad station several days, as the facilities for transportation were taxed to the fullest measure, the many wounded coming in being entitled to the first opportunity for transit. Finally, on Friday, our turn came, when they put us in cattle cars and we were taken to Richmond. So far we received no insults from the soldiers, and were considerately treated while being in their charge. There was a change on the face of things generally, and in particular, when we arrived at the Confederate Capital. On emerging from the cattle cars, otherwise known in those days as "portable ventilators," we were put in line and marched through that city of pride direct to Libby Prison. Along the route we were repeatedly insulted by the rabble, and upbraided by others who profanely prefixed the word "Yankees" as we approached them; and had it not been for some of our guards, who had the decency of gentlemen as well as the grit of the true soldier to command respect, this hooting rebel rabble would have otherwise contemned and perhaps abused us. At the close of this exhibition in our brilliant Zouave full dress, we reached a large building, near the James River, on the corner of which was a sign, and inscribed thereon were the significant words, "Libby Prison." 42 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. This told of our fate, and that our journey was at an end for a time. Here we were enrolled as boarders and afterwards searched to ascertain if we had any dangerous weapons in our pockets or on our persons. Having satisfied themselves that we were not intent on taking Richmond ourselves, we were escorted to the second story of the renowned Libby. Not the slightest piece of furniture was there; not even the commonest wooden bench; absolutely nothing save the bare floor to rest upon. In one corner was a wooden water trough, with the privilege of partially washing our hands and faces, but the floor was more than filthy, the room was overcrowded, and at night we were compelled to lie down as though we were boxed herring. Now came the torturing test that "In struggling with misfortune lies the proof Of virtue." During our life in the field we could, with constant care, keep our persons cleanly and clear of vermin, but here, in this Libby pest- house, we were soon literally alive with the unmentionable and noxious animals. Added to this awful condition our rations consisted only of a mite of black bean soup twice a day, every third meal a piece of meat about one inch square, and a loaf of bread which the average hand could clench out of sight. Unfortunately, on coming fresh from the camp and marches we had first-class appetites, and the bill of fare at the Libby boardinghouse proved sadly inadequate to our physical needs. Fortunately, however, most of us had a little money. When we came into their lines they offered, what ROSS, THE RUFFIAN. 43 seemed to us, fabulous prices for our blankets and other articles. I sold a rubber blanket that cost me at home $3.00 for $25.00 of Confederate money, and a pair of half-worn shoes sold for $6.00, which seemed conclusive that even in the early days of the war there must have been a scarcity of many articles of necessity. Every morning hucksters came to the windows of the Libby with rough-and-ready pies, which were about two feet long by one foot across the top. The mammoth pie they would divide into many small portions and sell them at twenty- five cents apiece. These morsels helped us along nicely in the way of a dessert to our other rations. Keeper Ross, who was one, of those impudent braggarts and too cowardly to go to the front, came every morning to call the roll, usually to the living, but often to the dead. He always carried a revolver, sometimes two, besides bowie knives, which he uniformly allowed to be displayed from his pockets. He was a sort of a portable arsenal, and his demonstrative tactics were thought to terrify the starving boarders, although he was always accompanied by two guards, who carried loaded muskets. One day on his coming in to call the roll, one of our comrades, who was very ill, did not rise to respond. Ross, on perceiving the sick man not on his feet, bawled out: "Get up, you d_d Yankee!" I told him the man was too sick to arise, but this was no excuse to the brute, and he turned and gave the prostrate prisoner several hard kicks on the back with the heavy cavalry boots he always wore. Of course, we dared not show our indignation and. resentment in a way to suit us, for he appeared to be chafing for an excuse to do the "Yankees" bodily 44 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. harm. He deserved the same end that came to his partner in brutality, Wirz, of the Andersonville Prison, whose inhumanity, after the war, brought him to the scaffold. The fate of Keeper Ross, too, was sealed in the unfathomable future; his doom was written, the decree was passed; for not long after the close of the rebellion he was burned alive at a hotel fire in the City of Richmond. While our bodily miseries were almost unendurable at Libby Prison, still we suffered much more in mind than from other causes, and to aggravate the pitiable situation, smallpox and black measles broke out among the men in that crowded den of disease and death. Under us was what was known as the "dead house," and in the floor of our apartment the openings between the boards were wide enough to plainly see what was going on below. Every morning the sight was enough to make our very flesh quiver; there lay from six to ten lifeless bodies, stripped entirely of clothing. With such horrible scenes each morning dawned, and who knew but what some of us would be the next to supply the morgue; for many that viewed these shocking scenes at the dawn of one day were among the unhonored dead by night. These unwelcome surroundings, of course, made our condition the harder to bear up with, and the more anxiously every day did we look for the flag-of-truce boat to come to our deliverance. We expected it the first week of our incarceration; the second passed in disappointment, and likewise the third week, and the Richmond newspapers wondered why "Old Abe did not send for his hirelings." The Dispatch was very bitter, saying, "Old Abe don't mind us fattening his CHRISTMAS DINNERS. 45 hirelings, so that when they take the field again they will be the better able to kill our noble sons, who so nobly stand shoulder to shoulder for our homes and firesides." In the midst of all our dire distress, we could not help laughing over that rich specimen of rebel war literature, and particularly at the "fattening" portion of that graphic paragraph. Christmas came, and all the pleasures from home we had but a short time before in anticipation for the festal day, passed with it, for we were still in Libby. We knew that the good folks at home had prepared and sent boxes of luxuries for us, to the field. We also felt sure that the good things arrived - but not for us - not at Keeper Ross's big boardinghouse. It was not long, however, before we had the satisfaction of knowing that the Christmas dinners came safely to hand at the regimental camp, where we were expected and should have been to partake of them; still it is an ill wind that blows no good, and in this case it was a pleasure to know that the roast turkeys and the fixings proved a rare treat to many of our comrades. About this time another subject somewhat disquieted our minds, and it was discussed every day in the Richmond journals; there was trouble respecting the operation of the cartel of exchange. Our Government had begun to organize colored regiments, enlisting the men on precisely the same terms as white troops and, of course, assuring them like protection. The Confederate dynasty refused to recognize the colored soldiers as being on an equality with their white troops and objected to exchange them man for 46 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. man. It was repulsive to their chivalrous notions of personal dignity, and also detrimental to the prestige of their cause. For a time the adjustment of the difference threatened a suspension of the existing cartel of exchange, and therefore our stay at Libby Prison was threatened to be for an indefinite period. And yet, if this fact of our Government protecting its soldiers, regardless of color, in the rights belonging to them - if this was the cause for retaining us longer than expected, we felt that there was full and sufficient excuse for the delay. While the rebels did not propose to hold our enlisted men for the above reasons, they refused to liberate the commissioned officers, and sent them farther south, to other prisons, and some of them remained prisoners long after we had been released. The new year, 1863, came in and still we were pent up in that prison- pen. News came, however, to cheer us once more, that the flag-of-truce boat had arrived at City Point, and we were all on tiptoe at the prospect, but were again disappointed, as the sick and wounded only were taken. The next day another boat came and our disappointment was repeated; but with the third load of prisoners our turn was reported, and it would be difficult for the reader to imagine the extreme delight that possessed us. We really wept with joy on being removed from that horrible place of filth, starvation, disease, and pestilence. To us it was a transition as from death to life, and when we reached the deck of the boat, with the Stars and Stripes floating from the masthead, we felt as if we were in another world. Once more, and more keenly than ever before in our lives, did we realize that ARRIVAL AT CAMP PAROLE. 47 "Unbidden guests Are welcomest when they are gone." Our first thought aboard the boat was to procure something for the inner man - something of which we had been daily deprived. The carrying of liquors aboard these boats was strictly prohibited, but an opportunity was afforded us to purchase some bottled peaches, preserved in brandy. This new luxury sold like hot cakes, even faster, and in a very short time the specialty was completely disposed of; but with what was secured of them, and the difference in both quantity and quality of our rations, as compared with Libby, we were not long in being restored to our normal condition. On reaching Annapolis we were much improved and in better spirits, the peaches doubtless having had much to do with our betterment. About one mile outside of Annapolis was Camp Parole, which was established by our government to receive Union soldiers coming from rebel prisons, and to hold them until such time as they were exchanged for a like number of rebel prisoners. Here we arrived January 13th, and found the camp all that men could reasonably desire. The location was high and dry, excellent quarters, an abundance of good rations and practically nothing to do, as the government would not put the men to any service whatever, on account of their parole requiring them not to serve the United States until duly exchanged. During this interval of inactivity we thought to procure furloughs and visit our homes, but it was soon discovered that such favors were among the very rare exceptions, in fact, impossible to get hold of just then. In the earlier days of the war, on their arrival in camp the 48 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. government adopted a general rule to furlough all prisoners desiring to make a trip to their homes, where they could remain until exchanged; but experience proved ere long that when the furloughed men were wanted at the front a great many of them failed to report promptly for duty, while the rebel prisoners returned in exchange for them would surely be under arms again. The government therefore adopted a rule to furlough no paroled prisoners, and imperative orders were given to that effect. Colonel Sangster was in command of Camp Parole, and I determined to see him and make known our peculiar condition as a band; that we would have to go home, before we could rejoin our regiment, in order to procure a new set of instruments: He replied that he was powerless in the matter, as the imperative order referred to made no exceptions, but he remarked by way of a kindly hint: "If you don't know how to get home, it is not my business to tell you." This proved an incentive, and then we determined to find our way homeward by one way or another. At Camp Parole the total or average number of paroled prisoners was about ten thousand, and when the paymaster was expected but few were the absentees; but after the men had been paid off, in the course of a few days at most, the population would dwindle down to probably one thousand, or even less. The paymaster was now the daily expectation, though the. current rumor of his coming did not always bring him. We, who had not yet seen such an interesting individual, like the rest of the men in camp, concluded to patiently wait for his presence, before deciding upon the best method of pro- A HAZARDOUS TRIP. 49 cedure in the effort to visit our homes. In due time the paymaster came and the men got their money. Then, of course, there was a general exodus of the men; some went off in one direction, some in another; some had on citizens' suits, and took the cars; others crossed the Bay, and many tramped to Baltimore and from that point took the cars for their homes. There was a sting, however, in the sweets of the paymaster's purse, to many of the men. The fact of such a large number of paroled men being paid off put the provost guards everywhere on the watch, and it was, therefore, the most hazardous time to venture what was then called, in army parlance, a "skedaddle." From the Colonel in command of Camp Parole we had nothing serious to fear, because of the tacit hint thrown out. After due consideration five of us decided to try the homeward trip by way of Baltimore. We started on the march in the evening and calculated to make that city early the next morning; and there take the first train to Philadelphia. Our first obstacle appeared after tramping several miles from camp, on coming to the Severn river; the water being deep, and the current very swift, it could only be crossed in a boat. In the vicinity was a colored man's hut, and on inquiry it was learned that for a consideration he ferried people across the Severn, but he could not be coaxed to take us over that night. As it was dark, the wind strong and the water rapid, he declined to accommodate us, and said we would have to wait until morning, to which we were compelled to assent. This was a dangerous delay, and proved disastrous to our well-laid plans and the success of the venturesome 50 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. expedition. Our colored friend turned his shanty into a hotel for the night, and hospitably accommodated the party with lodgings and luncheon. His wife made us hot cakes, and with some coffee and salt pork, we had a very fair supper; we had often partaken of much worse. We looked around, and began to wonder where we could lie down for the night, but after having enjoyed our repast, the business-like woman brought in a quantity of straw, or litter. The improvised hotel, which we christened "The Severn", contained two rooms, one down, and the other in the second story. We were assigned to the first floor, the family occupying the other, and as soon as the latter showed a desire to retire, our party took to the straw, and soon all were lost in sleep until the coming dawn. At an early hour, without any breakfast, we were ready for our colored, boatman, who ferried us over the river, and we resumed our march for Baltimore. About 8 o'clock A.M. we halted at an inn a mile outside the city, where, with sharp appetites, we partook of breakfast. Again we were doomed to trouble, our host having informed us that it would be impossible to reach Baltimore, as the provost guards were in strong force on every road, looking for and arresting "skedaddlers" from Camp Parole; that no man in uniform could enter the city unless he had a pass or a furlough, and we had neither. In military form, we held a "council of war" on the threatening situation. We were all in uniform; it was impossible to proceed, and out of the question to return to camp. My brother Louis proposed that a suit of citizen's clothes be procured; that he make the venture to get into THE BAND SURROUNDED. 51 Baltimore, and from thence go home to Philadelphia, and return with suits for the others, who were to remain where they were until his return with the needful articles. This appeared as practicable, and was unanimously approved as the most likely means out of a serious predicament. Of our kindly disposed host Louis procured an old pair of pants, a coat to suit, and a well-worn slouch hat. He was soon inside of the odd outfit, and with a handsaw under his arm and a pipe in his mouth, he boldly marched to the guard-house, asked for fire in his pipe, and, after having a chat in German with the soldier, who was of the same nationality, he pursued his way direct to the railroad depot, and the first train at command took the apparently rough workman from Baltimore to Philadelphia. His comrades, who were left at that hospitable inn, however, had in store for them a much rougher experience. We were about finishing our breakfast when, to our great dismay, we were informed that the guards were on the way to arrest us. Sure enough, they soon appeared and surrounded the house, which was to have been our fortress It may be well to state here; that these guards were made up of what were known as home-guards and heavy artillerists, doing duty around the forts and such other "soft snap" service as they were then engaged in. They had never known such a thing as service in the field, and took supreme pride in arresting old soldiers anywhere. As they all hoped to hold their easy and dangerless positions down to the close of the war, the duties, as above referred to, was the only evidence they could furnish as to any apology for their existence. On this 52 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. occasion they acted as if they had the most desperate work to encounter and dangerous characters to deal with. Anticipating our arrest on the information given us I hastily arose from the breakfast table, and on coming from the kitchen of the inn, with no weapon of defence save the piece of bread and molasses I had not finished at the table, I encountered one of these gallant soldiers, who was rushing toward me on full bayonet charge, the hammer of his gun raised and a cap on its tube. He was laboring under great excitement; his face was white with rage; in this condition he approached to within a few inches of my body, exclaiming, "Surrender!" Had I made the slightest resistance, I felt sure that, he would have killed me on the spot. At the same time I continued eating my bread as calmly as possible and advising him to keep cool, as he was in no danger whatever. While this was going on my comrades were having a similar experience with the other guards, who also acted as if they were in dread of personal harm. There was only one course left us; we fell in line as prisoners and were taken to the guard-house in Baltimore, where they had about one hundred other "skedadlers" from Camp Parole. Here these cowardly and uncivil guards, under orders from like superiors, acted the part of brigands and boldly robbed the men of all the money they could find on their persons, not even taking the names of the prisoners thus outraged. They were deliberate scoundrels and the men were without redress. The men having been just paid off, many of them had large sums, most of which was intended for the maintenance of their wives and chil- WORSE THAN LIBBY. 53 dren, and which was more than earned on the field and at the front of battle. These fellows, not soldiers, accumulated thousands of dollars by stealing in this way, and not a single cent was ever restored. It was robbery of the meanest kind possible; a crime against men who were powerless to resist, and whose misfortune was to have been captured at the front. General Schenck was military commander at that time of the department embracing Baltimore, and it was thought he should have prevented or punished such crimes, else have been held responsible for them. Fortunately, we had but little money with us, having mailed it home before entering on our venturesome journey. Our misery was only reflected in the conduct of the guards; the worst was to come. From the guardhouse at Baltimore the whole squad was taken to Fort McHenry, where we were confined in quarters, in comparison with which Libby Prison was a parlor. It was, a despicable hole! Here one hundred soldiers were huddled together in an apartment that had not the slightest accommodations for the natural necessities of life; the floor was completely covered with pools and streams of filth; not a spot free from it; no place to sit or even lie down. The stench was unbearable; a disgrace to the government or its authorities allowing it. Many of the men swore that they would never again take up arms to defend a government that permitted such treatment of its soldiers. Fortunately for all imprisoned in that place of peril to health and life, we were held there only twenty-four hours, when they sent us back to Camp Parole. 54 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. On arriving at camp we returned to our old quarters just as usual, no one showing the least curiosity as to our absence, and everything passed off as smoothly as though we had not been away. But the idea of getting home was not dispelled by the defeat and disappointment we had suffered, although it was still impossible to get a furlough for that purpose, and arrangements for another effort were made. At once we sent home for citizens' suits to be forwarded direct to us, and before a week had passed we received them. No time was lost in fixing up for a more certain venture, and taking the cars at Annapolis we passed snugly through without molestation of guards or further trouble, and were soon at our homes. In a short time the whole band, with but little exertion, were supplied with new instruments. Even here we were put to some trouble by the provost guard marshals, who demanded to see our passes or furloughs, but when a proper explanation was made they were convinced that we were not deserters. They, however, gave us to understand that we had no right to beat home without the proper credentials, and warned us to be very careful, as we were liable to arrest at any moment. So, after making sure of our instruments and attending to our domestic affairs, we procured a new uniform for each man at the regimental depot, and prepared for duty by reporting in a body to the Provost Marshal in Philadelphia. There was policy in these tactics, in order to procure transportation to Camp Parole; and, instead of putting us under arrest, they escorted us through various parts of the city, serenading their favorites and having SAVE RETURN TO CAMP. 55 a good time all round, not getting back to the provost quarters until the next morning. After a few hours' rest, we were sent off in charge of an officer, all wishing us good luck and a safe return, and in good spirits we boarded the train for Annapolis. Now that we again had instruments, we began to feel that we were ourselves once more. Having reached our destination, we marched boldly into camp, playing "John Brown" with unusual spirit, and marching along with firm step, with no apparent concern, directly in front of Colonel Sangster's headquarters. The Colonel was there, and his lady was standing by his side. Mrs. Sangster was the authoress of "Marching Along," and it so happened that we were unconsciously complimenting her in performing the popular music adapted to her stirring war song. Colonel Sangster immediately gave orders to have special barracks erected for the band, adjoining his own, and also issued a carte blanche on the commissary for anything we might desire. The return of the band to Camp Parole was a great event, as there was absolutely nothing within the circle of tents to attract or pleasantly occupy the heavy leisure of the thousands of men, for they had not the slightest duty to perform. They now anticipated something to keep their spirits up, in the music our band frequently furnished them. At that time there was no band in the Capital city of Maryland; the Naval School was closed and the buildings were used as a hospital, and consequently the fine band previously stationed there was disbanded. So even the residents of Annapolis were delighted on 56 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. our arrival, and whenever we played they came out en masse to hear us. On the first night we were at camp Colonel Sangster invited us to his residence on a serenade, where we had a splendid reception and were grandly treated. The second night we serenaded Governor Bradford, which attracted nearly the whole population, and His Excellency made one of the most patriotic speeches we had ever heard. Afterwards the band was invited to his mansion, where he had an elegant supper prepared, such as would feast the sight of a king. The following night it was the Mayor's turn, whom we serenaded, and at whose house we were also delightfully entertained. Every evening our services in this pleasant manner were sought for, while during the daytime we were constantly summoned to the wharf, at Annapolis, to receive new arrivals from Southern prisons, and escort them out to Camp Parole. Sometimes there would be several thousand of them at a time, ragged and emaciated, but in spite of their dispirited condition they fell promptly in line, and as soon as the band struck up they would march in good order until camp was reached. On the contrary, before our arrival, we learned that they would straggle and scatter everywhere through the town. Colonel Sangster declared that with the band on the lead he had no trouble in bringing the men out to camp, and the citizens also expressed themselves as pleased with the good results of music upon the men. All this helped to raise the band very high in popular estimation. By this time the difference between a band with instruments and a band without them will be readily ESCORTING EXCHANGED PRISONERS. 57 understood, and at the same time bring to mind the response to General Archer, when I suggested that "a band without instruments was no band at all." In this condition, on our first arrival at Camp Parole, we received no more attention than did full privates; but the same men with their implements of peace rather than war, were at once wanted everywhere and hospitably treated. Colonel Sangster, who was brother-in-law to that iron-handed man, Secretary of War Stanton, with Governor Bradford and the Mayor of Annapolis, counseled together for the purpose of using their united influence towards having our band detailed permanently at Camp Parole. The Colonel felt confident it could be done, and he would urge the fact upon the Secretary that the band could not be spared from camp, nor from Annapolis, because of its usefulness in escorting exchanged prisoners from the camp and bringing others in from the wharf. It was soon learned that the request so urgently made would be granted, and in proof of this we read the following paragraph in the Baltimore Clapper of May 2d, 1863: - "Ex-Governor Hicks was serenaded last evening, at Walton's City Hotel, Annapolis, by the excellent band now permanently attached to Camp Parole. After discoursing several tunes in their usually masterly style, Colonel George Sangster introduced the Governor to a large concourse of citizens, strangers and military. The Governor came forward and in his happy and felicitous manner enchained the attention of his friends for nearly an hour." We were now anxiously expecting news from the 58 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. army, where the band belonged, and every day had been looking for marching orders to join it. The merry month of May had brought with it the bursting of buds, the fresh foliage of the woodland adorned the beautiful landscape on every side, and we, were anxious to take the field where sterner duty would soon be required of us. [portrait, plate facing page 59] CAPTAIN F. A. ELLIOTT (Killed May 3, 1863.) CHAPTER IV. 59 CHANCELLORSVILLE - SAD NEWS FROM THE FRONT - REJOINING THE REGIMENT - ARMY CALLS. General Hooker had superseded Burnside, the army was enthusiastic over its new commander, and great events were prophesied. All the news from the front was that Hooker was so much liked by the boys that they had given him, as an earnest of their faith in him, the sobriquet of "Fighting Joe." It was on the first day of May when we heard that the army was on the move and that General Hooker had inaugurated his initial campaign, resulting in the battle of Chancellorsville, and which was very disastrous to our regiment, losing heavily in both officers-and men. A member of our band, who was with us at the time of our capture, but was now with the regiment, wrote the following letter in reference to that battle "CAMP OF 114TH REG., PA. VOLS. "NEAR AQUIA CREEK, May 12th, 1863. "DEAR COMRADE: - When will our band come back? Will it ever? These are questions I hear every day. I hope it will not be long before you are with us, but you will miss a great many who will never march behind the band again. You have heard about the Chancellorsville battle, in which we lost so many men, officers and privates. "When the campaign began the army was in the 60 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. highest spirits, and had great confidence in General Hooker, and, judging from the preliminary movement, it was clear he did not mean to repeat Burnside's blunder. So he manoeuvred our army in a way that the rebels were impressed with the idea that he would cross the Rappahannock below Fredericksburg, where our corps crossed last December. By this means the bulk of the army was transferred to Kelly's Ford, leaving only the 6th Corps, while our corps moved down below Fredericksburg, expecting to take part in the engagement there; but on April 30th we received orders to report to Hooker, who was then at Chancellorsville House. Hooker had completely fooled General Lee in his manoeuvre, and if he had pushed ahead with all his energies, as he did in the preliminary movement, Lee at that time having his army scattered, the result, doubtless, would have been a success. Hooker was in the best of spirits, and issued an order congratulating our army, saying, the enemy must now come out and fight him on his chosen ground. We all thought so, too, but the greatest part of the field of operations, where our army was at this time, was covered with a thick undergrowth, and sometimes impregnable thickets. Of course, in such a country the rebels had the advantage, as they were better acquainted with the surroundings than ourselves. "May 1st, about 11 A.M., our army moved forward to attack General Lee. Our corps was in reserve behind the Chancellorsville House. Soon there was heavy fighting in the front. The rebels fought with great determination; they drove us and were driven in return. Our army had some good positions in the A GLANCE AT THE FIELD. 61 vicinity, with here and there a clearing for artillery. From all appearances, it did not look as if Lee intended to retreat and give up the Wilderness, where he had the advantage of a thorough knowledge of the ground; besides, in retreating southward he would have come across Sedgwick, with the 6th Corps. Then Hooker could have followed and, between the two sections of our army, Lee's host could have been crushed. Lee, however, was not going to give Hooker that chance; so he determined to fight here and hold his ground at all hazards. Hancock had a good position for artillery firing, and he should have held it by all means, and Warren, who was on Hooker's staff, thought so; but, after very hard fighting, Hooker sent an order to him to retire from the line. Soon after Hooker thought differently and countermanded the order, but it came too late, for the rebels were already in possession. "When the critical time for action came Hooker was undecided. The army, instead of an offensive, took up a defensive position, which put a damper on the men, who were electrified by his order of the previous day. Our position at that important moment was considered pretty strong, as it had been well fortified. No doubt, General Hooker thought, if Lee attacked him, he would defeat him; in fact, his calculations were that he would be compelled to do so, or retreat, as our position covered all the roads centering around Chancellorsville. The next morning two brigades of our division were moved to the right, between Slocum and Howard, where the thickets were impassable and the two lines separated by ditches, while Howard's front had no obstacle but the thickets and underwood, 62 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. and it was, therefore, the weakest part of the line. Our brigade was sent to strengthen it, but Howard accepted it as an insult. Being over- confident, he contended that if he was good for anything he would attack him there. Our brigade was, therefore, withdrawn. Throughout this day the enemy vigorously attacked different parts of our position, as they had good positions for their artillery east of Chancellorsville, and they annoyed Hancock with marked effect. "On the morning of May 2d we could see the rebels moving over a road to our right. Birney soon perceived it to be an important move of some kind, and so reported to Hooker, who thought it a retreat of the enemy. toward Gordonsville, still it might mean an attack on our right. Sickles was sent out to intercept them, if possible, and soon found that it was Jackson's Corps, with some 26,000 muskets. While this was transpiring, Lee, in order to cover Jackson's movement, made strong feints on our centre and left with artillery and infantry. Hooker sent an urgent order to Howard to fortify his line, and take every precaution against a surprise by sending pickets out to a safe distance, so as to give timely notice of an attack, if any occurred. "As we now see it, here was a grand chance for General Hooker, as Jackson was separated from Lee with one-half of his army. Could not Hooker have brought all his force to bear on Lee's weak line and crush him, while Jackson was on the march toward our right? Hooker cannot be censured for what happened afterwards on the right of the line, but, I think, Howard is responsible for what occurred, as he had plenty of time and due notice to prepare; he was A TERRIFIC SCENE. 63 in a country where, in a short time, he could have felled trees and formed obstructions to prevent any surprise; he had notice at 10 A.M., and the attack came at 6 P.M. Even if he could not have stopped him, he could have delayed him until he was reinforced; but when Jackson's men came on, most of our men were cooking their rations, playing cards, and no precaution whatever appears to have been taken against the surprise, of which he had such timely notice from his chief. The pickets came in the same time as did Jackson's men; the 11th Corps came running down the, road like sheep, tramping over everything in their way and endangering the whole line. Ever since the battle our men blame the Germans for the whole misfortune, in not standing up to the work instead of running; but it is. doubtful if any corps in the army would or could have acted otherwise under the circumstances. The blame rests on their commanders, principally the corps commander, for, had he taken due precaution, the corps would would [sic] have had time to form a strong line, besides having reinforcements. "I sincerely hope you may never look on such a scene. The flying crowd came on like a hurricane as it passed Chancellorsville House; nothing could arrest it, Staff officers, with the help of cavalrymen, drew their swords, but to no purpose. Jackson's men were now near the Chancellorsville House, leaving a gap where Sickles was. Things looked dark indeed, and Jackson had to be stopped. Pleasanton collected all the guns he could in the hurry, and succeeded in putting thirty of them in position. Berry's Division, of our corps, was close at hand, in support, but the 64 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. time was precious; before the battery of guns could be charged the rebels would be on us. He then ordered Major Keenan, of the 8th Pennsylvania Cavalry, to charge with his 400 men against the 10,000 victorious rebels, which was gallantly done, the Major losing his life, and likewise the most of his brave men, but the sacrifice accomplished the purpose; it gave a few minutes' time to load our cannon with double charges of grape and canister. The enemy rushed on, yelling, receiving the first fire, which mowed them down in whole ranks. Soon a second round was ready, and this fire not only wiped out the men, but it disabled the rebel artillery, and also effected a halt in their mad charge. It was now dark, and General Jackson, who had been a terror to some of our troops, going outside of his line to reconnoitre, lost his life in the endeavor to get back. While all this was going on through Jackson breaking our right, it left our corps isolated, but, at the dead of night, General Sickles determined to cut his way through, and he accomplished the great feat, though dearly, but was rewarded in regaining a portion of the line the 11th Corps had lost, and also recaptured some batteries, besides an ammunition train. With this the day's fighting ceased, both sides resting in expectation of renewing the contest at daylight. "The third day brought with it the largest loss of life to our regiment. General Hooker had formed a new line at daybreak, and our division was ordered to fall back on the same. As soon as the rebels observed this they pitched into us and took our position, a hazel grove, and a good one for artillery. They soon crowded this point with their guns, and at the THE ZOUAVES' HEAVY LOSS. 65 same time attacked Sickles' line on the left, but Mott's Division drove them back. Our corps fought with the greatest determination, but being assaulted by infantry and artillery on both flanks, they gradually fell back to the second line of defence, soon after to the third, which was strongly fortified. This repeated falling back, under a heavy fire, was where our regiment lost so many men, but this last line was permanently held by us to the end of the battle. A great deal I write you is from personal observation, but much more have I learned from the wounded men in hospital, besides hearing the staff officers tell of the hard-fought battle. "From all accounts, I have reason to believe our corps suffered the heaviest of any corps engaged, losing 4000 men. The loss to our regiment was also very severe: of 27 officers, 24 are among the killed and wounded; those numbered with the killed being Major Joseph S. Chandler, Captain Frank Elliott, of Company F, and Lieutenant George M. Cullen. The total loss to our regiment was 175 killed and wounded. We recrossed the Rappahannock and are now encamped at Aquia Creek. S. D." Soon after receiving this news from our regiment, Camp Parole had a large addition to its population in the prisoners captured at this last battle; some 25 being men of our own regiment, an irresistible impulse seized us to be with our comrades on the field, and we were greatly rejoiced when Colonel Sangster informed us of the adverse decision by the Secretary of War, in reference to the band being permanently attached to Camp Parole. Secretary Stanton was 66 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. aware that all who were captured at the battle of Fredericksburg were exchanged, and he had received urgent requests from the front that the band was badly needed, both by corps and division commanders. As we belonged to the army, he informed the Colonel, it was impossible for him to keep the band at the camp, but said we could take our own time in going. I replied that the sooner we went the better, and we were soon on the way, in charge of an officer. On arriving in Washington-a new mayor having just been elected-we were requested to remain in the city over night, in order to serenade that official. Next morning we took a boat for the front, and on passing Mount Vernon, which has been made sacred by the repose of Washington, the band struck up an appropriate air. It was a pleasant trip down the Potomac, and early in the evening we arrived at Aquia Creek. On landing, we were more than surprised to see four Zouaves, comrades of our regiment, carrying somebody on a stretcher. On inquiry and closer scrutiny, we saw to our sorrow that the prostrate form was that of our esteemed Colonel, Charles H. T. Collis, who was stricken with fever and had leave of absence to return home. It seemed very strange to us, that just as we had returned to the army, he was leaving us. Our camp here was located at Potomac Creek, and when we reached it the place was almost deserted, only a few men being around. Now that Colonel Collis was absent, Lieutenant Colonel Cavada was in command of the regiment and had charge of the camp. He earnestly expressed his pleasure on seeing the band back again, after their repeated misfor- A PLEASING SURPRISE. 67 tunes, and as a becoming compliment he received our first serenade. We were informed that what was left; of the regiment was every moment expected in camp, and probably then approaching. They had been out on picket duty, but were relieved. So we thought to give the boys a surprise by marching from camp a mile or two to meet them. Seeing their approach, we hid on the side of the road until the head of the line was opposite, when we took the lead as in days before, striking up a spirited piece, which was received with welcoming cheers by the battleworn men. The tune was a new one to them; they had never heard it before; and one of the drummers was so enthused over it that he gave it the title of "Hell on the Rappahannock." Odd as it may seem, that particular piece of music was thereafter known by that suggestive title as long as our band was in the service, and throughout the army " Hell on the Rappahannock" became very popular. Frequently soldiers would come a considerable distance to hear us perform it, nor was it inappropriately named, for there was a deal of dash among the brass instruments, and antics of the drumsticks in its performance. The return to our regiment was only a few miles from where we left it during the preceding December, but a great change had come over the face of things in those eventful six months. Many. of our close friends were missing, and the familiar faces of others were. not there, nor were their names heard at roll call; but those remaining seemed to give us even a heartier greeting than ever before. There was a peculiar sadness in our loss - 'Twas blow for blow, disputing inch by inch, For one would not retreat, nor t'other flinch. 68 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. We were pleased to find that quite a number of the valiant comrades of our regiment had received medals for meritorious conduct in battle, and particularly in the last desperate contest; but they did not seem to appreciate this special recognition, many regarding it as casting a reflection upon the men who stood shoulder to shoulder with them, and worthy the same mark of heroism. It was the feeling of the true soldier that prompted them to ignore the exceptional favors, saying, as they did, that they did not consider themselves entitled to any more of distinction than those who received no medals. For this reason very few of the medals were worn. Even Marie, the vivandiere, received one, but she would not wear it, remarking that General Birney could keep it, as she did not want the present. Had it been made of gold, instead of copper, Marie would have set a higher value upon the souvenir. She was a courageous woman, and often got within range of the enemy's fire whilst parting with the contents of her canteen among our wounded men. Her skirts were riddled by bullets during the battle of Chancellorsville. After that admonition she kept well out of danger. Our originally splendid regiment was reduced to about half its former strength in less than one year from its organization, yet the boys that were left were the same boys they always were; just as lively as before their ranks were thinned by the leaden hail, and from their sense of good humor it would not have. been thought that the brittle thread on which their lives were suspended gave them the least concern. [portrait, plate facing page 187] [Photo of Marie, the vivendiere] The first morning in camp, on being awakened by the buglers blowing the reveille, we were forcibly ARMY CALLS EXPLAINED. 69 reminded of being again with the army. You hear it first, perhaps, from the corps bugler, some distance away. It is soon answered by the division bugler, and afterward by the brigade bugler. Then, if there is a regimental bugler, he will respond. The drum and fife corps soon follow, and in a short time the sleeping camp, where but a few moments before perfect stillness reigned, and no one stirring save a solitary sentry pacing up and down. his lonely beat, is at once transformed into a busy scene; every man is doing something; some are washing, others are airing their blankets and making fires to prepare their breakfasts- everybody is in a hurry, for other bugle calls are soon expected, and for other duties. These calls, in fact, are just so many words of command; and by strict and well defined military regulations they are adapted to special and important movements among the men. Some of them are pretty, suggestive of what they are intended to indicate, and even musical, like the following, while others are quite the reverse. It may be of interest and in keeping with these narrations to give a few of the most prominent of these calls here. The first is the Reveille. [musical notation for] REVILLE. 70 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. One of the first after the above is the Doctor's Call, or, as the boys named it, the "Quinine Call." All, who are ailing, or indisposed, are expected to answer this by reporting promptly to the doctor for treatment. If the complaint incapacitates the patient for duty, the doctor may lay him off, if he sees fit; otherwise, he gives medicine and holds him to his task. Following the "Doctor's", there is Guard- mount and Drill Call, in fact, calls for every line of duty. The former only is here given. [musical notation for] THE DOCTOR'S CALL. The Tattoo is a pleasing call. Like the Reveille, it is played at a regularly appointed time by all the [musical notation for] TATTOO. buglers, and is the order to retire, or go to bed. It means that the soldiers' duty for the day is over; THE UNWELCOME PACK UP. 71 that they are ,now engaged in preparing their beds for the night. After awhile there is another call, positively the last of the day. It is known as Retreat, or "lights out", is short, and means rest. There is a sadness about it; it often falls mournfully upon the ear, and by reason of its pathetic character it has frequently been used at military funerals, to indicate the final resting-place of the deceased. [musical notation for] RETREAT. The monotonous Pack Up is the most unmusical and the least melodious of them all, and yet it is the most important; is fraught with the greatest consequences; comes unexpected and is in order at all times, day or night, Sunday and weekdays, and like the cry of fire! it permits no delay or postponement. We have known the army to have been snugly encamped in winter huts to protect- the men against the rigors of Boreas, when, without warning, this unwelcome call, Pack tip! would be sounded at the dawn of day, or even at midnight, and in a few minutes afterward camp would be broken and the men on the march; not knowing why or wherefore; implicit obedience to orders being a soldier's first duty, this call is imperative. To illustrate, I may recall an incident in point. Our band was once playing a medley selection in which the army calls, including the Pack up, were introduced. The moment the latter sounded on the air the whole camp, including the officers, 72 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. were aroused and ran excitedly from their tents, wondering what was up; but when they perceived their band paying no attention to the Pack up, and unconcernedly continuing to play, the whole camp quieted down and returned to their tents. Annexed is the musical construction of this important call. [musical notation for] PACK UP. [See photo] GENERAL GEORGE G. MEADE CHAPTER V. 73 MARCH TO GFTTYSBURG - MEADE RELIEVES HOOKER - BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG - NARROW ESCAPE OF THE BANDTHIRD CORPS FIELD HOSPITAL - AFTER THE BATTLE. Scarcely a week were we in camp when a long and tiresome campaign opened, and which culminated in the memorable battle of Gettysburg. This army always fought well, had endured great hardships and privations, sacrificed many lives, yet so far it had failed to achieve the triumph it deserved. Probably it would have secured victory, instead of suffering defeat, had it been commanded as well as it fought. What was there to encourage and cheer the brave men in the coming campaign ? a campaign fraught with the most important results and serious consequences. Had this army been made up of different and less enduring material than it was, it would never have accomplished what it finally did. It had its share of skulkers and cowards, in common with every great mass of men, but the men generally were loyal to the core, as true as steel and as patriotic as the best. We arrived in camp on June 2, 1863, and the following day Longstreet's Corps disappeared from our front on the Rappahannock. The next day Ewell's Corps followed Longstreet. General Hooker soon saw that a change of movement was necessary in his front, Hill's Corps being the only one left behind, in 74. MUSIC ON THE MARCH. front of Lee, who was congregating his entire army at Culpeper. June 4. - Had division inspection. General Birney; who had already made efficient use of the band, sent for me at his headquarters, and asked if we had transportation for our baggage. I told him we had not, and he said he would give orders to the Quartermaster to take charge of it on the march, at the same time remarking that he would like the band to play at the head of the division on going through the towns, while on the march. So he doubtless anticipated just what happened - a march northward. General Birney knew enough to kindly realize that a musician carrying a heavy knapsack on a rough march could not have much wind left to expend on a brass instrument. And here was a campaign to be made during the hottest days of the year, and it surely proved to be the hardest by far that we had yet participated in; for it was made our duty, whenever practicable, to play on passing through the towns and villages; no matter how much fatigued and completely worn out. when we made camp at night, after getting an apology for a supper, consisting of coffee, salt pork, and hardtack - sometimes receiving fresh beef that had followed us all day, just been killed, and the meat yet fairly quivering with life when thrown in the frying pan - after this sumptuous repast, an order or request would come for music at the headquarters of corps, division, or brigade. This kind of work often kept us on the go until midnight, and sometimes well into the next day, after having frequently to march several miles to and from these headquarters. And it often happened that we were again on the march at NIGHT EXCURSIONS. 75 four o'clock in the morning and for another full day's tramp. This kind of work would continue for weeks, allowing but few opportunities for needed rest. In this respect the band was worse off than the men in the ranks, who, when they made camp, were undisturbed. Nor were these night excursions free from danger. On one occasion, after playing at corps headquarters - which were several miles away, and led us over a difficult road through the woods - the rear man of our party, who happened to be the bass drummer, had extreme difficulty in making his way through the thick bushes. He was suddenly halted by our pickets, when an explanation followed, and he was told to run and catch up to the others as quickly as possible, and make no noise, for we were between the two picket lines. Our danger of capture was nearer than we knew of, and again we might have been sent to Libby Prison. There is no intent whatever in this recital on our part to complain, for, as a band, we were always ready to cheerfully perform our duty on every occasion and under all circumstances; and in return we were well treated and properly appreciated. I cannot recall a single instance when our friends failed to cheer the inner man by helping us to the best they could command for meat and drink. June 7. - Hooker sent his cavalry, under Pleasanton, to make a reconnoissance in force, and through the assistance of spies he discovered that the enemy was engaged in an important move. June 11. - "Pack up!" was sounded and the first day's march of the 3d Corps was to the fords opposite Culpeper, the object being to prevent the rebels from crossing over. We were encamped near 76 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. Kelly's Ford. Here the country presented quite a contrast to that just left behind us, opposite Fredericksburg, where scarcely a tree was left standing, whilst here we were in the midst of cultivated fields and sheltering groves. In spite of General Birney's provision for having our luggage carried for us on this march, we continued to be strapped to our knapsacks, with haversacks filled with six days' rations, besides the cumbersome blankets around our necks and the thermometer up in the nineties. There was no use, as there would have been no reason, in requiring us to blow our instruments. June 13. - We resumed our march. Our boys soon perceived General Robinson, their former brigade commander. They gave him a trio of hearty cheers, and the band tendered a salute by playing one of his favorite airs. As we proceeded water became very scarce, which was extremely annoying, as the heat was intense. When we reached Bealton Station, on the old Orange and Alexandria Railroad, orders were received to put all extra baggage on the cars, to be taken to Washington. Afterwards continued our march until 7 r. M., when we made Catlett's Station and encamped there for the night. June 15. - The army started early and marched all day along the Orange and Alexandria Railroad. The sun was scorching hot, no air stirring to relieve the men as they wearily tramped along, and a great many on this day of hardships fell by the way, and quite a large number were sun- struck. After a very exhausting march we made camp at Bristow Station. June 16. - At 7 A.M. we started again and marched as far as Bull Run. After supper we took advantage ENCAMPED AT BULL RUN. 77 of the rare opportunity of enjoying a refreshing wash in the stream indicated by the foregoing historic name. The temperature continued very high; even the tents, under which we looked for some comfort, seemed to intensify the heat. June 17. - There was a sensational camp rumor, that General, McClellan was again in command of the army, and that General Hooker was very ill. While waiting for orders to march we serenaded General Graham, at Brigade Headquarters. After taking needed recuperation we resumed our march, crossed Bull Run Creek and encamped a few miles beyond. June 18. - Remained there, and during the afternoon the whole army was greatly relieved by a refreshing rain, the showers continuing all night. We were now encamped on a portion of the battle-field of Bull Run, where evidence was abundant, in the relics found, of that disastrous defeat to the Union Army. June 19. - Continue in camp, our movements being governed by those of other counterparts of the army. It looked as though the intention was to remain here for a time, as inspection had been ordered for the morning and drill in the afternoon; but it turned out to be a march at 3 o'clock, and the hardest we had experienced. The rain poured down in torrents throughout the day, and though the temperature had been so very high it changed to be very unpleasant and chilly. We were all wet to the skin, but kept on marching till after midnight, when we reached Gum Springs. To make this point it was necessary to force our way through a dense wilderness, and having to feel 78 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. our way rather than see it; for it was pitch-dark, and the army actually floundered in the mud, stumbled over stumps and fallen trees, and waded through swollen streams. Tumbling here and there, regiments were lost among themselves, all formation was at an end, comrades parted from each other and every one had to " go it blind." Sometimes, with all our best efforts, we scarcely advanced the distance of a mile in an hour. We thought there must be some very urgent reasons for the imposition of such a task, else why not wait until morning? But the orders were to report at Gum Springs that night. It was about midnight, on this fearful march, when perceiving a large oak, with a reclining trunk, that here my brother and I found a trifling shelter by sitting under it until daylight, when we were informed that our regiment was encamped a mile farther on. On reaching camp, we made a roaring fire and ere long the saturated clothes were dried on our backs. Having made a good cup of strong coffee, and partaken of a soldier's breakfast, we began to feel ourselves again. But here, it may be remarked, that should any one have told us that men could endure such marching, from 3 o'clock until after midnight, dripping wet under a chilling rain, and in that condition remain under the trunk of a tree all night, shivering and shaking till daylight, and then feel fit for duty the next day, we could not have believed it. None save those who by degrees had become accustomed to such exposure and loss of rest could have endured the torture, for such it was. June 20. - Soon after breakfasting at Gum Springs, General Birney sent for the band and we serenaded COVERING THE CAPITAL. 79 him, and we were in no small degree consoled in being treated to a quantum sufficit of his purely medicinal fourth-proof spirits. Shortly after this the regiment received new rations and with them some whisky, and if ever spirits did them any good, it was on that morning. In the afternoon we serenaded General Humphrey, commander of the 2d division of our corps, and after supper General Graham, our brigade commander, was tendered a serenade. The policy and paramount duty of General Hooker was, in moving the army, to always keep it between the enemy and Washington. At this time the 12th Corps was at Leesburg, the 11th Corps between Leesburg and Aldie, the 5th Corps near Aldie, the 2d Corps at the pass below, and our corps, the 3d, at Gum Springs, thus forming a complete screen all round for the security of the Capital. This accounts for our night march to reach this point at the time the orders indicated. These movements of our army compelled Lee to move west of the Blue Mountain ridge, and make the valley his line of communication. Hooker being now satisfied that Washington was safe from a coup de main, he gave orders for the army to pack up and resume its march. June 25. - Broke camp at 6 A.M., but this time we were provided transportation for our knapsacks, and it was fortunate for us, as we were often called on for music. Our march led us along large plantations, populated by negroes, and when the band struck up they became wild with excitement and love of the music; and for miles they would keep along with us, dancing, jumping and yelling with delight. It seemed impossible for many of them to leave us. 80 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. Probably it was the first time these dusky people had ever enjoyed the pleasure of hearing the music of a brass band, and the capers of those jubilant and mirthful colored followers were greatly enjoyed by the men of our regiment. June 26. - On this day we reached the Point of Rocks, and the most important discovery made was that the people were baking horrid pies, and cakes that were even worse. Our boys, however, eagerly snapped them up at high prices, as they were glad to make. any kind of a change from hardtack. They also bought a plenty of onions, which were also sold on the gold premium principle. June 27. - We broke camp at 6 A.M. and left Point of Rocks, passing through Jeffersonville. Now Birney, on entering a town, would halt his division until the band could take a position on the corners of two prominent streets. He then would direct us to continue playing until the whole division had passed. By this means the men kept precise step, and besides making an imposing appearance before the inhabitants, it prevented the men from straggling, as they became imbued with the pride of making a soldierly display. After the men had passed, of course, the band had to make haste and get to its place in the line of march. This day's march brought us near Middletown, where we encamped. June 28. - We made an early start, breaking camp at 5 A.M., passing through Middletown, leading the division through the city, and kept on marching, on pretty good roads, and in reasonably good time reached Frederick city. All along the route it was now manifest that we were leaving the "sacred soil" LOYAL GIRLS AND WOMEN. 81 of the enemy and getting once more with our friends. Ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and little red, white, and blue emblems were boldly displayed as greeting to our coming; in fact, there appeared many Barbara Fritchies among the women, who with true courage and love for the Union thus made known their formerly suppressed sentiments. Besides this cheering evidence of their fidelity, all along the route these noble women and lovely girls brought us cooling spring water, in buckets, thus making our hard march less wearisome, and when the band struck up "John Brown" they chimed in and sang the melody with great feeling. At one point, the women threw us bouquets of flowers, and cheered us on. A kindhearted old man brought us a quantity of tobacco; another, thinking we needed something to keep us in good spirits, brought us a flask of whisky, saying, "You boys must want something like this to keep the wind up." We assured this stranger-friend that the potion came at a very opportune time, as we were pretty well "played out." When General Lee resolved to invade the North, he calculated to make large accessions to his army from the Marylanders, who, he thought, were disaffected and only waiting for a fair opportunity to join the Confederate Army. So he issued a stirring address to the people of that State, proposing to liberate them from the "Yankee yoke", and especially appealing to the young men to rally under his standard. If there were many who had been undecided as to which side they should be on, doubtless their minds were made up after seeing Lee's army of ragged and dirty butternut warriors. From the kindly welcome 6 82 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. we received, we were more strongly convinced than ever before that there was a firm Union feeling alive among these people, and even stronger and evidently more loyal than had been found in some of the border towns of Pennsylvania. Our men now began to feel that they were on the march to defend their own homes, and this fact gave them a fresh inspiration and also helped them to forget their great hardships. The beautiful city of Frederick, and the signs of loyalty there demonstrated in various ways, made us feel the presence of true patriotic ardor as well as friendship, and with stronger impulses than ever before our men stepped firmly on the march to meet the invading army of Lee, and face the consequent dangers. On coming from Frederick City, on a by-road, looking upward we saw a man hanging from the limb of a tree. Word ran along the line that it was the body of a spy - only a spy - and there it was left dangling by the neck as a warning to others who might be tempted to act as such. We halted outside the city to take dinner, after which we resumed the march until 6 P.M., when we bivouacked in a field near Walkerville, where the farmer supplied us with cordwood and thereby saved his fences. After supper we serenaded General Birney, he having resumed command of the division. He had temporarily commanded the corps during the absence of General Sickles, who had now returned and taken charge of his former corps. During this day we received important news. General Hooker having had a disagreement with General Halleck respecting the troops stationed at Harper's Ferry, which the former wished GENERAL MEADE ASSUMES COMMAND. 83 to add to his army. General Halleck refused the request as to the use of the troops at that place by General Hooker. On this rebuff, Hooker resigned, and General George G. Meade was appointed to his place. On assuming command, General Meade issued the following to the army: - "General Orders, No. 66. "HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, June 28, 1862. "By direction of the President of the United States, I hereby assume command of the Army of the Potomac. As a soldier, in obeying this order-an order totally unexpected and unsolicited-I have no promises or pledges to make. The country looks to this army to relieve it from the devastation and disgrace of a hostile invasion. Whatever fatigues and sacrifices we may be called upon to undergo, let us have in view constantly the magnitude of the interests involved, and let each man determine to do his duty, leaving to an all-controlling Providence the direction of the contest. It is with just diffidence that I relieve in command of this army an eminent and accomplished soldier, whose name must ever appear conspicuous in the history of its achievements; but I rely upon the hearty support of my companions in arms to assist me in the discharge of the duties of the important trust which has been confided to me. GEORGE G. MEADE, "Major-General, Commanding. "S. S. BRISTOW, "Assis't Adj't General." By this unlooked for order a Pennsylvanian and a man possessing all the attributes of a soldier was called upon to free the soil of his native State, and likewise the country, of an enemy that was placing 84 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. the very life of the nation in peril, and it would be difficult to even imagine the anxiety weighing upon the sensitive mind of that loyal man on accepting the tremendous responsibility. Of one thing we were assured at the start; that the government could not have trusted a more conscientious soldier for the uncertain task. Strange as it was, almost the first act he did was to withdraw the 10,000 idle troops from Harper's Ferry; just what caused the resignation of his predecessor, Halleck having refused Hooker's proposition to the same end. These 10,000 soldiers were removed from Harper's Ferry by Meade and stationed at Frederick City, under command of General French, and this command, after the battle of Gettysburg, came very near proving fatal to the retreat of Lee as he crossed the Potomac. By this time Lee's army was far north of our own - Early was at Wrightsville, to seize the bridge over the Susquehanna; Ewell was at Carlisle, Hill at Fayetteville, and Lee and Longstreet were at Chambersburg. Lee's error was in taking it for granted that our army was still south of the Potomac, and it was only on this day that he learned of its exact position, and finding our army south of him and in easy striking position for his line of communication, he was compelled to recall his advance corps, and gave them orders to concentrate at Gettysburg. The left flank of our army, as it moved northward, was under General Reynolds, another Pennsylvanian, and was made up of three corps: the 1st, in command of General Doubleday; the 11th, under General Howard; the 3d being commanded by General Sickles. June 29. - We broke camp at 6 A.M. and resumed NEARING GETTYSBURG. 85 our march, going through Woodborough, a neat little town, and at 9 A.M. we passed a village named Ladysborough. As an assurance that the town had not been misnamed, three pretty young -ladies stood on a porch and sang " John Brown " while our column was passing. Our men repeatedly cheered the loyal young girls for the welcome thus tendered. On passing through Taneytown the people received - us ,as though we were their deliverers. We encamped about a mile outside this town for the night, well nigh exhausted by the severe march. June 30. - This morning we remained in. camp and were visited by many ladies, who came in clusters from the town and adjacent farms. There was a deal of encouragement in their presence and kindly words, such as we never experienced south of the Potomac. At 2 P.M. tents were struck and our march directed toward Emmetsburg, encamping a mile from that town. By this time the band, as far as the music was to be considered, was in a demoralized condition; both heads of the bass drum were broken, the snare drum was ruptured and other instruments were out of order. However, we made shift as best we could, until opportunities for repairs might be presented. July 1. - Remained in camp until 1 P.M., when news came that a heavy battle was in progress, and we were soon convinced of the fact on hearing the thundering of artillery to the north of us. During a pelting rain, on orders, we broke camp, and forcing our way through pasty mud towards Gettysburg, soon crossed the State line, and the fact of fighting the enemy on the soil of our own State, impressed our army with a feeling it had never before expe- 86 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. rienced; the men appeared to be at once inspired with renewed energy and greater confidence. The clothes of the fatigued men were sticking close to their bodies from the heavy rain and excessive perspiration, and yet they were frequently compelled to press forward on the double- quick. On the Emmetsburg road, as we approached Gettysburg, we met a long train of country teams, containing women and children and old men, mixed up with an indiscriminate gathering of household furniture and utensils - all fleeing from their homes or driven away by the invaders. The faces of our men grew pale with shame and indignation at the idea of our own people being driven from their firesides; they saw that the tables were being turned upon them, and many were heard to swear that "A man not willing to fight his best now, will never fight!" This was the feeling of wrath and sublime courage that now possessed the heart of every man in our army; this was the determination with which the host under Meade pressed forward to the fray. It was almost dark when we approached Gettysburg. On the right of the road was pointed out to us the Rose farm, owned by George W. Rose, of Germantown, and where many of us had a refreshing drink of cold water from the pump to quench our burning thirst. Soon after we came to the Peach Orchard, when we filed right and marched through the same, and where on the following day our own corps met with such horrible slaughter. On the left of the Emmetsburg road, within a hundred yards of us, the rebels had their camp-fires blazing, as they were busily engaged in preparing and BUFORD AND HILL OPEN THE BATTLE. 87 taking supper. They seemed not to pay any attention to us, and it looked as if they were our friends, instead of being deadly foes, but, by the time the 2d division of our corps came up, the rebel line had already crossed the Emmetsburg road, when they were compelled to turn off and come up later over another road. We then marched direct to the ridge and encamped on the right of the Round Top. This ridge, however, which is called Seminary Ridge, when it approaches the Round Top actually ceases to be a ridge. Our line ran out from the Round Top, on the left, while the right joined the 2d Corps. Here we encamped for the night, sadly in need of some rest, but happily unconscious of what was in store for our corps the coming day; still, from the tone and temper of the troops, we knew that the fighting to be engaged in would be of the most desperate character. The first day's battle was over and the Confederates were exultant over the result. (In a brief description of this battle, one thing should be borne in mind by the reader when speaking of our own corps, in comparison with a rebel corps. Numerically, there was a wide difference. The whole rebel army consisted of only three corps, while our army had seven. In other words, a rebel corps represented one-third of Lee's combined force; a corps of the army of the Potomac represented one-seventh of Meade's force.) The battle of the first day was brought on by General Buford's cavalry division, who posted his men on the ridge running west of the town, known as Seminary Ridge. There he planted his batteries, dismounted his men and threw out his pickets, but 88 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. they were soon attacked, by Hill's Corps, who pushed the cavalry pickets on their line. The batteries then opened and the cavalry kept the rebel infantry in check until General Reynolds came up with the 1st Corps to relieve Buford. When the rebels arrived here they found some raw militia, which they soon brushed on one side, by way of amusement; but when they perceived the 1st Corps' work, they knew their old foemen of the Army of the Potomac, and that they had to face men worthy of their steel. General Reynolds, who was engaged in posting his corps, being in a grove on the east bank of Willoughby Run, which was thick with rebel sharpshooters, as he rode forward and dismounted, was shot in the neck, his death being almost instantaneous. The command then devolved on General Doubleday. This little corps of only about 8000 men, by this time was hotly engaged with some 20,000 rebels, and for full two hours the latter were gallantly held in check. Here General Archer, who endeavored to outflank our line, was caught in the trap, and he and his whole brigade were captured. General Reynolds, as soon as he came on the ground, seeing at a glance the strength of the enemy, sent for the 11th Corps to hurry up to the help of the 1st Corps. Howard responded with alacrity, and posting one division under Steinwehr, at Cemetery Hill, he pushed the two other. divisions, under Barlow and Schurz, to the aid of the 1st Corps, and posted them on the right of that corps, resting on the Mummasburg road. For an hour the battle raged with great fury, when Early's Division, coming up over the York WHOLESALE SLAUGHTER IN THE STREETS. 89 road, with over 40,000 men, our force numbering only 20,000, the rebel host could now outflank our line, which they soon did, compelling the 1st Corps to fall back, and eventually the whole line had to give way, the 11th Corps retreating mostly through the town, crowding the streets and pursued by the exultant rebels. Here, on Washington and Baltimore streets, between 2000 and 3000 of our men were captured, while the 1st Corps, which mostly retreated through the western section of the town, kept in good order until they arrived on Cemetery Hill, where Steinwehr had planted his batteries, which, with the infantry supports, were too much for the pursuers. The raking fire from the guns was a grand defence from that strong position in the moment of trial, and the invaders were halted. This was about 4.30 P.M. The 1st Corps had suffered dreadfully, having for several hours held vastly superior numbers in check, but they punished the rebels in like manner. Soon after, General Hancock arrived on the ground and, by direction of General Meade, took command and decided to hold this position for battle, and so reported to General Meade. The enemy were boastful and jubilant over this day's fighting; the results were so encouraging to them that they expected to annihilate our army the coming day. The people of Gettysburg were distressed; they witnessed the wholesale slaughter of our men in their streets; they were within the enemy's lines and surrounded by the plundering horde, who hoped to finish us on the morrow. Considerable criticism was freely ventured because General Sickles was not at hand on this fearful day; having had posi- 90 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. tive orders to remain at Emmetsburg until he had a countermanding order to move, as previously stated. Our march proved that it was hastened as much as possible; nor could he move before receiving an order to that effect from General Reynolds. It was 10.30 A.M. when he sent an orderly for the 3d Corps, who had to ride from 12 to 14 miles at rapid pace to reach Sickles, which he did by 1.30 P.M. In spite of and under a pelting rain, which made marching very tiresome, the corps arrived at Gettysburg before dark, while the 12th Corps, which was only six miles away; did not move in answer to the heavy cannonade, which Sickles heard plainly at his much greater distance. Such is simply a specimen of military "red tape." Had the 12th Corps responded to the resounding call of the artillery, its presence would probably have prevented the enemy from flanking our line. July 2. - The whole army was at hand, with the exception of the 6th Corps, which had to march from Manchester, some 30 miles, but it arrived. about 2 P.M. Early on this morning, General Sickles took a close observation of the position he had, and also the one in front of him; his position on the right of the Round Top being low ground, while that at the Peach Orchard being in the possession of the rebels, he could not hold his own. So he concluded to take that position himself and therefore ordered his corps forward, a mile or less. It was a grand sight to witness this little corps of two divisions gallantly move on, the advance being made by the 63d Pennsylvania Volunteers, under Colonel Danks, as skirmishers. The move we thought meant a brisk DESPERATE FIGHTING. 91 fight, and, subsequently, it was generally considered to have been a very proper one, although the force was too small for the importance of the event, as our corps only numbered about 8000 men. The 2d Division, under General Humphrey, formed along the Emmetsburg road, while our division, the 1st under General Birney, swung around the Peach Orchard, forming a complete angle there and extending to the Round Top. The line was thereby too much attenuated to make a successful resistance against the powerful force which soon came. When the line advanced, Colonel Cavada, who was in command of our regiment, told me to take good care of the band; probably recollecting the mishap at Fredericksburg. We therefore immediately reported to our surgeons, who were at the foot of the Round Top and Taneytown road. The ruins of an old barn still remain where we established our hospital. It would be impossible to go into the particulars of the battle on this day, or recount one-half the occurrences coming to our sight on this, the memorable day of July 2. It was about three o'clock when the rebels commenced the attack by using their heavy artillery in a raking fire on the angle at the Peach Orchard. Longstreet had 30,000 of his veterans on this part of the line, and they made repeated charges; different portions of our line were taken and recovered. The fighting defies description; it was simply of the most desperate character, but our little corps, being reinforced by two divisions of the 5th Corps and one division of the 2d Corps, was not easily driven from its position. 92 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. Our brigade occupied the exposed position of the angle at the Peach Orchard, our regiment being just to the right, at the Sherfy House, where, during the progress of the battle, a number of our wounded men crept into a barn as best they could, the building afterwards taking fire and all within it were consumed by the flames, thus meeting a horrible death after being disabled on the field of carnage. From this part of the line all the way to the Round Top, the battle furiously raged, and it was clearly demonstrated that we could not hold our position. Captain Bigelow was directed, however, to hold fast until new batteries could be established on a ridge, in the rear, which he nobly did at a great sacrifice, giving the rebels grape and canister as they advanced. Still they came on with yells, climbing on the limbers of his artillery and actually shooting his horses. Although himself wounded, in obedience to orders he held his position until nearly all his men were killed or wounded. When he heard the new line of batteries open fire, he brought away, by hand, two of his guns and five limbers. This battery was from Massachusetts, had enlisted. for nine months, and this was the first time the brave men had been under fire. They were noble fellows. It was strange, and yet a fact, that down to this time the Round Top was still in the air; or, in other words, it had not been taken possession of by our men; only occupied as a signal station. General Warren, who was on General Meade's staff, happened to go up there for observation, when he was struck with the great importance of the position, and which ultimately proved to be the key to the success of our A TIMELY ARRIVAL. 93 Army. Noticing the enemy pushing a strong force to get possession of the Round Top, and seeing Barnes's Division, of the 5th Corps, going in to reinforce Sickles, on his own responsibility General Warren detached Vincent's Brigade to at once embrace the opportunity and occupy the signal station. By this time the enemy were ascending the south side of the coveted position, and there the contestants for the prize had it hard and heavy, but Vincent finally established himself securely, though soon after giving his life for the gallant achievement, `a rebel sharpshooter in Devil's Den having picked him off. General Hood, who was on, the extreme right of Longstreet's Corps, in order to out-flank Vincent's line, sent a brigade to our extreme left, and this move brought them to the rear of the Round Top and Taneytown road, on the same spot where our hospital was located. They came on, yelling as only rebels could; they were right on top of us, and once more, we thought, were we in for capture, and there seemed no way out of it; but just then, fortunately, a brigade of the 5th Corps came on the double-quick to intercept the rebel movement. For a time we were between the two fires, of friends and foes, but luckily, the enemy was compelled to yield, and we, the doctors and all, were saved by this opportune arrival of the 5th Corps, who made a grand and successful bayonet charge. It was discovered that the hospital was too close to the line of battle, and at this time there was an abundance of work for the operating surgeons and their corps of assistants. The doctors selected an 94 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. other hospital site, along Rock creek, as a proper place on account of safety and the good supply of water. What we here experienced will never be effaced from our memories. Along this creek was a meadow of several acres. Here they brought all the wounded on this part of the line, and where nearly all the fighting this day occurred. And when it is considered that during the three days' fighting at Gettysburg, full 6o per cent. of the casualties occurred on this day, no other proof of the terrible fighting is needed. The 2d of July was a day of horror. To and from our hospital the ambulances heaped with the wounded were running all day; some of the men were dead when delivered to the surgeons, and others were more dead than alive; the most of them, however, were not dangerously stung by the balls and bayonet thrusts of the enemy. The dead were lying on the field. The surgeons soon had their rude tables erected for amputating purposes. At the front, men were doing their worst to kill and maim each other; here nothing was left undone to save those who had sacrificed their all, save life itself. The wounded could soon be counted by thousands, and what could these few doctors and their assistants do when there were so many to do for? The wisdom, however, in selecting Rock creek for a hospital, was soon demonstrated, as the wounded were constantly crying for water. All day, and even during the night, these busy surgeons were amputating limbs in the hope of saving the lives of the unfortunate. Frequently the severed arms and legs reached level with the tables, in ghastly heaps, when a detail of men would dig long trenches and bury them. And so it THE SURGEONS BUSY. 95 was kept up, this horrid work, on the second, third, and even on the fourth days of July. What a Fourth of July that was! As we assisted the doctors in administering chloroform and holding the mutilated men, we were enabled to learn of the value of this simple and convenient drug, besides seeing what a blessed thing it was to those thus unconsciously subjected to the knife and saw. Without its application the very hills would have resounded with the groans of those operated upon, and which would have stricken terror to the very souls of those soon to take their places on the amputating tables. All this, too, taking place under the intense heat of a July sun ! The second day around these tables, the peculiar stench became unbearable. At night we had some opportunity for lying down, in the hope of having rest, but sleep was impossible, for the pleading cry for water came from the wounded in every direction. When daylight broke upon the scene, the very foliage of the beautiful hillsides and the verdure of the valley seemed to add a sombre tinge to the mournful picture. Even the dawn was draped in misery. The dead were strewn all over the turf. We had given them water, and their prayers had gone to the loved ones at home, but through the darkness of the night their lives had gone out with the blood that crimsoned the sod beneath their motionless bodies. * * * The fighting on this day was continued with the greatest tenacity until darkness blended with the conflict, when a division of the 6th Corps was pushed in. When Longstreet observed this new and intact line of troops, which had not yet, been engaged, he con- 96 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. cluded to give up by withdrawing to his own line, and the fighting ceased. They had failed to break our left, although we were driven from the Peach Orchard, but the line was just as General Meade had intended. On this day there was the most desperate fighting on our right. General Ewell commanded the extreme left of the enemy's line, and he endeavored to capture our strong position on Cemetery Hill. Here the Louisiana Tigers charged up this incline, receiving the terrific fire of our batteries and infantry, but the batteries on the hill not being able to sufficiently depress their guns, a portion of the assailing party reached our position. In this extremity our cannoniers fought with whatever they could lay hands on; ramrods and even stones were used as weapons of defence and destruction; at the same time the batteries on Culp's Hill and Wolf's Hill threw grape and canister into the rebel ranks, until they were virtually annihilated. Out of 1500 of the Tigers not 300 survived. Ewell then attacked our extreme right, where only a single brigade, Green's, of the 12th Corps, was left, the rest being on our left to assist Sickles, but Green's little brigade did as good fighting as was reported from any other portion of the field. In front of his position the rebel dead laid in heaps. They, however, succeeded in penetrating our line near Spangler's Spring, and when General Geary returned from the left he found the enemy in his breastworks, but with the assistance of Lockwood's Maryland brigade and Shaler's brigade, of the 6th Corps, after some very hard fighting they were driven out. On the memorable 3d of July, feeling the need of PICKETT'S BOLD CHARGE. 97 a change of scene, I took a stroll along the Taneytown road and was nearing General Meade's headquarters, when suddenly a cannonade opened from both sides, the terrific thunder of which was such as I had not before listened to. The very earth appeared to quake, and I soon experienced that, although sauntering on the Taneytown road, I might as well be on the front line, as many of the shells flew over the line of battle and fell a few hundred yards in the rear. The rebel artillerists had over-estimated the distance, else our line would have suffered much more than it did. As it was General Meade's headquarters were repeatedly struck and a number of his staff horses were killed. He then moved his quarters to General Slocum's, or Culp's Hill. Having no business there and no cause to unnecessarily expose myself to such danger, I lost no time in getting back to the hospital. The purpose of this demonstration by the artillery by the rebels was to demoralize, if possible, our line, as .a preliminary to the charge of Pickett's Division, which was made when our batteries ceased to respond to their random fire. Our silence they accepted as a sign of weakness, but General Hunt, Chief of Artillery, had given orders to that effect so as to cool the guns for the moment, knowing what was soon to come. The charge was made, and its failure is simply a historic fact. Instead of our artillery being disabled, it was in splendid condition for service when Pickett's Division approached our line. Our disabled guns had been replaced by reserve artillery, and the closer the enemy came the surer they advanced into the jaws of death. The remnant of those brave men came not only up to our line, but forced their way 98 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. inside, where the Philadelphia Brigade, of the 2d Corps, was, and there they were shot down or taken prisoners. Their failure was a foregone conclusion. Had they been as strong when they reached us as when they started on the desperate charge, something might have been accomplished; but even then they would have had to fight the 3d Corps, which was closing in on them, while the 1st Corps was in the rear. The battle of Gettysburg was actually decided on July 2d; the final result was then in the balance. The rebels fought heroically to break our left, and did their best to break our right. In speaking to prisoners belonging to Pickett's Division, they said we played them a Yankee trick. They explained by retorting: "You left us come within your line, and then, as soon as we were there, you closed it behind us and we were your prisoners." In some respects it did so happen, but the "trick" was really in defending our line in a good cause, and finally in preventing a victory on the part of our enemy in a very unjustifiable one. With the charge of Pickett's Division the fighting at Gettysburg closed, but neither the army nor General Meade were sure of a cessation of hostilities on this field of blood and slaughter, though Lee began his retreat that evening, and all the next day his shattered and beaten army were well protected from observation by the dense foliage of the woods along Seminary Ridge. The band just at this time was very short of rations, having drawn none since breaking camp below Emmetsburg; the regiment was served there, but the Quartermaster neglected to see that we were sup- GENEROSITY OF COMRADES. 99 plied. On the 14th of July, General Birney, who was now in command of the corps-General Sickles having lost a leg near the Peach Orchard-sent for the band to come up to the line of battle, to play in honor of the National Anniversary. We performed the national airs, including the Star Spangled Banner. At that moment the rebels sent a shell over our line. It flew above our heads, however, and did no damage. This was one of the last shots they fired on this field, probably to have us believe they were still there for a fight. On returning to the hospital, we passed on the way the 150th Pennsylvania Volunteers, in command of Major George W. Jones, of Germantown. They had been drawing rations, and received them in quantity according to their roll-call before the battle, although now reduced to about half their former number. Therefore, having more than they knew what to do with, we were invited to help ourselves, which we gladly accepted, as we were really suffering from hunger. There, too, we had even a richer treat, in seeing the rebel General Archer in their bull-ring. Whether or not the trite phrase is correct, just then revenge was sweet, as the band was more than pleased to see the tables thus turned on him. Before reaching hospital it rained very hard, and it was evident that Rock Creek was overflowing. All our wounded were lying in the meadow, and soon its surface was covered with water. Every one at command was put into service at helping the prostrate men to higher ground, which was nicely accomplished without any serious consequences to them. July 5. - We received orders to report to the regi- 100 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. ment, thus leaving our hospital and all the sickening scenes associated therewith, knowing that ere long the wounded would be in better hands, as the Sanitary Commission, with all possible appliances and assistance for the amelioration of the sick and disabled were beginning to arrive when we resumed our marching back to Virginia. There was enough to sink our spirits very low on reporting to our regiment, for this formerly strong and splendid body of men could only show about sixty muskets. It was commanded by Major Bowen, Colonel Cavada having been made a prisoner. The 141st Pennsylvania, however, was even smaller in number. The regiment came to us in front of Fredericksburg, full one thousand strong, where they claim to have sustained a heavier loss than any other regiment in the army. When the line at the Peach Orchard had to fall back, this regiment was ordered to charge on the advancing rebels. It was somewhat like the charge of the 8th Pennsylvania Cavalry at Chancellorsville. The 141st was obedient to duty, but at a fearful cost of life; still, the sacrifice accomplished its purpose, as it gave our broken line sufficient time to form anew. We resumed our place at the head of the line, but it seemed more like heading a funeral procession, and marched directly over the hotly contested field, on which there remained abundant evidences of the carnage; dead horses were scattered over the vast expanse, and here and there were the bodies of men, some in fragments, the stench adding sickness to the repulsive scene. We marched over the blood-christened Peach Orchard, or what was such on the evening of July I. It was then an orchard of beautiful AFTER THE BATTLE. 101 trees, fresh in foliage; but now not a single tree was left on the whole tract of land; all were cut down by the iron and leaden hail belched forth from artillery and musketry; only a field of stumps from twelve to eighteen inches high remained. If any locality on the battle- field deserves the name of "bloody angle," this is the spot. Those who now visit this portion of the field of Gettysburg will see that orchard restored to all its pristine beauty. A beautiful growth of peach trees again there bloom in season, to efface the evidences of devastation and death. As to the results of this battle, it was certainly a great and grand triumph for the Army of the Potomac. It proved that the high-water mark of the Rebellion had been reached. From that time and event the Confederacy was losing ground, and, in retreating, General Lee acknowledged a disastrous defeat to both his army and his cause. By defeating the Army of the Potomac he had hoped to dictate a compromise with the Government on his own terms. In this vanquishing victory, however, the South was baffled and the North securely freed from another attempted invasion. As we marched along it was painful to mark the. diminished ranks of our brigade; it scarcely made the show of a full regiment. Our brigade commander, General Graham, was not with us, having been wounded and captured; General Sickles was hors du combat by losing a leg; Colonel Cavada, of our own regiment, was a prisoner; and yet, in spite of all the hard usage and decimation of its ranks, the men marched cheerfully along-in fact, just as if nothing very serious had occurred. The booming of cannon in the distance still reminded us that the battle of 102 MUSIC ON THE MARCH. Gettysburg was not the last one on the programme; that we were not yet done with the enemy. As soon as General Meade was satisfied that Lee had retreated, he sent the 6th Corps, under Sedgwick, in pursuit of the fleeing rebels. This was the strongest corps in the army and but little engaged at Gettysburg. With the cavalry he rapidly pushed after Lee's army and found him in a very strong position at Fairfield Pass. On reconnoitering and cannonading the pass, he determined that it was too strong to successfully attack, and the rebel army made sure in reaching the Potomac river, where pontoons were ready to cross over; but General French had sent an expedition from Frederick City and destroyed the pontoons at Falling Waters. Lee was therefore compelled to select a stronger position, at Williamsport, which he had well fortified. His line ran from the latter to the former place, and the rebels worked day and night to make it impregnable, and thus giving them time to rebuild their bridges across the Potomac. Our army, being unable to pursue them through Fairfield Pass, was compelled to take a longer route to reach the Potomac, which was greatly in favor of General Lee. July 7. - Again marched through Emmetsburg, and encamped near Mechanicsville. The weather was horrible, the roads completely turned up by our wagon and artillery trains, forcing the infantry to march in the fields on either side the road. July 8 - We marched through Frederick City, where we found the New York militia on duty, and the men gave our regiment three rousing cheers. On this march was witnessed the meanness of some FINANCIERS AMONG THE FARMERS. 103 of the "loyal" farmers of Pennsylvania and Maryland. Being somewhat indisposed, I was compelled to fall in the rear, and was, therefore, separated from our regiment for several days, and, with others, depended on farmers for something to eat. They charged us fifty cents for a canteen of milk, and one dollar for a loaf of bread. One of these hay-seeders boasted of having made fifty dollars on a single barrel of flour, which was worked into bread and sold to the soldiers. We gave these sharkish yeomen to understand that it served them right if they were sometimes robbed by our men. July 9. - Reached Middletown, where we halted to receive new supplies, many of the men being actually shoeless. The wagon trains occupied all the roads, cutting them up in a fearful condition, and making our march a painful task. July 10. - Broke camp early in the morning, marched steadily until 12 o'clock, halted for dinner and rest, and at 4 P.M. started off again and kept on foot until midnight, when all were pretty well used up. This day we passed over a large portion of the battlefield of Antietam, and found many mementoes of that well-fought contest. End Part I.