Martial Deeds of Pennsylvania, Samuel P. Bates, 1876 - Part 1, Chapter 4, 88-115

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                         MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA
                                       by
                                SAMUEL P. BATES.

                     PHILADELPHIA: T. H. DAVIS & CO., 1876.

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 88

                            PART I.  GENERAL HISTORY.

                                   CHAPTER IV.

         ATTEMPTS AT PACIFICATION - THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA.

As the time approached for Mr. Lincoln to be inaugurated, and his advisers to be 
selected, great solicitude was felt to know the temper of the new administration 
and the polity it would pursue.  The Congress which met in December, 1860, was 
busy with schemes of pacification.  South Carolina had two weeks before passed 
an ordinance of Secession, and other States were preparing to follow its 
example.  The special committee of thirteen, on the part of the Senate, and 
thirty-three of the House, to which was referred the all-engrossing subject, the 
state of the country, presented plans of settlement, chief of which was that 
prepared and warmly advocated by Mr. Crittenden.  But his scheme was alike 
distasteful to the advocates of extreme views on both sides, and it came to 
nothing.

OUT-LOOK AT THE OPENING OF THE REBELLION - 89

were presented to the House and Senate, but were rejected by those bodies, as 
was every other device that was offered.
  The party which had adopted principles deemed to be just, and had triumphed on 
that platform in the late election, was unwilling to yield everything that had 
been contended for.  The leaders of the opposing party at the South, having long 
meditated a dissolution of the Union, did not now desire to listen to any terms 
of pacification.  Roger A. Pryor, of Virginia, a former representative in 
Congress, who had been sent to Charleston, South Carolina, in company with an 
aged citizen, Edmund Ruffin, who made himself notorious two days after by firing 
the first gun at Fort Sumter, on being serenaded and while surrounded by a great 
crowd, said:  "Gentlemen, I thank you, especially, that you have at last 
annihilated this accursed Union, reeking with corruption, and insolent with 
excess of tyranny.  Thank God! it is at last blasted and riven by the lightning 
wrath of an outraged and indignant people.  Not only is it gone, but gone 
forever.  In the expressive language of Scripture, it is water spilled upon the 
ground, and cannot be gathered up.  Like Lucifer, son of the morning, it has 
fallen, never to rise again.  For my part, gentlemen, if Abraham Lincoln and 
Hannibal Hamlin to-morrow were to abdicate their offices, and were to give me a 
blank sheet of paper to write the condition of re-annexation to the defunct 
Union, I would scornfully spurn the overture. . . .  I invoke you, and I make it 
in some sort a personal appeal-personal so far as it tends to our assistance in 
Virginia-I do invoke you, in your demonstrations of popular opinion, in your 
exhibitions of official intent, to give no countenance to this idea of 
reconstruction.  In Virginia they all say, if reduced to the dread dilemma of 
this memorable alternative, they will espouse the cause of the South as against 
the interest of the Northern Confederacy.  But they whisper of reconstruction, 
and they say Virginia must abide in the Union with the idea of reconstructing 
the Union which you have annihilated.  I pray you, gentlemen, to rob them of 
that idea.  Proclaim to the world that upon no condition, and under no 
circumstances, will South Carolina ever again enter into political association 
with the Abolitionists of New England.  Do not distrust Virginia.  As sure as 
to-morrow's sun will rise upon us, just as sure will Virginia be a

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 90

member of the Southern Confederacy.  And I will tell you, gentlemen, what will 
put her in the Southern Confederation in less than an hour by the Shrewsbury 
clock,--Strike a blow!  The very moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will 
make common cause with her sisters of the South.  It is impossible that she 
should do otherwise."
  On the 11th of February, 1861, Mr. Lincoln bade adieu to his home and his 
neighbors at Springfield, Illinois, and commenced his journey towards the 
Capital, to assume the duties of Chief Magistrate of the country.  As he was 
about to turn away, he addressed a few words to the people, who had come out to 
bid him a regretful farewell, so full of pathos and Christian tenderness as to 
subdue every heart and soften every emotion.  After expressing his sadness, he 
said:  "Here I have lived from my youth, until now I am an old man.  Here the 
most sacred ties of earth were assumed.  Here all my children were born; and 
here one of them lies buried.  To you, dear friends, I owe all that I have, all 
that I am.  All the strange, checkered past seems to crowd now upon my mind.  
To-day I leave you.  I go to assume a task more difficult than that which 
devolved upon Washington.  Unless the great God, who assisted him, shall be with 
and aid me, I must fail; but if the same omniscient mind and Almighty arm that 
directed and protected him shall guide and support me, I shall not fail-I shall 
succeed.  Let us all pray that the God of our fathers may not forsake us now.  
To Him I commend you all.  Permit me to ask that, with equal sincerity and 
faith, you will invoke His wisdom and guidance for me."
  The religious sentiment seemed always present in Mr. Lincoln's mind, and to 
find utterance at the proper moment and in the most delicate and affecting 
manner.  His words were from the heart, and they touched the heart the nation 
over.  This was the foundation of that confidence and trust which was felt for 
him as for no other man.  It is related that as the train halted at Greencastle, 
Indiana, an aged and decrepit man, the Rev. Mr. Blair, was assisted into the 
car, and, approaching with tottering step, shielding his eyes with one trembling 
hand while he extended the other in greeting to the man whom he had made his 
weary pilgrimage to meet, he said:  "I shake hands with the President of

OUT-LOOK AT THE OPENING OF THE REBELLION - 91

the United States for the last time.  May the Lord Almighty bless and guard you; 
may He sustain you through the trials before you, and bring you to His Heavenly 
Kingdom at last."  The touching solemnity of the scene, language fails to 
depict.  Tears filled the eyes of Mr. Lincoln and of those who stood by, as the 
old patriarch tottered back, and descending from the car journeyed towards his 
home.  It was from such simple occurrences as these, that the millions of 
Americans came to know the worth of Abraham Lincoln.
  As the multitudes flocked to meet him at every town and station on the way, he 
endeavored to gratify their curiosity by briefly addressing them.  As his words 
were flashed over the whole North, and were scattered broadcast by the press, 
there was intense eagerness to catch the slightest intimation of his purposes.  
In his speech at Indianapolis he made this pertinent inquiry:  "But if the 
United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, 
and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from 
places where they were habitually violated, would any or all these things be 
invasion or coercion? . . .  Upon what rightful principle may a State, being no 
more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the 
nation, and then coerce a proportionably larger subdivision of itself in the 
most arbitrary way?"
  Mr. Lincoln touched Pennsylvania soil on the afternoon of the 14th, and 
arrived in Pittsburg at eight that evening, in the midst of a drenching rain, 
which prevented a demonstration of welcome of such proportions as would have 
otherwise been accorded him.  A great concourse, however, hovered about him, to 
whom, after reaching the hotel, he addressed a few words. He said he would not 
give them a speech, as he thought it more rare, if not more wise, for a public 
man.
  Until eight o'clock on the following morning the rain continued to descend, 
when it cleared away; and a half hour later he was waited on by the Mayor and 
Councils, who formally addressed him.  In response, Mr. Lincoln said:  "Mayor 
Wilson and citizens of Pennsylvania, I most cordially thank his Honor, the 
Mayor, and citizens of Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception.  I 
am the more grateful because I know that it is not given to me

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 92

alone, but, to the cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their good 
will, and that sincere feeling is at the bottom of it.  And here I may remark, 
that in every short address I have made to the people, in every crowd through 
which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present, 
distracted condition of the country.  It is natural to expect that I should say 
something on this subject; but to touch upon it at all would involve a great 
many questions and circumstances, requiring more time than I can at present 
command, and would perhaps unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not 
yet fully developed themselves.  The condition of the country is an 
extraordinary one, and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety.  It is my 
intention to give this subject all the consideration I possibly can before 
specially defining in regard to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly 
right as possible.  When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition to 
the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which 
will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the peace of the whole 
country.  And furthermore, when the time arrives for me to speak upon this great 
subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the people generally throughout 
the country, especially if the expectation has been based upon anything which I 
have heretofore said.  Notwithstanding the trouble across the river (pointing 
southward across the Monongahela], there is no crisis but an artificial one.  
What is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends 
over the river?  Take even their own views of the questions involved, and there 
is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing.  I repeat, then, there is no 
crisis excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, 
aided by designing politicians.  My advice to them, under such circumstances, is 
to keep cool.  If the great American people only keep their temper both sides of 
the line, the troubles will come to an end, and the question which now distracts 
the country be settled, just as surely as all other difficulties of a like 
character, which have originated in this Government have been adjusted.  Let the 
people on both sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have 
cleared away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as 
heretofore.

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 93

  "Fellow Citizens, as this is the first opportunity I have had to address a 
Pennsylvania assemblage, it seems a fitting time to indulge in a few remarks 
upon the important question of the tariff, a subject of great magnitude and 
attended with many difficulties, owing to the great variety of interests 
involved.  So long as direct taxation for the support of the Government is not 
resorted to, a tariff is unnecessary.  A tariff is to the Government what meat 
is to the family; but this admitted, it still becomes necessary to modify and 
change its operations, according to new interests and new circumstances.  So 
far, there is little or no difference of opinion among politicians, but the 
question as to how far imposts may be adjusted for the protection of home 
industry, gives rise to numerous views and objections.
  "I must confess I do not understand the subject in all its multiform bearings; 
but I promise you I will give it my closest attention, and endeavor to 
comprehend it fully.  And here I may remark that the Chicago platform contains a 
plank upon this subject which I think should be regarded as law for the incoming 
administration.  In fact, this question, as well as all other subjects embodied 
in that platform, should not be varied from what we gave the people to 
understand would be our policy when we obtained their votes."  Mr. Nicolay, Mr. 
Lincoln's private Secretary, read: "That while providing revenue for the support 
of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an 
adjustment of these imposts, as will encourage the development of the industrial 
interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges 
which secures to workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, 
to mechanics and manufacturers adequate reward for their skill, labor, and 
enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence."
  Mr. Lincoln continued: "Now, I must confess that there are shades of 
difference in construing even this platform; but I am not now intending to 
discuss these differences, but merely to give you some general idea of the 
subject.  I have long thought that if there be any article of necessity, which 
can be produced at home with as little or nearly the same labor as abroad, it 
would be better to protect that article.  Labor is the true standard of

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 94 

value.  If a bar of iron got out of the mines in England, and a bar of iron 
taken from the mines of Pennsylvania, be produced at the same cost, it follows 
that if the English bar be shipped from Manchester to Pittsburg, and the 
American bar from Pittsburg to Manchester, the cost of carriage is appreciably 
lost.  If we had no iron here, then we should encourage shipments from a foreign 
country, but not when we can make it as cheaply in our own country.  This brings 
us back to the first proposition, that if any article can be produced at home 
with nearly the same cost as from abroad, the carriage is lost labor."
  In every speech which he delivered he gave new proof of the honesty of purpose 
with which he was actuated, and challenged anew the confidence of the people.  
When he uttered the sentence, "This question, as well as all other subjects 
embodied in that platform, should not be varied from what we gave the people to 
understand would be our policy when we obtained their votes," he showed that he 
remembered after election, and was determined to act upon what had been promised 
before, and gave a stinging rebuke to certain administrations which had preceded 
him.  His exposition of protection to American industry is so clear and simple 
that the dullest mind cannot fail to understand and feel its force.  The special 
correspondent of the New York Tribune, writing to that journal an account of the 
progress of this journey, moved by the universal enthusiasm, exclaimed: "Peace 
hath her victories, and the conqueror of hearts receives an ovation more 
brilliant than he who leads armies.  If feeble words could convey to those who 
do not see the spectacle, anything like an accurately vivid picture of the 
scenes now accompanying the progress of Abraham Lincoln, the world of readers 
would say, with unanimous voice, that more appropriate honors to a worthy man 
have rarely been paid than those hourly showered upon the President elect of the 
United States."
  From Pittsburg, Mr. Lincoln proceeded to Cleveland, and thence to New York via 
Buffalo and Albany, being everywhere received with the most unbounded 
enthusiasm, his progress being heralded and attended like the triumphal march of 
a conqueror.  It had been so arranged that he should spend the 22d of February, 
the birthday of Washington, in Pennsylvania.  He arrived at Phila-

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 95

delphia on the evening of the previous day, and on being welcomed by the Mayor, 
made a brief address, in which occurred this, in the light of subsequent 
developments, remarkable passage:  "It were useless for me to speak of details 
of plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever.  If I should 
not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now.  If I do speak then, it is 
useless for me to do so now.  When I do speak, I shall take such ground as I 
deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, 
and tend to the perpetuity of the nation and the liberty of these States and 
these people."  Had he some presentiment of the peril to his life, which was 
impending - for, as yet, no intimation had been conveyed to him of the meditated 
plans of the conspirators - and was this the unconscious expression of it?
  Arrangements has been made for the ceremony of raising a flag over 
Independence Hall on the 22d, in which Mr. Lincoln was to assist.  A great 
concourse had assembled.  The memories of the day, and the associations of the 
place, impressed all, and pervaded every heart.  He arrived upon the ground at 
eleven o'clock, and was received by Theodore Cuyler, who warmly welcomed him to 
the venerable walls, in an hour of national peril and distress, when the great 
work achieved by the wisdom and patriotism of the fathers seemed threatened with 
ruin.
  Mr. Lincoln spoke as follows: "I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself 
standing here in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the 
patriotism, and devotion to principle from which sprung the institutions under 
which we live.  You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of 
restoring peace to our distracted country.  I can say in return, sir, that all 
the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able 
to draw them, from the sentiments which originated and were given to the world 
from this Hall.  I have never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring 
from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence.  I have often 
pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here, and 
framed and adopted that Declaration of Independence.  I have pondered over the 
toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved 
that inde-

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 96 

pendence.  I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was 
that kept this Confederacy so long together.  It was not the mere matter of the 
separation of the colonies from the mother land, but that sentiment in the 
Declaration which gave liberty not alone to the people of this country, but hope 
to the world for all future time.  It was that which gave promise that in due 
time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders of all men.  This is the 
sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence.  Now, my friends, can 
this country be saved upon that basis?  If it can, I shall consider myself one 
of the happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it.  If it cannot be 
saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.  But if this country cannot 
be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be 
assassinated on this spot than surrender it.  Now, in my view of the present 
aspect of affairs, there is no need of bloodshed or war; no necessity for it.  I 
am not in favor of such a course, and I may say in advance, that there will be 
no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the Government.  Then it will be compelled 
to act in self-defence.  My friends, this is wholly an unprepared speech.  I did 
not expect to be called upon to say one word when I came here.  I supposed I was 
merely to do something towards raising the flag.  I may, therefore, have said 
something indiscreet.  [No! no!]  I have said nothing but what I am willing to 
live by, and if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by."
  Was ever a heart more apparently sincere?  Was ever one whose utterances were 
more transparent?  When he had said, "Then it will be compelled to act in self-
defence," checking himself, and half conscious that he had in some sort revealed 
his intentions, as if deprecating his words, he exclaimed, "I may have said 
something indiscreet."  But when, upon consideration, and in response to the 
plaudits of the crowd, he concluded with the words, "I have said nothing but 
what I am willing to live by, and if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die 
by," every heart beat responsive to that sentiment, and through the length and 
breadth of the country, every inhabitant who was moved by a feeling of 
patriotism, was ready to respond, Amen.
  He had, the night before, been made aware by messages from the highest officer 
in the army and one eminent in the civil Gov-

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 97 

ernment, that a plot had been formed to assassinate him as he passed through 
Baltimore.  The utterance in the speech, "I would rather be assassinated on this 
spot than surrender it," apparently inadvertent, discloses the conviction which 
that intelligence had fixed; that, conscious of rectitude in his intentions 
towards his country, he could, with more than Roman courage,
                                     "Smile 
      At the drawn dagger and defy its point"
  After the delivery of his address within the Hall he was conducted to the 
platform in front.  His appearance was the signal for shouts of gladness and 
welcome from the sea of upturned faces that was spread out before him.  Mr. 
Benton of the Select Council made a brief address, and invited Mr. Lincoln to 
raise the flag.  In response, he said that it would afford him pleasure to 
comply with this request.  He referred to the old flag with but thirteen stars.  
The number had increased, as time rolled on, and we had become a happy, powerful 
people, each star adding to our prosperity.  The future was in the hands of the 
people.  It was on such an occasion that we could reason together and reaffirm 
our devotion to the country and the principles of the Declaration of 
Independence.  "Let us," he exclaimed, "make up our minds that whenever we do 
put a new star upon our banner, it shall be a fixed one, never to be dimmed by 
the horrors of war, but brightened by contentment, prosperity, and peace."
  "Mr. Lincoln then threw off his overcoat," says a correspondent of the 
Harrisburg Telegraph, "in an off-hand, easy manner, the back-woodsman style of 
which caused many good-natured remarks.  After an impressive prayer by the Rev. 
Mr. Clark, offered in the midst of profound solemnity and silence, the flag, 
which was rolled up in man-of-war style, was adjusted, the signal fired, and 
amid most excited enthusiasm, the President-elect hoisted the national ensign.  
A stiff breeze caught the folded bunting, and threw it out boldly to the winds.  
Cheer followed cheer, until hoarseness prevented their continuance."
  In the meantime, extensive preparations had been made for his reception at 
Harrisburg, where he was expected to arrive early in the afternoon.  The 
military had assembled from distant parts of the State, numerous civil societies 
and associations were repre-

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 98 

sented, and the people had come out in their strength.  The Legislature was in 
session, and had given itself that day to the entertainment of their 
distinguished guest.  On that morning, the soldiers of the War of 1812, a few 
grey-haired old men spared of a former generation, under command of Captain 
Brady and Captain Krause, had borne in procession a new flag to the Capitol, 
where, amid the crowds that had gathered, and with much enthusiasm, it was run 
up upon the flag-staff just erected for the purpose upon the dome.  While the 
flag was ascending, the Chief Clerk of the House, Mr. E. H. Rauch, commenced 
reading the Farewell Address of Washington, from the portico in front of the 
rotunda, which was listened to with profound attention by the assembled 
multitude.  This ceremony of flag-raising had been repeated in several parts of 
the city; wreaths and triumphal arches had been thrown across important 
thoroughfares, and on every hand the town was decked in its gayest attire.
  Mr. Lincoln arrived by special train at half past one, and at the intersection 
of the railroad with Second street, along which the military were drawn up, and 
a barouche with six white horses, gaily caparisoned, was in waiting, he 
alighted, and was received by Governor Curtin.  Upon his arrival at the Jones 
House, he was conducted to the balcony overlooking the square, where the 
Governor addressed him in the following graceful terms:
  "Sir, It is my pleasure to welcome you to the State of Pennsylvania, and to 
extend to you the hospitalities of this city.  We have frequently heard of you 
since you left your home in a distant place; and every word that has fallen from 
your lips has fallen upon the ears of an excited, patriotic, but loyal people.  
Sir, as President-elect of the United States, you are called to the discharge of 
official duties at a period of time when animosities and distractions divide the 
people of this hitherto happy and prosperous country.  You undertake, sir, no 
easy task.  You must restore fraternal feeling.  You must heal discord.  You 
must produce amity in place of hostility, and restore prosperity, peace, and 
concord to this unhappy country, and future generations will rise up and call 
you blessed.
  "Sir, this day, by act of our Legislature, we unfurled from the dome of the 
Capitol the flag of our country, carried there in the

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 99

arms of men who defended the country when defence was needed.  I assure you, 
sir, there is no star or stripe erased, and on its azure field there blazons 
forth thirty-four stars, the number of the bright constellation of States over 
which you are called by a free people, in a fair election, to preside.  We 
trust, sir, that in the discharge of your high office, you may reconcile the 
unhappy differences now existing, as they have heretofore been reconciled.  Sir, 
when conciliation has failed, read our history, study our tradition.  Here are 
the people who will defend you, the Constitution, the laws and, the integrity of 
the Union.
  "Our great law-giver and founder established this Government of a free people 
in deeds of peace.  We are a peaceful, laborious people.  We believe that 
civilization, progress, Christianity are advanced by the protection of free and 
paid labor.  Sir, I welcome you to the midst of this generous people, and may 
the God who has so long watched over this country give you wisdom to discharge 
the high duties that devolve upon you, to the advancement of the greatness and 
glory of the Government, and the happiness and prosperity of the people."
  To this, Mr. Lincoln replied: "Governor Curtin, and citizens of the State of 
Pennsylvania: perhaps the best thing that I could do, would be simply to endorse 
the patriotic and eloquent speech which your Governor has just made in your 
hearing.  I am quite sure that I am unable to address to you anything so 
appropriate as that which he has uttered.  Reference has been made by him to the 
distraction of the public mind at this time, and to the great task that lies 
before me in entering upon the administration of the General Government.  With 
all the eloquence and ability that your Governor brings to this theme, I am 
quite sure he does not - in his situation he cannot - appreciate, as I do, the 
weight of that great responsibility.  I feel that, under God, in the strength of 
the arm and wisdom of the heads of these masses, after all, must be my support.  
As I have often had occasion to say, I repeat to you, I am quite sure I do not 
deceive myself when I tell you I bring to the work an honest heart; I dare not 
tell you that I bring a head sufficient for it.  If my own strength should fail, 
I shall at last fall back upon these masses, who, I think, under any 
circumstances, will not fail.

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 100 

  "Allusion has been made to the peaceful principles upon which this great 
Commonwealth was originally settled.  Allow me to add my meed of praise to those 
peaceful principles.  I hope no one of the Friends who originally settled here, 
or who have lived here since that time, or who live here now, has been or is a 
more devoted lover of peace, harmony, and concord than my humble self.
  "While I have been proud to see to-day the finest military array I think that 
I have ever seen, allow me to say in regard to those men, that they give hope of 
what may be done when war is inevitable.  But, at the same time, allow me to 
express the hope that in the shedding of blood their services may never be 
needed, especially in the shedding of fraternal blood.  It shall be my endeavor 
to preserve the peace of this country so far as it can possibly be done 
consistently with the maintenance of the institutions of the country.  With my 
consent, or without my great displeasure, this country shall never witness the 
shedding of one drop of blood in fraternal strife."
  The utterance of this speech, to an audience that filled the square and choked 
the entrance to all the streets leading from it, was full of animation and 
earnestness.  His countenance was lighted up with a fervor and a glow which, to 
one familiar with his pictures, or with his face in repose, which was almost 
habitually grave and reflective, reminded of the face of Him who was 
transfigured on the mount.  The assertion that there should be no bloodshed by 
his consent unless required to maintain the institutions of the country, was 
made with an earnestness that seemed inspired by the convictions of a sincere 
and devoted heart.
  From the hotel Mr. Lincoln was escorted to the Capitol, where in the presence 
of both Houses, the Governor, and heads of departments, he was formally 
received.  The chair in which it was arranged for him to sit, was that in which 
Hancock sat when he signed the immortal Declaration - of antiquated form, stiff, 
high back and clumsily wrought, but made sacred in its associations.  The 
Speaker of the Senate, Mr. Palmer, addressed him in suitable terms, expressing, 
in behalf of the people of Pennsylvania, their satisfaction in meeting him 
without distinction of party, and their especial gratification in the sentiments 
which he had previously

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 101

expressed upon the subject of protection to American industry.  Mr. Davis, in 
behalf of the House, greeted him with an expression of concern for the safety of 
the country, but in a vein of profound respect for his prudence, wisdom, and 
patriotism.  "There is no disguising the fact," he said, "that the ship of state 
is drifting in a dangerous and unknown sea.  But we have every confidence in the 
steady hand and true heart of the Pilot of our choice."
  Mr. Lincoln. responded: "Mr. Speaker of the Senate, and also Mr. Speaker of 
the House of Representatives, and Gentlemen of the General Assembly of 
Pennsylvania: I appear before you only for a few brief remarks in response to 
what has been said to me.  I thank you most sincerely for this reception, and 
the generous words in which support has been promised upon this occasion.  I 
thank your great Commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave - 
not me personally, but to the cause which I think a just one - in the late 
election.  Allusion has been made to the fact - the interesting fact, perhaps we 
should say - that I, for the first time, appear at the Capitol of the great 
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, upon the birthday of the Father of his Country.  
In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the history of this 
country, I have already gone through one exceedingly interesting scene this 
morning, in the ceremonies at Philadelphia.  Under the kind conduct of gentlemen 
there, I was for the first time allowed the privilege of standing in old 
Independence Hall, to have a few words addressed to me there, opening up an 
opportunity to express something of my own feelings excited by the occasion, 
that had been really the feelings of my whole life.
  "Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the 
country.  I was given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff; and when 
it went up, I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own 
feeble arm.  When, according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled and it 
flaunted gloriously to the wind without an accident, in the glowing sunshine of  
the morning, I could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of 
that beautiful ceremony, at least something of an omen of what is to come.  Nor 
could I help feeling then, as I

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 102  

often have felt, that in the whole of that proceeding I was a very humble 
instrument.  I had not provided the flag; I had not made the arrangement for 
elevating it to its place; I had applied but a very small portion of even my 
feeble strength in raising it.  In the whole transaction, I was in the hands of 
the people who had planned it; and if I can have the same generous cooperation 
of the people of this nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept 
flaunting gloriously.  I recur for a moment to what has been said about the 
military support which the General Government may expect from the Commonwealth 
of Pennsylvania, in a proper emergency.  To guard against any possible mistake 
do I recur to this.  It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the 
possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of the 
military arm.  While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon 
your streets of your military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your 
promise to use that force upon a proper emergency; while I make these 
acknowledgments, I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible 
misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for 
them - that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially 
never to shed fraternal blood.  I promise that, in so far as I may have wisdom 
to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall 
be, through no fault of mine.
  "Allusion has also been made, by one of your honored speakers, to some remarks 
recently made by myself at Pittsburg, in regard to what is supposed to be the 
special interest of this great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I now wish only to 
say, in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which I uttered on that 
occasion were rather carefully worded.  I took pains that they should be so.  I 
have seen no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them.  I leave them 
precisely as they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an expression 
from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, significant that they are satisfactory."
  Speaker Palmer then proceeded to deliver an elaborate oration upon the "Life 
and Character of Washington," in accordance with the previous request of the 
Legislature.  Near the close of his

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address he made the following allusion to Mr. Lincoln: "And may God protect and 
bless the President-elect of the United States, whom He has called to the 
performance of high and important duties at this solemn and difficult period in 
our history.  The people of Pennsylvania, by their votes in favor of his 
election, have confided their interests and their honor to his keeping, and the 
vast destinies and future welfare of the Union are largely committed to his 
charge.  And here, in behalf of the people of Pennsylvania, let me thank him for 
his recent public declarations of fraternal feeling and justice of intention 
towards the people of the Southern States - that 'they are to be treated as 
WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON, and MADISON treated them - that their institutions are in 
no way to be interfered with - that he will abide by every compromise of the 
Constitution.'  And further, that 'they are our fellow-citizens, friends, and 
brethren, equally devoted with ourselves to the Constitution, and that there is 
no difference between them, and us, other than the difference of local 
circumstances.'  These are the sentiments of WASHINGTON, and the sentiments and 
principles Pennsylvania meant to sustain, when her people voted for Abraham 
Lincoln."
  The address of the President-elect before the Legislature of Pennsylvania was 
the last of that remarkable series which he delivered during his more than 
triumphal progress to the Capital.  His words throughout were those of kindness 
and conciliation.  He allowed no utterance to escape him that could by any 
possibility be construed into a menace, or an incitement to civil strife.  On 
the contrary, he iterated and reiterated the sentiment of obedience to law and a 
devotion to the Constitution, with a frequency that, under other circumstances, 
would have been devoid of taste.  The real effect of his words was, however, the 
reverse of that which he intended.  It was at a time when the whole country, 
from the revolutionary attitude which the South had chosen to assume, was 
greatly excited, and every word which would throw light upon the solution of the 
vexed problem was eagerly sought.  The kindly and humane tone of his utterances 
gave intense satisfaction, and his words were hailed as those of truth and 
soberness.  Every one came to feel that if it was possible to avoid war, it was 
in the heart of Abraham Lincoln to do it.  Every sentiment he

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 104  

expressed, tended to mould and unite the North, and to make his cause their 
cause.  How much soever he might disclaim the intention of inciting to war, and 
declare - 
         "I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts," yet he succeeded, 
though unwittingly; - and when, finally, he was forced to call for men to defend 
the national honor, they were ready to go, and eager to flock to his standard.
  Mr. Lincoln was accompanied on his journey by his wife and family, and a few 
personal friends, among whom were Judge Davis and Mr. Judd of Illinois, Colonel 
Sumner, Major Hunter, and Captain Pope.  It had been arranged and widely 
published that the party would proceed by special train on the following morning 
over the Northern Central Railway to Baltimore, and thence to Washington.  But 
intelligence communicated on the evening before caused that arrangement to be in 
part changed.  Previous to the departure of Mr. Lincoln from his home, threats 
had been heard of his assassination; that he would never live to reach the 
Capital, and that the 4th of March would come and go without witnessing his 
inauguration.  It is asserted on good authority, that an attempt was actually 
made to throw the train from the track on the first day of his journey, at a 
point where a wreck would have been disastrous, and the precaution was 
afterwards adopted of sending a pilot engine just ahead.  A hand grenade was 
also found secreted in the car in which he was to travel, just as the train was 
leaving Cincinnati.  So numerous and confident had the threats of bodily harm to 
Mr. Lincoln become, that detectives were employed to discover whence they 
originated, and if there was really any foundation for apprehension.  It was 
ascertained that a plan had been formed to assassinate him at the Calvert-street 
Depot in Baltimore, while surrounded by the crowd.  This information was so 
positive and circumstantial, and having come through two sources entirely 
independent of each other, so well confirmed the previous rumors, that it was 
deemed advisable by the friends of Mr. Lincoln under whose escort he was 
travelling, and by General Scott and Mr. Seward, who had ferreted out the plot 
and had sent a messenger to Philadelphia to warn him of his danger, to abandon 
the Northern

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 105

Central Road, and go by the way of Philadelphia, passing through Baltimore in 
the night time, thus avoiding change of cars in that city.  The manner of that 
journey was the subject of sensational despatches and comments, many of them 
embodying the wildest exaggeration.  Mr. Lincoln was represented as having fled 
from Harrisburg in disguise, dressed in a long military cloak and a Highland 
cap, and in rude fur garments, after the manner of a hunter.  The illustrated 
papers, too, made his clandestine journey the subject of broad caricature.  It 
is fortunate that amid so much misrepresentation we have from the mouth of Mr. 
Lincoln himself a plain statement of the event and all the attendant 
circumstances.
  Early in December, 1864, Mr. Benson J. Lossing, the eminent historiographer 
and annalist, visited Mr. Lincoln, who, in reply to an inquiry made upon the 
subject, gave the following account, which was afterwards reduced to writing, 
nearly in his own words: "I arrived at Philadelphia on the 21st.  I agreed to 
stop over night, and on the following morning hoist the flag over Independence 
Hall.  In the evening there was a great crowd when I received my friends at the 
Continental Hotel.  Mr. Judd, a warm personal friend from Chicago, sent for me 
to come to his room.  I went, and found there Mr. Pinkerton, a skilful police 
detective, also from Chicago, who had been employed for some days in Baltimore, 
watching or searching for suspicious persons there.  Pinkerton informed me that 
a plan had been laid for my assassination, the exact time when I expected to go 
through Baltimore being publicly known.  He was well informed as to the plan, 
but did not know that the conspirators would have pluck enough to execute it.  
He urged me to go right through with him to Washington that night.  I didn't 
like that.  I had made engagements to visit Harrisburg, and go from there to 
Baltimore, and I resolved to do so.  I could not believe that there was a plot 
to murder me.  I made arrangements, however, with Mr. Judd for my return to 
Philadelphia the next night, if I should be convinced that there was danger in 
going through Baltimore.  I told him that if I should meet at Harrisburg, as I 
hard at other places, a delegation to go with me to the next place, then 
Baltimore, I should feel safe and go on.

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 106

  "When I was making my way back to my room, through crowds of people, I met 
Frederick Seward.  We went together to my room, when he told me that he had been 
sent, at the instance of his father and General Scott, to inform me that their 
detectives in Baltimore had discovered a plot there to assassinate me.  They 
knew nothing of Pinkerton's movements.  I now believed such a plot to be in 
existence.  The next morning I raised the flag over Independence Hall, and then 
went on to Harrisburg with Mr. Sumner, Major (now General) Hunter, Mr. Judd, Mr. 
Lamon and others.  There I met the Legislature and people, dined, and waited 
until the time appointed for me to leave.  In the meantime, Mr. Judd had so 
secured the telegraph that no communication could pass to Baltimore and give the 
conspirators knowledge of a change in my plans.  In New York some friend had 
given me a new beaver hat in a box, and in it had placed a soft wool hat.  I had 
never worn one of the latter in my life.  I had this box in my room.  Having 
informed a very few friends of the secret of my new movements, and the cause, I 
put on an old overcoat that I had with me, and putting the soft hat in my 
pocket, I walked out of the house at a back door, bareheaded, without exciting 
any special curiosity.  Then I put on the soft hat and joined my friends without 
being recognized by strangers, for I was not the same man.  Sumner and Hunter 
wished to accompany me.  I said no; you are known, and your presence might 
betray me.  I will only take Lamon, now Marshal of this District, whom nobody 
knew, and Mr. Judd.  Sumner and Hunter felt hurt.  We went back to Philadelphia 
and found a message there from Pinkerton, who had returned to Baltimore; that 
the conspirators had held their final meeting that evening, and it was doubtful 
whether they had the nerve to attempt the execution of their purpose.  I went 
on, however, as the arrangement had been made.  We were a long time in the 
station at Baltimore.  I heard people talking around, but no one particularly 
observed me.  At an early hour on Saturday morning, at about the time I was 
expected to leave Harrisburg, I arrived in Washington."
  Mrs. Lincoln and the rest of the party remained until morning, when, after 
receiving a dispatch from Washington; stating that

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 107

Mr. Lincoln had arrived in safety, they departed by the train especially 
prepared, over the Northern Central Road, and passing unmolested through 
Baltimore, arrived at the Capital in due time.  That a well-matured plan had 
been formed to take Mr. Lincoln's life, there was little doubt, and subsequent 
events confirm the belief.  Mr. Raymond, in his Life of Lincoln, states that a 
notorious gambler, by the name of Byrne, left Baltimore soon after these events, 
and went to Richmond, where he fell under suspicion of disloyalty to the 
Southern Government, and was arrested.  But at the hearing of his case, ex-
United States Senator Wigfall testified that Byrne "was captain of a gang who 
were to kill Mr. Lincoln," which secured his instant release, it being 
sufficient evidence of his loyalty to a Government which could regard with 
favor, and lend its sanction to, such murderous practices.  The headquarters of 
the assassins was at No. 66 Fayette street, near Calvert, in the Taylor 
Building, which was the place of meeting of the leaders of the mob, who did 
actually murder some of the Massachusetts troops shortly afterward.
  One of the agents employed to trace out the parties to this conspiracy was 
under the direction of Samuel M. Felton, of Philadelphia, President of the 
Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad Company.  Having his own road to 
protect, the bridges of which were threatened with destruction, he was able the 
more easily to extend his investigation beyond his immediate charge, and to 
trace the source of the danger.  At the request of the Librarian of Harvard 
University, Mr. Felton, whose brother was the President of that institution, 
prepared an account of the investigations that he instituted.  It illustrates, 
in a most striking manner, this noted night journey of Mr. Lincoln through 
Pennsylvania, and the solicitude felt by its citizens for his safety; it serves, 
too, to show the diabolical nature of the rebellious spirit, even at that early 
stage.
  "It came to my knowledge," says Mr. Felton, "in the early part of 1861, first 
by rumors and then from evidence which I could not doubt, that there was a deep 
laid conspiracy to capture Washington, destroy all the avenues leading to it 
from the North, East, and West, and thus prevent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln 
in the Capital of the country; and if this plot did not succeed,

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 108 

then to murder him while on his way to the Capital, and thus inaugurate a 
revolution, which should end in establishing a Southern Confederacy, uniting all 
the Slave States, while it was imagined that the North would be divided into 
separate cliques, each striving for the destruction of the other.
  "Early in the year 1861, Miss Dix, the philanthropist, came into my office on 
a Saturday afternoon. I had known her for some years as one engaged in 
alleviating the sufferings of the afflicted.  Her occupation had brought her in 
contact with the prominent men South.  In visiting hospitals, she had become 
familiar with the structure of Southern society, and also with the working of 
its political machinery.  She stated that she had an important communication to 
make to me personally; and, after closing my door, I listened attentively to 
what she had to say for more than an hour.  She put, in a tangible and reliable 
shape, by the facts she related, what I had heard before in numerous and 
detached parcels.  The sum of it all was, that there was then an extensive and 
organized conspiracy throughout the South to seize upon Washington, with its 
archives and records, and then declare the Southern conspirators de facto the 
Government of the United States.  The whole was to be a coup d'etat.  At the 
same time, they were to cut off all modes of communication between Washington 
and the North, East, or West, and thus prevent the transportation of troops to 
wrest the Capital from the hands of the insurgents.  Mr. Lincoln's inauguration 
was thus to be prevented, or his life was to fall a sacrifice to the attempt at 
inauguration.  In fact, troops were then drilling on the line of our own road, 
and the Washington and Annapolis line, and other lines; and they were sworn to 
obey the commands of their leaders, and the leaders were banded together to 
capture Washington.
  "As soon as the interview was ended, I called Mr. N. P. Trist into my office, 
and told him to go to Washington that night, and communicate these facts to 
General Scott.  I also furnished him with some data as to the other routes to 
Washington, that might be adopted in case the direct route was cut off.  One was 
the Delaware Railroad to Seaford, and then up the Chesapeake and Potomac to 
Washington, or to Annapolis, and thence to Washington; another - to Perryville, 
and thence to

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVAINTIA - 109

Annapolis and Washington.  Mr. Trist left that night, and arrived in Washington 
at six the next morning, which was on Sunday.  He immediately had an interview 
with General Scott, who told him he had foreseen the trouble that was coming, 
and in October previous had made a communication to the President, predicting 
trouble at the South, and urging strongly the garrisoning of all the Southern 
forts and arsenals with forces sufficient to hold them, but that his advice had 
been unheeded; nothing had been done, and he feared nothing would be done; that 
he was powerless, and that he feared Mr. Lincoln would be obliged to be 
inaugurated into office at Philadelphia.  He should, however, do all he could to 
bring troops to Washington sufficient to make it secure; but he had no influence 
with the Administration, and feared the worst consequences.  Thus matters stood 
on Mr. Trist's visit to Washington, and thus they stood for some time 
afterwards.
  "About this time, - a few days subsequent, however, - a gentleman from 
Baltimore came out to Back River Bridge, about five miles this side of the city, 
and told the bridge-keeper that he had come to give information, which had come 
to his knowledge, of vital importance to the road, which he wished to 
communicate to me.  The nature of this communication was, that a party was then 
organized in Baltimore to burn our bridges, in case Mr. Lincoln came over the 
road, or in case we attempted to carry troops for the defence of Washington.  
The party, at the time, had combustible materials prepared to pour over the 
bridges, and were to disguise themselves as negroes, and be at the bridge just 
before the train on which Mr. Lincoln travelled had arrived.  The bridge was 
then to be burned, the train attacked, and Mr. Lincoln to be put out of the way.  
This man appeared to be a gentleman, and in earnest, and honest in what he said; 
but he would not give his name, nor allow any inquiries to be made as to his 
name or exact abode, as he said his life would be in peril were it known that he 
had given this information; but, if we would not attempt to find him out, he 
would continue to come and, give information.  He came subsequently, several 
times, and gave items of information as to the movements of the conspirators, 
but I have never been able to ascertain who he was.

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 110 

  "Immediately after the development of these facts, I went to Washington, and 
there met a prominent and reliable gentleman from Baltimore, who was well 
acquainted with Marshal Kane, then the chief of police.  I was anxious to 
ascertain whether he was loyal and reliable, and made particular inquiries upon 
both these points.  I was assured that Kane was perfectly reliable; whereupon I 
made known some of the facts that had come to my knowledge in reference to the 
designs for the burning of the bridges, and requested that they should be laid 
before Marshal Kane, with a request that he should detail a police force to make 
the necessary investigation. Marshal Kane was seen, and it was suggested to him 
that there were reports of a conspiracy to burn the bridges and cut off 
Washington; and his advice was asked as to the best way of ferreting out the 
conspirators.  He scouted the idea that there was any such thing on foot; said 
he had thoroughly investigated the whole matter, and there was not the slightest 
foundation for such rumors.
  "I then determined to have nothing more to do with Marshal Kane, but to 
investigate the matter in my own way, and at once sent for a celebrated 
detective who resided in the West, and whom I had before employed on an 
important matter.  He was a man of great skill and resources.  I furnished him 
with a few hints, and at once set him on the track with eight assistants.  There 
were then drilling, upon the line of the railroad, three military organizations, 
professedly for home defence, pretending to be Union men, and, in one or two 
instances, tendering their services to the railroad, in case of trouble.  Their 
propositions were duly considered; but the defence of the road was never 
intrusted to their tender mercies.  The first thing done was to enlist a 
volunteer in each of these military companies.  They pretended to come from New 
Orleans and Mobile, and did not appear to be wanting in sympathy for the South.  
They were furnished with uniforms at the expense of the road, and drilled as 
often as their associates in arms; became initiated into all the secrets of the 
organization, and reported every day or two to their chief, who immediately 
reported to me the designs and plans of these military companies.  One of these 
organizations was loyal, but the other two were disloyal, and fully in the plot

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 111

to destroy the bridges, and march to Washington, to wrest it from the hands of 
the legally constituted authorities.  Every nook and corner of the road and its 
vicinity was explored by the chief and his detectives, and the secret-working of 
secession and treason laid bare and brought to light.  Societies were joined in 
Baltimore, and various modes, known to and practised only by detectives, were 
resorted to, to win the confidence of the conspirators, and get into their 
secrets.
  "The plan worked well; and the midnight plottings and daily consultations of 
the conspirators were treasured up as a guide to our future plans for thwarting 
them.  It turned out that all that had been communicated by Miss Dix and the 
gentleman from Baltimore rested upon a foundation of fact, and that the half had 
not been told.  It was made as certain as strong circumstantial and positive 
evidence could make it, that there was a plot to burn the bridges and destroy 
the road, and murder Mr. Lincoln on his way to Washington, if it turned out that 
he went there before troops were called.  If troops were first called, then the 
bridges were to be destroyed, and Washington cut off, and taken possession of by 
the South.  I at once organized and armed a force of about two hundred men, whom 
I distributed along the line between the Susquehanna and Baltimore, principally 
at the bridges.  These men were drilled secretly and regularly by drillmasters, 
and were apparently employed in whitewashing the bridges, putting on six or 
seven coats of whitewash, saturated with salt and alum, to make the outside of 
the bridges as nearly fire-proof as possible.  This whitewashing, so extensive 
in its application, became the nine days' wonder of the neighborhood.  Thus the 
bridges were strongly guarded, and a train was arranged so as to concentrate all 
the forces at one point in case of trouble.
  The programme of Mr. Lincoln was changed, and it was decided by him that he 
would go to Harrisburg from Philadelphia, and thence over the Northern Central 
Road by day to Baltimore, and thence to Washington.  We were then informed by 
our detective, that the attention of the conspirators was turned from our road 
to the Northern Central, and that they would there await the coming of Mr. 
Lincoln. This statement

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 112 

was confirmed by our Baltimore gentleman, who came out again, and said their 
designs upon our road were postponed for the present, and unless we carried 
troops, would not be renewed again.  Mr. Lincoln was to be waylaid on the line 
of the Northern Central Road, and prevented from reaching Washington; and his 
life was to fall a sacrifice to the attempt.  Thus matters stood on his arrival 
in Philadelphia.  I felt it my duty to communicate to him the facts that had 
come to my knowledge, and urge his going to Washington privately that night in 
our sleeping-car, instead of publicly two days after, as was proposed.  I went 
to a hotel in Philadelphia, where I met the detective, who was registered under 
an assumed name, and arranged with him to bring Mr. Judd, Mr. Lincoln's intimate 
friend, to my room in season to arrange the journey to Washington that night.  
One of our sub-detectives made three efforts to communicate with Mr. Judd, while 
passing through the streets in the procession, and was three times arrested and 
carried out of the crowd by the police.  The fourth time he succeeded, and 
brought Mr. Judd to my room, where he met the detective-in-chief and myself.  We 
lost no time in making known to him all the facts which had come to our 
knowledge in reference to the conspiracy; and I most earnestly advised, that Mr. 
Lincoln should go to Washington privately that night in the sleeping car.  Mr. 
Judd fully entered into the plan, and said he would urge Mr. Lincoln to adopt 
it.
  "On his communicating with Mr. Lincoln, after the services of the evening were 
over, he answered that he had engaged to go to Harrisburg and speak the next 
day, and he would not break his engagement, even in the face of such peril, but 
that, after he had fulfilled the engagement, he would follow such advice as we 
might give him in reference to his journey to Washington.  It was then arranged 
that he should go to Harrisburg the next day, and make his address; after which 
he was to apparently return to Governor Curtin's house for the night, but in 
reality go to a point about two miles out of Harrisburg where an extra car and 
engine awaited to take him to Philadelphia.  At the time of his retiring, the 
telegraph lines, east, west, north, and south from Harrisburg were cut, so that 
no message as to his movements could be sent off in any direction.

THE PRESIDENT ELECT IN PENNSYLMANIA - 113

  "Mr. Lincoln could not probably arrive in season for our regular train, that 
at 11 P. M., and I did not dare to send him by an extra, for fear of its being 
found out or suspected that he was on the road; so it became necessary for me to 
devise some excuse for the detention of the train.  But three or four on the 
road, besides myself, knew the plan; one of these I sent by an earlier train to 
say to the people of the Washington Branch road, that I had an important package 
I was getting ready for the 11 P. M. train;, that it was necessary I should have 
this package delivered in Washington early the next morning, without fail; that 
I was straining every nerve to get it ready by 11 o'clock, but, in case I did 
not succeed, I should delay the train until it was ready, - probably not more 
than half an hour; and I wished, as a personal favor, that the Washington train 
should await the coming of ours from Philadelphia before leaving.  This request 
was willingly complied with by the managers of the Washington Branch; and the 
man whom I had sent to Baltimore so informed me by telegraph in cipher.  The 
second person in the secret I sent to West Philadelphia, with a carriage, to 
await the coming of Mr. Lincoln.  I gave him a package of old railroad reports, 
done up with great care, with a great seal attached to it, and directed in a 
fair, round hand to a person at Willard's.  I marked it 'very important; to be 
delivered without fail by 11 o'clock train,' indorsing my own name upon the 
package.  Mr. Lincoln arrived in West Philadelphia, and was immediately taken 
into the carriage, and driven to within a square of our station, where my man 
with the package jumped off, and waited till he saw the carriage drive up to the 
door, and Mr. Lincoln and the detective get out and go into the station.  He 
then came up and gave the package to the conductor, who was waiting at the door 
to receive it, in company with a police officer.
  "Tickets had been bought beforehand for Mr. Lincoln and party, to Washington, 
including a tier of berths in the sleeping-car.  He passed between the conductor 
and the police officer at the door, and neither suspected who he was.  The 
conductor remarked as he passed, 'Well, old fellow, it is lucky for you that 
our, president detained the train to send a package by it, or you would have 
been left.'  Mr. Lincoln and the detective being

MARTIAL DEEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA - 114 

safely ensconsed in the sleeping-car, and my package safely in the hands of the 
conductor, the train started for Baltimore about fifteen minutes behind time.
  "Our man No. 3, George ---, started with the train to go to Baltimore, and 
hand it over, with its contents, to man No. 1, who awaited its arrival in 
Baltimore.  Before the train reached Gray's Ferry Bridge, and before Mr. Lincoln 
had resigned himself to slumber, the conductor came to our man George, and 
accosting him, said, 'George, I thought you and I were old friends; why did you 
not tell me we had Old Abe on board?' George, thinking the conductor had in some 
way become possessed of the secret, answered, 'John, we are friends, and, as you 
have found it out, Old Abe is on board; and we will still be friends, and see 
him safely through.' John answered, 'Yes, if it costs me my life, he shall have 
a safe passage.' And so George stuck to one end of the car, and the conductor to 
the other every moment that his duties to the other passengers would admit of 
it.  It turned out, however, that the conductor was mistaken in his man.  A man 
strongly resembling Mr. Lincoln had come down to the train, about half an hour 
before it left, and bought a ticket to Washington for the sleeping-car.  The 
conductor had seen him, and concluded he was the veritable Old Abe.
  "George delivered the sleeping-car and train over to William in Baltimore, as 
had been previously arranged, who took his place at the brake, and rode to 
Washington, where he arrived at 6 A. M., on time, and saw Mr. Lincoln, in the 
hands of a friend, safely delivered at Willard's, when he secretly ejaculated, 
'God be praised!'  He also saw the package of railroad reports, marked 
'important,' safely delivered into the hands for which it was intended.  This 
being done, he performed his morning ablutions in peace and quiet, and enjoyed 
with unusual zest his breakfast.  At 8 o'clock, the time agreed upon, the 
telegraphic wires were joined; and the first message flashed across the line 
was, Your package has arrived safely, and been delivered,' signed 'William.'  
Then there went up from the writer of this a shout of joy and devout 
thanksgiving to Him from whom all blessings flow; and the few who were in the 
secret joined in a heartfelt Amen.

THE PRESIDENT-ELECT IN PENNSYLVANIA - 115

  "Thus began and ended a chapter in the history of the Rebellion, that has been 
never before written, but about which there have been many hints entitled, 'A 
Scotch Cap and Riding Cloak,' etc., neither of which had any foundation in 
truth, as Mr. Lincoln travelled in his ordinary dress.  Mr. Lincoln was safely 
inaugurated, after which I discharged our detective force, and also the semi-
military whitewashers, and all was quiet and serene again on the railroad.  But 
the distant booming from Fort Sumter was soon heard, and aroused in earnest the 
whole population of the loyal States.  The 75,000 three-months' men were called 
out, and again the plans for burning bridges and destroying the railroad were 
revived in all their force and intensity.  Again I sent Mr. Trist to Washington 
to see General Scott, to beg for troops to garrison the road, as our forces were 
then scattered, and could not be got at.  Mr. Trist telegraphed me that the 
forces would be supplied; but the crisis came on immediately, and all, and more 
than all, were required at Washington.  At the last moment I obtained, and sent 
down the road, about 200 men, armed with shot guns and revolvers - all the arms 
I could get hold of at the time.  They were raw and undisciplined men, and not 
fit to cope with those brought against them, about 150 men, fully armed, and 
commanded by the redoubtable rebel, J. R. Trimble."
  Mr. Arnold in his Life of Lincoln, in referring, to this change in the route 
of travel, says: "From Baltimore there had reached him no committee, either of 
the municipal authorities or of citizens, to tender him the hospitalities, and 
to extend to him the courtesies of that city, as had been done by every city 
through which we had passed.  He was, accordingly, persuaded to permit the 
detective to arrange for his going to Washington that night."  Mr. Lincoln 
afterwards said to Mr. Arnold: "I did not then, nor do I now, believe I should 
have been assassinated, had I gone through Baltimore, as first contemplated; but 
I thought it wise to run no risk, where no risk was necessary."