AREA HISTORY: History of Adams County, Chapter XVIII, Adams County, PA Contributed for use in the USGenWeb Archives by Kathy Francis Copyright 2005. All rights reserved. http://www.usgwarchives.net/copyright.htm http://www.usgwarchives.net/pa/adams/ _______________________________________________ History of Cumberland and Adams Counties, Pennsylvania Chicago: Warner, Beers & Co., 1886 _______________________________________________ Part III, History of Adams County, Pages 103-115 CHAPTER XVIII. POLITICAL-THE REVOLUTION-PARTY SPIRIT-JEFFERSON AND HAMILTON-FIRST COUNTY CONVENTION-REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS-HON. WILLIAM MCSHERRY- POLITICAL FACTIONS-ELECTIONS-FEDERALISTS AND REPUBLICANS (“DEMOCRATS”)-A “COCKADE” ROW-FEDERAL-REPUBLICANS AND DEMOCRATS-THE “CENTINEL”-ELECTIONS TO 1814. It was many years after the first settlement before the people had the great luxury of anything like our present American politics. For a half century or more after the first settlement they simply had none at all. They were all British subjects and the very first question looking toward even political ideas came as a suggestion from the acting governor of the Province, in which he gave notice that a great many Germans were coming into the country, without any special permission to do so, and, without reporting to the authorities who they were or where they were from or why they came, were proceeding to the interior and had commenced opening farms and making settlements. This all sounds strangely enough now, but was natural enough then. The country was English territory, and loyalty to the King was the predominant question among the deputy rulers of the country. In a few years after the first settlement in Adams County, as early, in fact, as 1760, commenced to gather here the storm that eventually broke upon the country and its three millions of scattered people - the Revolution. Then had there been former political dissensions they would have melted away. There had been local and neighborhood quarrels plenty enough, but they were all questions, or nearly all, of nativity. The Scotch-Irish were of a highly nervous organization, not irrascible, by any means, but generally good-natured and rolicksome, overflowing with animal spirits. His German neighbor was the total opposite of this. Phlegmatic, persistent, slow, untiring, peaceful and industrious. He wanted only peace and to be let alone. They were all Protestants in religion and were on this substantially agreed. At first they could find nothing else to disagree about, and so we find the Germans demanding of the proprietaries that they sell no more lands to the Irish, and it is a fact that at one time many, who otherwise would have been glad to locate in this county, were forced by circumstances to become permanent and good and worthy citizens of Cumberland County. But the French-Indian war came in 1755, and this was the first thing, like all common dangers, to banish something of the rancorous feelings of divided people. They forgot all else and rushed together, and this very fact itself would rub off many a sharp point of prejudice. The Indians were ready to kill all that they found defenseless; they were indiscriminate in their ferocity, and the tendency of a common defense and protection of each other tended to a like indiscrimination. The war gone, however, and new people constantly coming in, the old feelings were again manifesting themselves. Just then, however, came the first rumblings of the Revolution. Early in 1760 a meeting of the people was held, and here was the first visible sign of that common and indissoluble bond of brotherhood, one of the most remarkable in the history of mankind, that was required, that so tested men in the long seven years of war that was crowned with our liberties. Indeed that was the planting of the Tree of Liberty that has since spread its protecting shade more or less over the world. The Revolution fought out, our liberties obtained, then came the question - really for the first time presented to man - of commencing at the very foundations, and constructing, without models, without a guiding precedent, government for free men - government where every man had an equal power. The first great question to the people was to repair the extreme poverty, the suffering poverty, in which they found themselves after the long and heroic sacrifices. This work engaged their every energy for some years. In fact this lasted wholly through the two presidential terms of Washington and the one term of Adams, or down to 1801. Toward the end of the first Adams term, or with the dawn of this century, there began discussions upon government policies. Looking back over these discussions we can at first and for a few years see only the one main point for any differences, or sides on which it was possible to form parties. The first discoverable streak across the sky was the charge first made, by the Adams party (this merely to designate), that all those (these afterward turned out to be the Jefferson men) who did not think as they did were, by their acts, tending to destroy the Constitution. On the other hand, there were those who seemed to sincerely believe that Adams had been a good man, but, surrounded during his administration by bad advisers. Jefferson began to loom up as the next possible candidate. Then every hour and every day the lines began to be formed more distinctly. The Jefferson men were soon taunted as Jacobins. Two distinct parties were at once formed, each calling itself by the name Republican, but one occasionally calling itself Federal Republican, and, in the course of time, the other was sometimes called Democratic Republican. Consulting the early party records among the good people of Adams it is rather amusing to notice how difficult (in many cases where parties aspired to office), apparently, it was for them to make up their minds which party they belonged to. In a few instances they would be candidates on the ticket of one party one year, and the next year on the ticket of the opposite party. But this never, it seems occurred only in the case of defeated candidates. Where a candidate got in that seemed to fix his future politics unalterably. Just a little bit more than like results invariably do now-a-days. Early in 1800 the Pennsylvania State Senate held an important and exciting meeting on the subject of appointing presidential electors. The Senate concludes it will only vote as a separate body from the House, and very solemnly resolves that to meet in joint convention would be to virtually abandon having two houses of the Legislature. This seems to have presented a serious and exciting question at that time. In November, 1800, there appeared a communication of nearly two columns in the Adams Centinel, signed “An American,” and, so far as we can now learn, it was a fair and well written article, attempting to show the status in the county of political affairs, as to who was who. The writer says there has been great misunderstanding in the country on the division of political parties, and that they are not, as is often asserted, divided into “Monarchists and Republicans,” but says the people who brought about the formation of the present Government are Federal Republicans. “A party exists,” he says, “that originated in a dislike to the Constitution and Government, and is composed of men who have and may justly be called Anti- Federalists.” This is not a very satisfactory explanation of exactly the state of politics; at least it would not be so considered now. But is it? It is too short for any understanding of our present politics, but it was clearly a complete expose of that day’s political doings. “A dislike to the Government and Constitution,” in the eyes of our good old Federal fathers, was no small political offense. It was a political crime not to be forgiven in the next world and to be shown no kind of mercy in this. Here was the first page in the story of those two great statesmen, Jefferson and Hamilton. The latter was a great man, one of the largest minded men this country has produced. He was a born leader of men. He believed in a strong, central government, patterned as closely as possible after the English Government, so as to have the greatest security to all, really the greatest freedom and the permanency of our Federal institutions. Following the leadership of Hamilton, there is now no question of the fact, were the majority of the wealthy, the educated and the aristocracy (we only use this word to draw a distinction more clearly). Jefferson was the opposite of Hamilton in every one of his political ideas. He would place all possible power in the hands of the people. Hence he held the States were supreme, except only where the Constitution, in express words, reserved to the General Government certain powers specified; that the General Government could go thus far in its acts and no farther. Here was the starting point - the rise - of all the political parties that have existed in this country for the past three-quarters of a century. It matters not what names they may have been known by, nor what issues have arisen out of party struggles for power, what this party has accomplished or that party failed to accomplish, their respective roots were in the brains and thoughts of Hamilton and Jefferson. It is not to be wondered at that the people at first flush did not fully understand these great political questions, and that intelligent men often were for some years in honest doubt as to where their political standing was. As an evidence of the fact that men just then were more concerned in bread and butter than in politics, one need only recite the following anecdote: John Bender was elected one of the justices of the peace for this county. From this fact it may be inferred he was a man of more than average intelligence. Being elected he supposed he had to qualify and serve. He did so; but in the course of time he took counsel, in which he had confidence, and found that he could resign and not serve longer if he so wished. In joy he resigned, and not only resigned, but went to the expense of publishing the fact in the county paper, and in his publication says, “I will no longer act as justice of the peace, since I have been credibly informed I would not be fined for refusing to act.” On September 23, 1800, was held the first county convention in Gettysburg. The delegates were: Cumberland, David Moore, Henry Hoke, John Murphy; Mountjoy, Charles Wilson; Huntington, John Bonner, William Thompson; Berwick, Frederick Baugher, John Hersh; Strabane, George Hassler, John Dickson; Franklin, Moses McClean, Thomas Ewing; Liberty, James Thompson, David Agnew; Germany, Jacob Winrott, William Burher; Mountpleasant, Moses Lockhart, James Horner; Reading, Henry Hull, William Hodge; Tyrone, John King; Hamiltonban, Samuel Knox, Jacob McClellan; Conowago, Joseph Lilly; Menallen, Thomas Cochran, Benjamin Wright. The following ticket – nominated: For Senate, William Miller. For Assembly, Henry Slagel, Thomas Thornburg. Commissioner, Walter Smith. This was the ticket of the Federal party. The Republicans had a meeting and nominated a ticket as follows: For Senate, William Reed. For Assembly, Walter Smith and John O’Brien. Commissioner, Emanuel Zeigler. The delegates to this convention were J. Agnew, chairman; J. Duncan, secretary; and Jacob Hostetter, Fredrick Eichelberger, Henry Miller, Valentine Emig, Leonard Eichelberger, Casper Hake, William Gilliland, John Miley, Samuel Smith, Jacob Wirtz, Lewis Wempler, John Ruby, Martin Gartner, John Stewart, Peter Hake, Jacob Kline, William Crawford, William Maxwell, Tobias Kepner, Peter Wolford. The Republican party then was soon known as the Democratic party, and the Federalists became the Whigs. It will be noticed Walter Smith’s name is on each ticket, but for different offices. At the election, Reed was elected senator. He was 456 votes behind in Adams County, but York gave him nearly 700 majority. On the ticket in Adams County the vote stood: Thornburg, 829; Slagle, 796; McIlwain, 401; O’Blenis, 355. For Commissioner, Smith, 762; Zeigler, 411. Adams County, when parties were once crystalized into form, became Federal in politics and so remained for years. This party for eighteen years had the only newspaper in the county. The Republican-Democrats were the poor men, compared to the founders and leaders of the Federals. In the Federal ranks were the bank officers, the owners and presidents, and we believe the officers of all the turnpikes then being organized. It is not very singular, when we learn something of the personal strength of the Federal leaders or members in its ranks, that they could not be easily dislodged. The county would invariably go Federal; but the district, senatorial and congressional, would almost as certainly be carried by the opposing party. We can now recall but one instance when the senatorial district went Federal, and that was in the year 1813, when Hon. William McSherry was elected by seventeen votes. He was the most popular man, politically, ever in the county. He was kept continuously in the Legislature for many years. And what is quite remarkable the year he wrested the senatorial district from the opposite party, was the year of almost annihilation to that party in the balance of the State. The Federals lost about everything else, but they gained McSherry, and this was their all sufficient consolation. The triumphant election of Mr. Jefferson in political parties fairly “let slip the dogs of war.” The ruling element in this county, in fact, all our people, were of different races of men and severe in their judgments. In the local paper began to appear savage and denunciatory political articles. In the Centinel of September, 1802, appears an article five columns in length signed, “An American.” It is No. 4 of a series by the same writer. The people, all subscribers to the paper, read these long articles, and probably filed them away for future reference. The Federalists described the election of Jefferson as a revolution backward; an overturning and destroying of all the work of Washington and his fellow patriots. On both sides were the most --gmatic assertions and wholesale denunciations of all who were not of the --– opinion. The hustings were fashioned after the pulpit. It was intense, earnest and positive, and knew no charity for error judgment. The people sat in their churches shivering and freezing with cold, listening eagerly to the long and dull sermons about dogmas, and they were physically and mentally trained to read the interminable screeds on politics and work themselves into a frenzy of hate and fear of any party that was not their particular party. In their politics, as in their religion, they were austere, uncharitable and honest, and they could not compromise with wrong and error. Dr. Crawford swore “seven profane oaths,” and was convicted and punished because he swore in the presence of several gentlemen. But in the newspaper discussion where there were printed words, written in hot anger, that were not only obscene but slanderous, the public were not shocked nor the law invoked to punish the hotspur. This was all a necessary tutelage to the public to mold and fashion the common mind to its new civic surroundings. It was severe, and to look at it now, without some understanding of the surroundings of that time, it appears hard and cruel, but it was not. It is quite evident Dr. Crawford struck back at his political enemies not only in the paper, but in every way he could command. In October, 1802, he published a notice to Alexander Russell, brigade inspector, to appear, under penalty, at the house of Martin Markley, Gettysburg, and render to William Crawford “appointed agent to investigate and ascertain the accuracy of your returns and accounts.” In the same paper are notices to Messrs. Brown, Watson, Hornor, Montgomery, Lecky, Scott, McIlhenny, Schmyzer and Olzer, captains of the Third Regiment for the years 1794, 1795, 1796, 1797 and 1798; and also Finley, Wilson, Meredith, McKee, Cross, Shannon, Charles Wilson, Kerr and Rowan, captains of the Fourth Regiment, “to attend and bring all accounts and papers and returns made,” etc. August 4, 1802, Mr. Harper had a political article, slashing the Jefferson Republicans for celebrating their victory in a meeting, but he signs the article “Editor.” In the election, October, 1802, for Congress, John Edie had 946 votes; John Stewart, 641 votes. For Assembly, William Miller, 972 votes; Henry Slagle, 928 votes; A. McIlvain, 633 votes, and P. Wickart, 522 votes. For Commissioners - Henry Hull, 951 votes; S. Fahnestock, 649 votes. Edie ran ahead of Stewart in this county, but the remainder of the district elected Stewart. In 1803 there were two well-defined parties, and they were growing simply furious in their party discussions - the Federalists and the Republicans. The latter now began to be called “Democrats” - never spelled at that time with a capital by the Federalists. It seems to have been at first used as a term of reproach, and was substituted for the epithet of “Jacobin.” In the election, October, 1803, in Adams County, the vote was as follows: For senator - Godfrey Lenhart, 775; Rudolph Spangler, 775; Frederick Eichelberger, 400. York gave a majority for Spangler, and he was elected. For Assembly - Shriver, 1,927; Miller, 1,170; McIlwaine, 792. Sheriff Kuhn, 784; Gilliland, 299; Gettys, 1,131; Horner, 1,111. Arnt was elected coroner, defeating Welsh, Marshall and Smyser. Slagle was elected commissioner over Blythe by 342 majority. These show about the division by the people politically in the county between Federalists and Republicans (Democrats, as they now began to be sometimes called). In 1805 there was still some confusion in men’s minds about how to get at just what they wanted in the way of party nominations and similar matters. At the June term of the court the Grand Jury took the matter in hand and issued a proclamation. In this day such would be a rather startling proceedings, but me must remember this was done in a day of experiments. Very properly the jury proceeds to deplore the violence of party spirit abroad in the land, and winds up by recommending voters to support in the coming election Thomas McKean for governor. The document is signed by William Miller, foreman; Robert Slemmons, Peter Wolford, Samuel Russell, George Kerr, Joshua Russell, Walter Jenkins, Robert McIlhenny, Philip Bishop, John Winrott, John Young, John McCreary, Barnabas McSherry, John Slagle. This jury manifesto was published one week, and the interest it excited is noted well in the fact that a counter blast from citizens came the next week. The reply was over three columns long; was signed by Patrick Hayes, David Wilson, Alexander Russell, Michael Neuman, James McGaughey, Walter Smith, Alexander Cobean, James Scott, John Murphy, Robert Hayes, Isaiah Harr, Henry Schmeiser, Stephen Hendricks, John Edie, George Kerr, William McPherson, Samuel McCullough, Samuel Lilly, William McClellan, Thomas Ewing, William Weirman, James White, Caleb Bailes, Roger Wales, William Garvin, James Brown, John Troxell, Jacob Sell, Sr., George Sheakley, John Galloway. They say they “read with equal regret and astonishment the paper of the jury,” and then they proceed in no mincing way to answer the address. In the early part of 1805 Gov. McKean issued an order to the militia to wear red and blue cockades instead of black, as had been worn. This literally raised a furor in Gettysburg. The Federalists regarded it as verging on treason, and Capt. Alexander Cobean brought out his company on the next parade day, and they wore the new cockades while in the line of duty, but hurrahed for the black cockade. As quick as the company was dismissed the captain tore of his blue cockade and trampled it under foot, and the men all put on black cockades, and with cheers thus paraded the streets. Cobean was court-martialed for this, and the trial was one of the exciting events of the early times. He was convicted and degraded from his command, and then he sought the columns of the Centinel and scored those neighbors who had aided the prosecution without mercy. The Captain could use terse and vigorous English, and he evidently had become thoroughly aroused, and his black cockade waved in the face of his foes as he charged their lines whenever they might appear. The Federal-Republicans, as they styled themselves, published a notice of a “deputy meeting” in Gettysburg, September 16, 1805, to nominate a county ticket for the approaching election. The delegates to this convention were: Cumberland, Alexander Cobean, James Sweeny, Robert Thompson; Berwick, John Hersh, Jacob Baker, Francis Marshall; Huntington, A. Robinette, John Bonner; Menallen, Robert Alexander, Christian Bender; Mountpleasant, William Torrence, Moses Lockhart; Strabane, William King, Jacob Cassat; Franklin, Moses McClean, Capt. Samuel Russell; Hamiltonban, John McGinley, William McMillan; Mountjoy, Samuel Smith; Liberty, John Morrow, John Agnew; Germany, William Beher, Capt. Jacob Winrott; Tyrone, James McKnight; Conowago, Henry Barnherst; Reading, James Chamberlain. The convention nominated for governor Thomas McKean; William Miller for senator; Andrew Shriver and Walter Smith, Assembly, and Jacob Cassat, county commissioner. The Democrats held a convention soon after this and nominated for governor, Simon Snyder; senator, William Reed; Assembly, Walter Smith and William Cooper; commissioner, John Bonner. Then Alexander Cobean, John McGinley, Moses McClean, Robert Harper, James Duncan, Dr. William Crawford, Jacob Cassat, and others, “rushed into print,” and paper bullets of the brain fairly sung and whistled in the air - sulphurous political lightning all around the sky. At the election in October following (1805), the vote in the county stood - McKean, 852; Snyder, 264; William Miller, 1,069; William Reed, 183; William Smith, 1,240; A. Shriver, 1,076; William Cooper, 176; Jacob Cassat, 632; John Bonner, 624. The success of the Federal ticket was overwhelming. The curious part of it was they supported Gov. McKean, while but a short time before they violently opposed him. It seems they did not hesitate to prefer him to Snyder. The Federal-Republicans held a convention to nominate a county ticket, September 15, 1806; John Morrow as chairman and James McSherry, secretary. The delegates were: Cumberland, William McPherson, William McCurdy; Liberty, John Morrow, Thomas McKee; Hamiltonban, James McCleary, David Hart; Mountjoy, William Hooghtalin; Franklin, Peter Mark, William McClean; Strabane, Richard Brown, John McGuffin; Menallen, Robert Alexander, George Blankney; Conowago, Nicholas Ginter; Huntington, Thomas Pearson, James Robinette; Berwick, Fredrick Baugher, Sebastian Heafer; Mountpleasant, Andrew Johnston, Ninian Chamberlain; Borough (Gettysburg) John Galloway; and nominated for Assembly Walter Smith, Andrew Shriver; commissioner, John Bonner. Two coroners, Henry Hoke, Jacob Rider. The Democrats held a convention and put up the following: Assembly, Henry Hoke, William Cooper; coroners, Emanuel Zeigler, Jacob Middlekauf; commissioner, John Miley. At the election following the vote stood: James Kelly, for Congress (no opposition), 1,708 votes. Assembly, Walter Smith, 1,592 votes; Andrew Shriver, 1,577; Henry Hoke, 146; William Cooper, 135. For coroner, Henry Hoke, 1474; Jacob Rider, 1,468; Emanuel Zeigler, 255; J. Middlekauf, 218. Sheriff, J. Winrott, 811 votes; James Horner, 539; John Murphy, 499; John Arndt, 362; William McClellan, 186; James Cox, 9. Commissioner, John Bonner, 1,368; John Miley, 330. September 21, 1807, a county convention met and nominated the following ticket: Assembly, John Edie, James McSherry; commissioner, John Arnt; and appointed Moses Lockhart, David Slagle and John Dickson to meet the York County delegates and nominate a candidate for senator. The deputies at the convention were: Gettysburg, John McConaughy; Cumberland, Hugh Dunwoody, David Horner; Liberty, John Morrow, Peter Carpenter; Hamiltonban, Amos Maginly, William McMillan; Mountjoy, Wilhelmes Hooghtaglin; Franklin, Nathaniel Paxton, David Neuman; Strabane, John Dickson, William King; Menallen, Thomas Cochran; Conowago, Henry Bernhart; Huntington, Daniel Funk, Daniel Shaffer; Latimore, John Bonner, James Robinette; Berwick, Sebastian Hafer, David Slagle, Henry Lilly; Tyrone, James Neely; Germany, Fredrick Keefer, Samuel Beher; Mountpleasant, James Horner, Moses Lockhart. The vote at the following October election stood: For senator, Thomas Campbell, 706 votes; George Spangler, 185: Assembly, James McSherry, 899; James Gettys, 577; John Edie, 322. Commissioner, John Arnt, 558; William Kuhns, 355. January 23, 1808, “a meeting of the Democratic citizens of this county” was called, to be held at the house of Ralph Lashells, in Gettysburg, for the purpose of, for the first time, selecting delegates to a State Democratic Convention to nominate State officers and electors. At this meeting John Agnew was chairman, and Dr. Daniel Sheffer, secretary; Dr. William Crawford and Gen. William Reed were chosen delegates to attend the convention in Lancaster. They were instructed to use their influence for Simon Snyder for governor. A committee was appointed to draft resolutions and to act as a general committee of correspondence on the critical situation of public affairs; committee, Dr. Crawford, Gen. Reed, Samuel Smyth, John Weikert, Dr. Daniel Sheffer. “A large and respectable meeting of Federal-Republicans” was held in the court house, Monday, March 21, 1808; Alexander Russell, chairman; James Dobbins, secretary. “Resolved, That the nomination of a candidate for the office of governor by a caucus of legislators is inconsistent with the principles of a free government and calculated to deprive the people of a free choice of candidates for that important office.” This explains why it was that the Federalists had to choose between McKean and Snyder for governor in the previous election. The legislators had caucused and nominated candidates. This meeting resolved in favor of James Ross, of Pittsburgh, for governor. By another resolution Jacob Cassat, Michael Slagle, Daniel Funk, James Chamberlain, Samuel Withrow, Peter Zimmerman, Robert McIlhenny, Jacob Winrott, John Edie, John Arnt, James Dobbin and George Hosler “were appointed a committee to correspond with the Federal and Constitutional Republicans,” and by all honorable means promote the election of James Ross for governor. Another meeting was held in Bedford March 12, of which Gen. Terrence Campbell was chairman, Dr. George D. Foulke, secretary, at which James Ross was endorsed for governor. About this time thirty-eight members of the State Senate and House held a caucus and styled themselves “constitutional members,” and nominated James Madison for President, and George Clinton for Vice-President. June 22, 1808, a committee of Democrats published in the Centinel a call to the people to meet at the house of George Lashells, Strabane Township, on July 4, of that year, to advise and take counsel together upon the “momentuous and vital question of the day,” and to look after the Democratic prospects in the approaching presidential election. In pursuance of this call a respectable meeting of the Democrats of Adams County convened at the time and place appointed. John Agnew was appointed chairman, and Dr. Daniel Sheffer, secretary. Dr. William Crawford explained the objects of the meeting, and made a short address and offered a series of resolutions. The first resolution says: “That until Constitutional provision shall be made for the manner in which the nomination of suitable characters and candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States shall emanate from the people, we consider the nomination by our representatives in Congress, of all other modes that which is least liable to exceptions.” Then by resolution the meeting heartily endorses the nomination that Congress had made of James Madison and George Clinton. The meeting endorsed Simon Snyder as the Democratic candidate for governor. The Federalists held a county meeting and endorsed James Ross, of Pittsburg, for governor. At the election following Snyder was elected governor, and he continued to hold the office until 1817. The Centinel of September 14, 1808, is filled for the first time on the first page with original matter, mostly of a political nature. The leading article is devoted to demonstrating that the Democrats of the county are a French party; and then follows several columns in disproof of the charge against James Ross, that he is a deist. There is then a lengthy address to the Federalists of the county, urging James Ross for governor. This is signed by John Edie, James Chamberlain, Daniel Funk, John Arndt, George Hassler, Peter Zimmerman, Samuel Withrow, Robert McIlhenny, Jacob Winrott, Michael Slagle, Jacob Cassat, James Dobbins. At the meetings of deputies in September, 1808, the townships were represented as follows: Gettysburg, Michael Neuman; Cumberland, Hugh Dunwoody, David Horner; Liberty, John Morrow, David Eckert; Hamiltonban, Samuel Withrow, William McMillan; Mountjoy, James McIlhenny; Franklin, David Neuman, Peter Mark; Strabane, John Dixon, George Haffler; Menallen, Thomas Cochran, George Hartzel, Jr.; Conowago, Henry Gitt; Huntington, Daniel Funk, Eleazar Brandon; Latimore, William Wireman, Isaac Everett; Berwick, John Hersh, Francis Marshall, Michael Slagle; Reading, Alexander Lung; Tyrone, Henry Schmyser; Germany, Jacob Winrott, Andrew Will; Mountpleasant, Samuel Lilly, James Horner. The convention resolvedin favor of James Ross for governor; James Gettys and James McSherry for Assembly; Joseph Swearinger for commissioner. Federalist ticket, 1808: For governor, James Ross; Congress, James Kelly; Assembly, James Gettys, James McSherry; commissioner, Joseph Swearinger. Democratic ticket: Governor, Jacob Snyder; Congress, William Crawford; Assembly, George Lashells, Henry Hoke; commissioner, William Kuhns. Adams County went Federalist by a vote of over 600 at the election on 1808, while in nearly all the other portions of the State the Democratic party was victorious, and gained largely on its former votes. Adams had started out with a small Federalist majority in 1803, and this was more than doubled in 1808. From 1803 to 1808 the Democrats could not poll 300 votes in the county. The vote stood at the fall election of 1808 as follows: James Ross, 1,372; S. Snyder, 795. For congressman, J. Kelly, 1,404; Dr. William Crawford, 690. Assembly, Gettys, 1,466; McSherry, 1,451; Hoke, 711; Lashells, 698. Commissioner, Swearinger, 1,390; Kuhns, 778. Dr. Crawford had a majority in York County of 1,092 votes, and was elected to Congress. This election was held in October, and the Presidential election in the following November. The vote in the county for senator and sheriff at the election in October, 1809, was as follows: Senator, William Miller, 1199 votes; William Gilliland, 596. For sheriff: James Horner, 732 votes; John Murphy, 544; Jacob Eyster, 539; John Arndt, 379; Robert Harper, 182; John Gilliland, 176. In 1809 the Legislature passed an act granting $2,000 to Adams County to establish an academy school in Gettysburg. In 1810 the school was opened for the education of youths in the English and other languages. The trustees were Dr. William Crawford, then a member of Congress, and William Gilliland. In 1810 the two tickets were published as follows: “Federal Ticket,” for Congress, David Cassat; Assembly, James McSherry; commissioner, Henry Brinkerhoff; auditors, John Dickson, Amos Maginly and Andrew Will; “Republican Ticket” (Democrats really); for Congress, William Crawford; Assembly, Samuel Sloan and Daniel Sheffer; commissioner, George Kerr; auditors, Jacob Eyster, James Wilson and John Miley; trustees of Gettysburg Academy, William Gilliland and Michael Slagle. At the October election, 1810, the vote stood in Adams County: Cassat, 664 votes; William Crawford, 279; James McSherry, 681; James Robinette, 655; Daniel Sheffer, 282; Samuel Sloan, 265; Henry Brinkerhoff, 653; George Kerr, 296; John Dickson, 642; Amos Maginley, 643; Andrew Will, 645; Jacob Eyster, 304; James Wilson, 301; John Miley, 296; William McPherson, 640; Robert Hayes, 637; William Gilliland, 302; Michael Slagle, 299. Crawford had a majority in York County over Cassat, the vote eing 2,053 to 1,126. County receipts and expenditures for the year January, 1810, to January, 1811, were, $9,488.33, as reported by county commissioners Joseph Swearinger, Samuel Withrow, Henry Brinkerhoff and clerk, William McClean. At the October election, 1812, the congressional district was composed of Adams, Cumberland and Franklin Counties, and two congressmen were elected from the district. The Democratic nominees were William Crawford and Robert Whitehill. At the election the vote in this county stood: Edward Crawford, 1,560; James Duncan, 1,581; Robert Whitehill, 531; William Crawford, 482. Cumberland and Franklin Counties voted overwhelmingly democratic and elected William Crawford and Robert Whitehill over the Federal candidates Edward Crawford and James Duncan, who ran so largely ahead of their opponents in Adams County. The vote on the remainder of the ticket was: Assembly, James McSherry, 2,054; James Robinette, 1,551, John Fickes (Dem.), 541. Commissioner, Robert Hayes, 1,503; Henry Hoke, 553. Sheriff, John Murphy, 969; John Arndt, 915; John Ewing, 439. Coroner, Samuel Galloway, 1,437; John Troxell, Jr., 1,437; Bernhart Gilbert, 550; John Shorb, 574. There was a tie vote between Galloway and Troxell. Auditors, John Dickson, 1,497; Alexander Cobean, 1,483; Andrew Will, 1,500; Andrew Marshall, 554; George Smyser, 567; George McKeehan, 554. Trustees, John Edie, 1,493; Samuel Withrow, 1,493; John Robinson, 554; Jacob Eyster, 553. At the November presidential election of this year the Clinton and Ingersoll electors for President and Vice-President received 745 votes, and the Madison and Gerry electors received 410 votes. It will be noticed the vote was much lighter than the vote of the previous October. At the October election, 1813, James McSherry was the Federal candidate for State senator and William Gilliland the Democratic candidate. The district was Adams and York Counties. The vote stood in this county, McSherry, 1,246; Gilliland, 473. This was politically a disastrous year to the Federal party, that had through their papers denounced the war, and in the language of Patrick Henry, cried “Peace! Peace! when there is no peace.” This year every county in the State was carried by the Democrats, except Delaware, Lancaster and Adams. The official vote for senator elected McSherry by fifteen majority, and he was the solitary gain for the Federals in the State that year. This says a great deal for the popularity of Mr. McSherry, and the power of himself and the other Federalists’ leaders in the county to hold their voters in line when there was such a popular tidal wave against them. Mr. Gilliland’s majority (not official) in York was 762, which elected McSherry by eleven votes. The vote on the remainder of the ticket was the usual triumph of the Federalists. At the October election, 1814, the vote in the county stood: Governor, Isaac Wayne (Fed.) 1,230; Simon Snyder, 447. Congress, Alexander Cobean, 1,360; Edward Crawford, 1,341; William Maclay, 302; William Crawford, 286. Assembly, William Miller 1,243, James Robinette 1,669; Jacob Eyster 404. Commissioners, David Steward, 1,312; Henry Smyser, 1,310; Andrew Walter, 373; George Lashells, 372. Auditors, John Dickson, 1,303; Andrew Will, 1,304; William Thompson, 1,303; John Duncan, 371; Samuel Fahnestock, 371; John Robinson, 370. Trustees, William McPherson, 1,301; James H. Miller, 1,293; James Gilliland, 370; Samuel Withrow, 374. The congressional district was Adams, Cumberland and Franklin Counties. William Crawford and Maclay were elected to Congress. We have given the details of the formation of parties here and all the prominent actors, and the parts they took in that broad field work. It makes a very complete reference hand-book for the present generation to study the political actions and influence of a worthy ancestry now passed away. Their children - grandchildren mostly - are now in their way and fashion carrying on the work that had to be taken up by others, when the busy hands of the fathers were crossed upon their breasts in that endless sleep, in that great silent city where contentions and controversies never go - where there is nothing except complete and universal equality. In another chapter we give the list of county officials, taking up the story where this account ends, not deeming it essential to the preservation of all the parties acting and contending in the elections to a later date - that is, not absolutely essential to the future historian. It is deemed sufficient here to say that the Federal party was eventually the Whig party, and in all its names and changes it held its power and mastery in the county until 1856, when that remarkable political episode, Knownothingism, swept over the country. That contest sealed the fate of the Whig party in Adams county, and gave the ascendancy to the Democracy, which it has maintained to this day.