LOCAL HISTORY: Tarring S. Davis, History of Blair County, Volume I, 1931, Blair County, PA - Chapter 8 Contributed for use in the USGenWeb Archives by Judy Banja Copyright 2005. All rights reserved. http://www.usgwarchives.net/copyright.htm http://www.usgwarchives.net/pa/blair/ html file: http://www.usgwarchives.net/pa/blair/1picts/davis/tdavis1.htm _______________________________________________ A HISTORY OF BLAIR COUNTY PENNSYLVANIA UNDER EDITORIAL SUPERVISION OF TARRING S. DAVIS LUCILE SHENK, ASSOCIATE EDITOR HARRISBURG: NATIONAL HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, INC., 1931 VOLUME I CHAPTER VIII THE ALTOONA CONFERENCE, 1862 THE ALTOONA CONFERENCE, 1862 87 THE Civil War period as commonly portrayed by historians, pictures the military struggles, the machinations of generals and the effect of the war on the south. The role played by the northern states through their governors at the Altoona Conference is given negligible consideration, if any. This can be readily explained if one considers that there is practically no original data available. The correspondence relating to the conference was conducted solely by telegraph. The conference was not formally organized, had no secretary, and made no record at the time of the names of those who attended. No representatives of the press were present and the only sources of information are the verbal or written accounts given by the governors who were in attendance. Dr. William H. Egle, who edited the volume entitled, "Andrew Gregg Curtin; His Life and Services," devotes a chapter to "Curtin and the Altoona Conference." The information for this chapter was collected and written by John Russell Young, and it is from this material that the best account of the conference is available. Prior to the Altoona Conference in the autumn of 1862, the victories of the northern armies were few. One of the most outstanding was that at Donelson in the west. General Robert E. Lee of the Confederate forces had driven the northern General Pope and his army from Manassus in Virginia, to the fortifications at Washington. Antietam, although it served to check the south, was not a fruitful victory for the north, and was virtually a drawn battle. Europe was watching the contending forces of the United States with bated breath. Some of the powers, headed by Napoleon III, of France, were ready to intervene as soon as an auspicious moment presented itself. The sentiment of the north was not solely in favor of the northern cause. There were many persons who sympathized with the south. All of these circumstances augured unfavorably for northern success. Andrew Gregg Curtin, Governor of Pennsylvania, believed that the much needed change of morale could be brought about if the governors of the loyal states would express their confidence in the policies of the administration and in the final outcome of the war. His colleagues of the loyal northern states generally believed in the Union and its preservation, but differed on the matters of emancipation, confiscation, habeas corpus and allied subjects. The utmost tact was necessary in order to attain a consensus of action. The border states advocated less severe methods of warfare than did the governors of the northeast, who regarded the war as a matter of sentiment rather than an actual fact. Moreover, border states such as Delaware, Maryland, and Kentucky faced difficult situations when families of their citizens were divided, some fighting for the north and others in the Confederate forces of Virginia and Tennessee. States such as Vermont and Massachusetts, far from the front, showed a growing impatience toward President Lincoln, whom they felt was lax in his attitude toward slavery. 88 BLAIR COUNTY HISTORY New York, interested in maintaining her unprecedented commercial development, was inclined to indifference. Indeed, actual resentment toward the war was expressed there in the draft riots later. Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, felt the need of consolidating the forces of the north and of reconciling the opinions of the Union. He felt that the most certain support for the president would come from a meeting of the loyal governors. At least in such a meeting there could be a frank and genuine exchange of opinions, so that common ground, upon which the north as a unit would stand, could be attained. He realized that at this time compromise alone would bring about the success of the Union. Immediately after the disastrous Penninsular campaign Governor Curtin was in New York City. There he met Mr. Seward, Lincoln's Secretary of State, with whom he conferred at the Astor House. The Mayor of Philadelphia was with the Secretary of State and they were on their way to Boston to meet the mayor of that city to decide upon some plan for increasing the military forces so as to prosecute the war with more vigor. Governor Curtin made the suggestion that their plans might prove more effective if the governors of the loyal states acted on the matter instead of the mayors of the larger cities. Seward was favorably impressed by Curtin's suggestion and telegraphed to President Lincoln who gave his approval at once. This was the inception of the Altoona Conference. On September 6, 1862, Governor Curtin telegraphed the following to Governor John A. Andrew, of Massachusetts: "In the present emergency would it not be well if the loyal governors should meet at some point in the border States to take measures for a more active support of the government?" Governor Andrew replied on the same day that should such a meeting be called he would attend. The invitation was issued a week later on September 14th. "We invite a meeting of the governors of the loyal States, to be held at Altoona, Pennsylvania, on the twenty-fourth instant." A. G. CURTIN, Pennsylvania. DAVID TOD, OHIO. F. H. PIERPONT, Virginia (West Virginia) This call was telegraphed to all the loyal governors, most of whom accepted. Governor Edwin D. Morgan, of New York, is known to have declined. Governor Austin Blair, of Michigan, kept a record of events at the conference and explained that it was wholly private and informal. Among those who were present or represented by emissaries were Andrew G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania; John A. Andrew, of Massachusetts; Richard Yates, of Illinois; Israel Washburn, Jr., of Maine; Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa; D. G. Rose, representing Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana; William Sprague, of Rhode Island; F. H. Pierpont, of Virginia (West Virginia); David Tod, of Ohio; Nathaniel S. Berry, of New Hampshire; Austin Blair, of Michigan, and Edward Solomon. Something of the character, personal appearance and activities in public affairs of these men who THE ALTOONA CONFERENCE, 1862 89 met in Altoona to give support to the Union cause will bear consideration here. Pennsylvania's Governor was described by a correspondent of the New York Journal thus: "Governor Curtin is in the neighborhood of six feet in stature, well proportioned, easy and somewhat careless in his manner, every emotion denoting energy; a playful expression in his mouth and eyes that would indicate that he could tell humorous stories; face smoothly shaven; wearing a slouch hat most of the time, well pulled over his forehead; walking, his head inclined forward, hands in his pockets; easy and familiar in his manner and having the mark of superior intelligence." His activities in the Union cause are so obvious that it is not necessary to say more of them. He came from a prominent Bellefonte family, many of whose members had served with distinction both the state and nation. Governor John Albion Andrew, of Massachusetts, was a conspicuous Abolitionist. He was comparatively young, only forty-four, at the time of the conference. Although not the choice of his party leaders he was overwhelmingly elected by the people and represented the conscience of the Abolition Cause. Newspaper reporters described him as "rather below medium height, somewhat stoutly built; full, reddish face; hair brown and curly, but very thick; a solid teeming energetic figure; deeply religious, the incarnation of the Puritanism of the war." David Tod, Governor of Ohio, was past middle age when he walked with Governor Curtin through the streets of Altoona. He had been a Democrat, Minister to Brazil and president of the convention that nominated Stephen A. Douglas for the presidency. He became the leader of the War Democracy of the north, and was close to Lincoln, who tried to make him Secretary of the Treasury after Chase resigned. Israel Washburn, Jr., of Maine, belonged to an illustrious family. One brother became Minister to France, another was an able soldier, a third a diplomatist and a fourth served with distinction in the United States Senate from Minnesota. Richard Yates, the forty-four year old governor of Illinois, was said to be "probably more dressy than most public men of the west; smooth face, dark eyes and hair, the latter brushed with utmost care." He had served in Congress and was universally popular. Yates is credited with the "discovery" of Ulysses S. Grant to whom he was the first to give a commission. Samuel Kirkwood, Iowa's Governor, was a cautious, considerate and therefore successful statesman. He dressed as a farmer might, wearing a large slouch hat, Lincoln had offered him an office of prominence in the nation, but he had declined preferring to govern Iowa. Twice he served as governor, represented Iowa in the Senate which he left to enter the Cabinet of Garfield. Nathaniel Springer Berry, of New Hampshire, had been a Democrat until freedom became the issue when he became the Republican Governor of his state. He was perhaps the oldest member of the conference and had been a tanner, currier, colonel of militia and judge before entering the governorship. His energy in raising troops in New Hampshire during the war made him an important figure among the loyal governors. Austin Blair, of Michigan, was a native New Yorker. He was painstaking and just. Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, sent a representative because his state was threatened with invasion from the south and he preferred to remain at home to give 90 BLAIR COUNTY HISTORY courage to his constituents. Governor Olden, of New Jersey, was influenced by the neighboring commonwealth of New York, and did not lend much influence to the conference, although he sympathized with its purpose. Connecticut's Governor Buckingham stood high in church and temperance movements of his state. He was advanced in years, a lofty and impressive figure, revered by all and intensely active in supporting the Union cause. The youngest member of the conference was Governor Sprague, of Rhode Island. He headed a great manufacturing business in New England and had served in the Union Army at Bull Run. There he was famous for his courage under fire. Governor Holbrook, of Vermont, was in sympathy with the conference but replied to the invitation, "my labors are now constant and arduous, insomuch in addition to getting our nine-months' troops into camp and ready for marching orders, the session of the Legislature commences in less than three weeks, and I have not yet found time to make the least preparation for it." So he was not present at Altoona. During the Civil War the governors of the northern states had duties a bit different from those of governors during the World War. The State System then in vogue, made it necessary for the governors to administer the raising, equipping and directing of troops summoned by the President. A call for soldiers was sent to each of them and the promptness and efficiency with which they answered it was taken as an expression of the character of their loyalty. They had to plan for the enlistment of volunteers, the organization and training of regiments, the appointment and commission of officers and the transportation of troops to the front. The importance of the governors' position can scarcely be calculated. They were, by virtue of their activities, thrown into intimate contact with the Secretary of War and with the President. Many of these governors became trusted advisers to the President in every phase of war activity. It became a matter of honor that they should raise the quota of men required from their respective states. In consequence they were more closely allied to the federal government than governors in preceding or succeeding periods. Washington came to know many of them, and they learned to know one another as they met in the Department of War on the frequent visits that their responsibilities required. Early in the war some of the governors of the northwestern states met at the suggestion of Governor William Dennison, of Ohio. The governors of Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Ohio were represented, and it was learned at this conference that George B. McClellan was to be general of the troops of Ohio. Altoona was an ideal location for the conference of northern governors. In central Pennsylvania, the transportation facilities afforded by the Pennsylvania Railroad were excellent. The Logan House, once a famous hostelry, named for the local Indian chieftain, was the meeting-place of the governors. In the parlor of this hotel the leaders of the loyal states pledged themselves to the support of the policies of Abraham Lincoln. They were careful to avoid anything that might embarrass the government or invade the prerogative of the President. They served more as a moral force than anything else. No preconceived policy was THE ALTOONA CONFERENCE, 1862 91 outlined or enforced, nor were any individual governors pledged to the support of any particular plan. The one aim of the Altoona Conference was to exchange opinions and reach some conclusion as to the best recommendation to make to President Lincoln for a more vigorous prosecution of the war. Many of them believed that the time had arrived when a Proclamation of Emancipation should be delivered so as to break the support of the negroes in the south. Negro labor on the plantations there was an important factor in providing supplies for the Confederate Armies and consequently worked as much against the north as did the southern armies. The President anticipated this sentiment and announced his Proclamation of Emancipation to extend over the whole Confederacy, just before the Altoona Conference met. But the situation before the governors was more obviously a military one. The campaign that opened in the spring of 1862 had failed. McClellan and his great, carefully organized and drilled army had not taken Richmond. Grant and his colleagues were achieving success in the west but the failure of McClellan and the approach of Lee with his Confederate troops into the border states called for immediate action. During the interval between the plans for the conference and their consummation the battle of Antietam was fought. This rallied the northern leaders because, although not a complete success, Lee was compelled to retire across the Potomac into Virginia. The danger was by no means past, for the southern army was in good condition and needed only a little rest before making another attack on the north. Among the subjects considered at the conference Governor Kirkwood reported that the condition of military affairs, particularly the fitness of McClellan for his position, were under discussion. On the latter point there is said to have been some difference of opinion. Governor Blair reported that the majority of the governors present felt that the public welfare and the cause of the north would be served best if General McClellan should retire. On the matter of emancipation there was more unity of feeling and opinion, than on the matter of McClellan's fitness to serve. For this reason it was decided to present an address to President Lincoln and omit any expression of opinion on the latter point. The group resolved to visit President Lincoln in Washington at once, present the address or resolutions of the conference to him, and then speak to him informally on any matter that might be chosen. After two days of meeting the conference at Altoona adjourned to proceed to Washington. The following day, September 26, 1862, the governors presented themselves to the President, and Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, read the following "Address of the Loyal Governors" to him. "To the President, Adopted at a Meeting of Governors of Loyal States, held to Take Measures for the More Active Support of the Government, at Altoona, Pennsylvania, on the Twenty-fourth day of September, 1862: "After nearly one year and a half spent in contest with an armed and gigantic rebellion against the national government of the United States, the duty and purpose of the loyal States and people continue, and must always remain as they were at its origin-namely, to restore and perpetuate the authority of this gov- 92 BLAIR COUNTY HISTORY ernment and the life of the nation. No matter what consequences are involved in our fidelity, this work of restoring the Republic, preserving the institutions of democratic liberty, and justifying the hopes and toils of our fathers shall not fail to be performed. "And we pledge without hesitation, to the President of the United States, the most loyal and cordial support, hereafter, as heretofore, in the exercise of the functions of his great office. We recognize in him the Chief Executive Magistrate of the nation, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, their responsible and constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power, as well as the constitutional powers of Congress, must be rigorously and religiously guarded and preserved, as the condition on which alone our form of government and the constitutional rights and liberties of the people themselves can be saved from the wreck of anarchy or from the gulf of despotism. "In submission to the laws which may have been or which may be duly enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, cooperating always in our own spheres, with the national government, we mean to continue in the most vigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers, contending against treason, rebellion, and the public enemies, and whether in public life or in private station, supporting the arms of the Union, until its cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch upon its standard, or the rebel foe shall yield a dutiful, rightful and unconditional submission. "And, impressed with the conviction that an army of reserve ought, until the war shall end, to be constantly kept on foot, to be raised, armed, equipped and trained at home, and ready for emergencies, we respectfully ask the President to call for such a force of volunteers for one year's service, of not less than one hundred thousand in the aggregate, the quota of each State to be raised after it shall have filled its quota of the requisitions already made, both for volunteers and militia. We believe that this would be a measure of military prudence, while it would greatly promote the military education of the people. "We hail with heartfelt gratitude and encouraged hope the proclamation of the President, issued on the twenty-second instant, declaring emancipated from their bondage all persons held to service or labor as slaves in the rebel States, whose rebellion shall last until the first day of January now next ensuing. The right of any person to retain authority to compel any portion of the subjects of the national government, to rebel against it, or to maintain its enemies, implies in those who are allowed possession of such authority the right to rebel themselves; and therefore the right to establish martial law or military government in a State or Territory in rebellion implies the right and duty of the government to liberate the minds of all men living therein by appropriate proclamations and assurances of protection, in order that all who are capable, intellectually and morally, of loyalty and obedience, may not be forced into treason as the unwilling tools of rebellious traitors. To have continued indefinitely the most efficient cause, support and stay of the rebellion, would have been, in our judgment, unjust to the loyal people whose treasure and lives are made a willing sacrifice on the THE ALTOONA CONFERENCE, 1862 93 altar of patriotism - would have discriminated against the wife who is compelled to surrender her husband, against the parent who is to surrender his child, to the hardships of camp and the perils of battle, in favor of rebel masters permitted to retain their slaves. It would have been a final decision alike against humanity, justice, the rights and dignity of the government, and against sound and wise national policy. The decision of the President to strike at the root of the rebellion will lend new vigor to the efforts and new life and hope to the hearts of the people. Cordially tendering to the President our respectful assurances of personal and official confidence, we trust and believe that the policy now inaugurated will be crowned with success, will give speedy and triumphant victories over our enemies, and secure to this nation and this people the blessing and favor of Almighty God. We believe that the blood of the heroes who have already fallen, and those who may yet give their lives to their country, will not have been shed in vain. "The splendid valor of our soldiers, their patient endurance, their manly patriotism, and their devotion to duty, demand from us and from all their countrymen the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the pledge of our constant reinforcement and support. A just regard for these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter, has called us into friendly conference. And now, presenting to our national Chief Magistrate, this conclusion of our deliberations, we devote ourselves to our country's service, and we will surround the President with our constant support, trusting that the fidelity and zeal of the loyal States and people will always assure him that he will be constantly maintained in pursuing with utmost vigor the war for the preservation of the national life and the hope of humanity." A. G. CURTIN, JOHN A. ANDREW, RICHARD YATES, ISRAEL WASHBURN, JR., EDWARD SOLOMON, SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, O. P. MORTON (by D. G. ROSE, his representative), WM. SPRAGUE, F. H. PIERPONT, DAVID TOD, N. S. BERRY, AUSTIN BLAIR. The interview with President Lincoln was entirely private. No reporters were there nor any of the secretaries of the President. The only report made public was the above address. Governor Kirkwood is said to have commented at length upon the subject of McClellan's service. Governor Blair suggested 94 BLAIR COUNTY HISTORY that some one else be tried in his place. The President is quoted as saying in response to Blair, "Oh, but I might lose an army by that." The governors left the interview with unswerving confidence in the President, whose own hopes were raised, and they returned to their respective states to successfully carry out their promises in the matter of the one hundred thousand volunteers. All of the loyal governors had an opportunity to sign the address, for copies were sent to every one. Governor Olden, of New Jersey, declined to sign, as did Governor H. R. Gamble, of Missouri, who gave for his reason his "apprehension of any good from the proclamation of emancipation." Governor Robinson, of Kentucky, replied, "While I cordially approve of many of the sentiments, I dissent from that portion which endorses President Lincoln's proclamation, and therefore decline signing the address, reserving for myself, the right hereafter to give my reasons." Governors Gibbs, of Oregon; Robinson, of Kansas; and Ramsay, of Minnesota, assented. Governor William Borden, of Delaware, "declined respectfully to append his name to the address, not believing in the policy of emancipation." Governor Morgan, of New York, felt that "it would be more in accordance with his sense of propriety to express his views in another manner than subscribing to the proceedings of a meeting at which he had not been present." Suspicion was excited by some happening just before the conference, probably by a newspaper article, as to the candor of a movement that brought the governors to Altoona. Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, who was the first to accept the invitation to the conference, was attacked by some political enemies who were not in a position to know exactly what occurred at Altoona. In defense of himself and the conference he wrote: "The meeting was one which, whether as citizens or as magistrates, we had a right to hold. And, in the discharge of our duties, many of which, connected with the military service of the United States (whose government relies wholly on the States for the raising and recruitment of the army), are difficult and complicated, it is easy to perceive how mutual consultation might be advantageous. It is even more easy to see how natural it is for the governors of Ohio, Virginia and Pennsylvania, at the time this invitation was issued, to feel the grave importance to our States of lively and efficient support from every quarter to the national cause. Nor do I suppose that any person has ever doubted the propriety of the conduct of the Governor of Massachusetts in joining that consultation of governors, except the very persons who were swift to observe and exclaim that his name did not appear with the names of many other governors on a certain petition to the President last July. And had not the President's proclamation of freedom appeared, as it did (just one day before our meeting), sadly disappointing certain gentlemen who had rightly declared it a great merit and public duty to stand by the President, and had the Altoona Conference been held and its address published without my name or presence, I have no manner of doubt that I should have felt the heat of their burning indignation at my slowness to unite with the conservative governors who summoned us to Altoona, in helping to strengthen the arm of the President and to increase his disposable force. As THE ALTOONA CONFERENCE, 1862 95 it was, those gentlemen were disturbed. They were cut off from making war on the President by their own recent avowals and declarations. But it was desirable that somebody should be abused. I was the Republican candidate for re-election; I was a supporter of the President's proclamation and policy; was the most convenient scapegoat, and so they took me. I believe Judge Parker indicted me before his convention for causing the President's proclamation by going to Altoona the day after it was printed. And I presume that Mr. Saltonstall introduced the supposed proof that I imagined the removal of General McClellan as evidence in support of Judge Parker's indictment. For since Judge Parker seems to have reversed the order of cause and effect, in the making of his allegation, I can see no way of supporting it save by a similar muddle of logic and the confusion of truth with its opposite. "And now, my dear sir, the sober truth is simply this: (1). I read the President's proclamation in print on the morning of the twenty-third, with as much surprise as judge Parker did, though perhaps with more pleasure. (2). I did not either formally or informally, directly or indirectly, at any time, move or suggest that the governors should interfere with the position of Major-General McClellan, or of any other officers of the army or navy. Nor do I believe that any such motion was proposed by any one else. I heard none whatever, concerning that or any other general. But if you ask how so great a blunder has been made, I can only reply that when people seek to make a point against their neighbor by a sort of eaves-dropping, by attempting to penetrate the private conversation of gentlemen and to betray their confidential speeches, great blundering, if not something worse, will always be close at hand. They will usually contrive to report just what they hoped to hear. "I have written this with some fullness, and with entire freedom. Your venerable character and long devotion to the cause of good and just principles had a right to command me. But now I beg leave to remark: "1. That I utterly deny the moral right of gentlemen to carry on political controversies by trying to penetrate private circles, and to promulgate private conversation, which cannot affect the public unless made public. "2. That the gentlemen in question need not have sent a third person to find out what I said at Altoona. I could have told them myself, if they had asked me. And they know me well enough to know that I am accustomed to act openly, without disguise or concealment, and, when convinced what I ought to do, without much hesitation. "In conclusion, I cannot but regret the tendency I observe to obtrude matters mainly personal upon the attention of the people. It is the great cause of Democratic constitutional representative government which is now on trial. Not the cause of any man on earth. We are contending for the very hopes of a future, for a grand and wonderful people over whom (fallen?) angels might pause to weep. The interests of no public man, civil or military, demand the thought of a loyal human being among us. And they weaken and belittle our moral position, while they tend to demoralize the public heart and mind, who attempt to hang 96 BLAIR COUNTY HISTORY the issue of national life on the sword of any leader. Wisdom will still live when all of this generation have gone under the dust; the people, country, humanity, will live when all who are now counted great, in peace or war, will have been forgotten and lost, even to history. "Believe me, sir, with high respect, "Your obedient servant, "JOHN A. ANDREW." The conference caused excitement in other quarters, too. Governor Blair wrote of the discussion that ensued in Congress at Washington in addition to commenting upon the results of the conference himself. "What effect the conference had upon the country and upon the administration is mainly a matter of inference. The publication of the address to the President at once made known to the people the vigorous policy recommended by the governors; and that it had some influence in restoring confidence in the ability of the government to sustain itself is undoubted. That it promoted enlistments in the States and infused greater activity into the recruiting service, and tended greatly to strengthen the armies in the field, and to silence discontent amongst the disloyal elements in the loyal States, there can be no question. "It was also very evident at the time that the unanimous agreement of the loyal governors to sustain the administration in its efforts to increase the army rapidly and promote its strength, both in numbers and activity, were very grateful to the President, and not by any means without its influence upon the future policy of the administration. "There had existed from the commencement of the war a considerable party in the Northern States that professed to believe that the South could not be conquered; but that at last a compromise would have to be made that would leave the South the institution of slavery intact, and with more effectual guarantees for its protection in the future. This party was greatly encouraged by the failure of McClellan in the Peninsular Campaign and the disasters that followed it. "The unanimity of the governors and the vigorous address of the conference in favor of a more energetic prosecution of the war, together with the Emancipation Proclamation of the President, had a great effect to shut the mouths and paralyze the efforts of the so-called peace party. The conference showed no signs of discouragement, but its action, on the contrary, proved its absolute confidence in the ability of the country to put down the rebellion, as well as a determination to employ the entire power of the loyal States to that end. "Some illy informed persons have asserted that the call for the conference had occasioned the issue of the Emancipation Proclamation. The proclamation itself was issued and published to the country two days before the conference assembled. "That assertion was certainly not true. It was well understood by all men in any way conversant with the views of President Lincoln, that he had for a long THE ALTOONA CONFERENCE, 1862 97 time contemplated the proclamation and only waited for a favorable occasion to put it forth. "On the twenty-fifth of January, the 'conscription bill' being under consideration in the House of Representatives in Washington, a discussion arose upon this subject. It was begun by Mr. Mallory, a member of the House, from Kentucky. He was attacking the policy of the administration in regard to slavery, and in that connection he said: "'A set of factious governors of Northern States, after having in conjunction with leading radical traitors, in vain urged and pressed the President to change his policy, met at Altoona, in the State of Pennsylvania, and informed the President that unless his policy was changed, unless the extermination of slavery was made the object and purpose of the war, and not the restoration of the authority of the constitution and laws over the rebellious States; that if slavery was not put in process of extirpation they would stop the war; that not one of their States would rally to the standard he had raised for the purpose of vindicating the constitution and the laws. Then, as if by magic, the policy of the government changed. "'I say, Mr. Speaker, that it was that meeting of factious governors, at Altoona, and the pressure they brought to bear and had previously with others brought to bear on the President of the United States, who is weaker than a man ought to be who sits at the head of our government and holds the reins of power in a nation like the United States, that has caused him to abandon his original policy, which was successful, which was admirable; and to take up that other policy which has failed, and which gentlemen on the otherside acknowledge to have failed.' "It is evident, that Mr. Mallory knew nothing accurately concerning the conference at Altoona, had never read the address to the President, nor considered the fact that the proclamation was issued before the conference assembled, and was in fact, the act of the President alone, though it met with a hearty response from the conference and the people of the loyal States as well, and now has become one of the principal supports of the great and ever increasing fame of Abraham Lincoln. "Mr. Mallory was merely talking politics and very much at random, but before the discussion closed Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, corrected the error of this 'gentleman from Kentucky' very fully in substance, though falling himself into the error of admitting that the conference assembled at Altoona before the proclamation was issued, which was a mistake by the space of two days." "The Altoona Conference was next to the Proclamation of Emancipation, the most decisive civil event of the war. It aroused the latent fires of the North, taught the insurgent South that it must deal with the united North, that President Lincoln spoke as the voice of the American people. It gave new strength and hope to our brave soldiers in the field, and made sure that the Union cause would succeed. It was a noble, inestimable service, apt to be overlooked in the rush and roar of noisier events." Thus Mr. Young summarized the services of 98 BLAIR COUNTY HISTORY the northern governors at the Altoona Conference. These conclusions are substantiated by information presented much later by Colonel A. K. McClure, when he delivered a eulogy after the death of Governor Curtin, before the Pennsylvania Assembly. Among other things Colonel McClure stated that in a conversation with a leading officer of the Confederate Government, after the war, the southerner admitted that the Altoona Conference of loyal governors, pledging their allegiance to the Union and its cause, broke the morale of the south as could nothing else.