Local History: Chapters IV & V - Part I: Early Voyagers and Traders & The First Swedish Settlement: Bean's 1884 History of Montgomery Co, PA Contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by Susan Walters USGENWEB NOTICE: Printing this file by non-commercial individuals and libraries is encouraged, as long as all notices and submitter information is included. Any other use, including copying files to other sites requires permission from the submitters PRIOR to uploading to any other sites. We encourage links to the state and county table of contents. ºººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººº BEAN'S HISTORY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA ºººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººº 49 (cont.) CHAPTER IV. EARLY VOYAGERS AND TRADERS - FIRST SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE AND SCHUYLKILL RIVERS. THE events connected with and resulting from the discovery of the South and North Rivers [Delaware and Hudson] by Henry Hudson, from 1609 to 1638, are so interwoven with the settlements of the Swedes on the shores of the Delaware and Schuylkill Rivers, as to render some account, it of the advent of the Dutch or Netherlanders, a necessary prelude to the annals of the later settlers. 50 The writer has consulted numerous authorities upon the remarkable events of the period referred to, and has used them freely when deemed essential to a concise narrative of facts. [See NOTE 4-1.] [NOTE 4-1.] Bancroft History. United States; Proud, History, Pennsylvania; Colonial Archives; Sherman Day, History. Pennsylvania Davis, History. Bucks County; Broadhead History New York; Mrs. Martha J. Lamb, History. New York; Scharf and Westcott. History of Philadelphia. [FINIS NOTE 4-1.] There is no subject associated with the history of our ancestry more replete with continuing interest than that which relates to the experience and achievements of the early voyagers, traders, and settlers who landed upon the shores of the Delaware River. The splendid bay which joins river to ocean invited them to safe anchorage after their long and adventurous passage over a trackless and comparatively unknown "waste of waters" between two continents. The Delaware River and its confluents were unexplored to them, beyond what they could learn from the Savages who met them many miles south of tide-water levels. The period of these early settlements, about 1620, was marked by great maritime, activity, induced by the discovery of the North American continent by Christopher Columbus, and the many and remarkable voyagers who subsequently crossed the Atlantic Ocean on exploring expeditions, first and ostensibly to extend the dominion of their "Gracious Sovereigns," and second to gratify their professional ambition in opening up new avenues of trade and the accumulation of wealth. [See NOTE 4-2.] The return of these early voyagers and their flattering reports of climate, bays and harbors, rivers, soil, surface products, and, minerals, with imaginary possibilities and the wild and savage character of the native people, all tended to increase public interest in the New World and attract adventurous spirits on its shores. [See NOTE 4-3.] This condition of things was suggestive to capitalized ambition, and led to the formation of corporations or companies for the encouragement of transatlantic commerce and the establishment of permanent colonies at or near convenient points of Shipment on navigable rivers. [NOTE 4-2.] There is no ground for reasonable doubt that John and Sebastian Cabot, natives of Venice, probably sailors almost from birth. But doing business in Bristol, England, at the time of their commission under King Henry VII, were the first navigators, at least of historic times, to discover the actual coast-line of the North American continent, along which they sailed from Newfoundland to the parallel of Gibraltar, that is to say, to about the latitude of Cape Hatteras. John Cabot, the senior of these sailors and traders, excited by the news of the great discovery made by Christopher Columbus, and with the certainty thus warranted of reaching land by sailing westward, obtained a commission under the great seal of England from King Henry VII, dated March 5, 1496, authorizing the, navigator and his three sons, or either of them, their heirs or their deputies, to sail into the Eastern, Western, or Northern seas with a fleet of five ships at their own expense, in search of unknown lands, Islands, or provinces, to plant the banner of England on these when found, and possess and occupy them as vassals of the English crown. The provision that the explorers should voyage at their own expense was characteristic of the thrifty monarch, but the commission of a king at that day was the only safeguard the navigator had to protect him from suspicions of piracy, and the exclusive right of frequenting and trading to the new countries when found was a privilege for which nations were soon to contend. [FINIS NOTE 4-2.] [NOTE 4-3.] "Every great European event affected the fortunes of America. Did a State prosper, it sought an increase of wealth by plantations in the West; was a sect persecuted, it escaped to the New World. The Reformation, followed by collisions between English Dissenters and the Anglican hierarchy colonized New England; the Reformation, emancipating the Low Countries, led to settlements on the Hudson. The Netherlands divide with England the glory of having planted the first colonies in the United States; they also divided the glory of having set the example of public freedom. If England gave our fathers the idea of a popular representation, the United Provinces were their model of a Federal Union." [FINIS NOTE 4-3.] In 1609, Henry Hudson, an English navigator of great experience and remarkable energy, then in the service of the Dutch East India Company, explored the coast from the Chesapeake Bay to Maine. The Delaware River was first explored by this bold mariner. His first officer, Robert Jewett (or Juet), kept a journal of the ship's experience, from which it appears that on Aug. 28, 1609 (new style), they entered the mouth of the river. It was on the strength of this discovery, and that of the Hudson River by the same officer, that the Dutch based their claim to the lands between the North and South Rivers, as the Hudson and Delaware Rivers were then called, as well as that which was contiguous to their shores. PICTURE OF HENRY HUDSON APPEARS HERE. The accounts of this voyage and the discoveries made are said to be accurate, circumstantial, and satisfactory to all historians. [See NOTE 4-4.] The Dutch did not [NOTE 4-4.] We know surprisingly little of Henry Hudson. Be is said to have been the personal friend of Capt. John Smith, the founder of Virginia, and it is probable that he was of the family of that Henry Hudson who, in 1554, was one of the original incorporators of the English Muscovy Company. This man's son, Christopher, supposed to have been the father of the great navigator, was as early as 1560 and up to 1601, the factor and agent on the spot of the London company trading to Russia, and it seems likely that the younger Hudson, from his familiarity with Arctic navigation, and his daring pertinacity in attempting to invade the ice-bound northern wastes may have served his apprenticeship as a navigator in trading on the behalf of the Muscovy Company, from Bristol to Russia, as was than often done through the North Channel, and round the Hebrides, Orkneys, Shetlands, and North Cape to the White Sea and Archangel. At any rate, when Hudson makes his first picturesque appearance before us in the summer of 1607, in the Church of St. Ethelburge, Bishopsgate Street, London, where he and his crew are present to partake of the Holy Sacrament together, it is preparatory to a voyage in the service of the newly organized "London Company," in Jewett's own words, "for to discover a passage by the North Pole to Japan and China." The navigator was at that time a middle-aged man, experienced and trusted. He had already explored the northeast and the north, and the region between the Chesapeake and Maine. There was no room for hope but to the north of Newfoundland. Proceeding by the way of Iceland, where the famous "Hecia" was casting out fire, passing Greenland and Frobisher's Straits, he landed on the 2d of August, 1610, into the straits which bear his name, and into which no one had gone before. As he came out from the passage upon the wild gulf, he believed that he beheld "a sea, to the westward," that the short way, to the Pacific was found. How great was his disappointment when be found himself in a labyrinth without end. Still confident of ultimate success, the determined mariner resolved on wintering in the bay, that he might perfect his discovery in the spring. His crew murmured at the sufferings of a winter, for which no preparations had been made. At length the late and anxiously-expected spring burst forth, but it opened in vain for Hudson. Provisions were exhausted; he divided the last bread among his men and prepared for them a bill of return, and he "wept as he gave to them." Believing himself almost on the point of succeeding, where Spaniards and English and Danes and Dutch had failed, he left his anchoring-place to steer for Europe. For two days the ship was encompassed by fields of ice, and the discontent of the crew broke forth into mutiny. Hudson was seized, and, with his only son and several others, four of whom were sick, were thrown into the shallop. Seeing his commander thus exposed, Philip Staffe, the carpenter, demanded and gained leave to share his fate. And just as the ship made its way out of the ice, on a midsummer day, in a latitude where the sun in that season hardly goes down and evening twilight mingles with the dawn, the shallop was cut loose. What became of Hudson? Did he die miserably of starvation? Did he reach land to perish from the fury Of the natives? Was he crushed between ribs of ice? The returning ship encountered storms, by which she was probably overwhelmed. The gloomy waste of waters which bears his name is his tomb, and his monument. [FINIS NOTE 4-4.] 51 avail themselves at once of the great advantages of trade and commerce opened tip by the wonderful discoveries of Hudson, who had penetrated the North or Hudson River as far as Albany, visiting the river tribes of Indians and ascertaining the vast resources of valuable furs and skins purchasable from the savages at merely nominal prices. [See NOTE 4-5.] Hudson's report of the South or Delaware River was that from observations made. He found the land "to trend away towards the northwest, with a great bay and rivers, but the bay was shoal." It is evident that Hudson did not find the Delaware River as inviting in a navigable point of view as the North or Hudson River, and therefore it was that the Dutch first settled upon the latter river. In 1611 two enterprising men, Hendricks Christiaensen, of Cleves, Holland, a West India trader, and Adrian Block, of Amsterdam, in company with Schipper Rysar, chartered and equipped a ship and made a successful voyage to and up the Hudson River, exchanging commodities with the Indian tribes, and returning with a profitable cargo of furs and skins. They were also successful in securing two young Indians, said to be the sons of chiefs, whom they christened Valentine and Orson. These savages, not less than the possibilities of large trade in the rude products of their tribes, excited popular interest in the new country. These enterprising traders, joined by a number of merchants, memorialized the Provincial States of Holland and West Friesland by the importance of discoveries made and it was judged of sufficient, consequence to be formally communicated to the cities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Hoorn, and Enckhuysen. [Broadhead, i. p. 46. N. Y. Hist. Coll, 2nd series, ii. 355.] On the 27th of March, 1614, the States-General ordained "that private adventurers might enjoy an exclusive privilege for four Successive voyages to any passage, haven, or country they should thereafter find." With such encouragement, a company of merchants in the same year sent five small vessels, of which the "Fortune," of Amsterdam, had Christiaensen for its commander; the "Tiger," of the same port, Adrian Block; the "Fortune," of Hoorn, Cornelis Jacobsen Mey, to extend the discoveries of Hudson, as well as the trade with the natives. Upon the return of this merchant fleet the officers made report to the States-General, in conformity with the terms of the "ordinance" under which they sailed. This report embraced a detailed account of their exploring effort on the coast, and entrance to harbors and rivers. Appended to the same were maps representing the topographical face of the country for some miles inland. Armed with this report and "figurative map" these navigators, supported and accompanied by the wealthy merchants in whose service they were really employed, proceeded to the Hague to obtain further communions from the "twelve mighty Lords of the States-General," presided over by John von Old Barneveldt, the advocate of Holland. They presented an admirable case, basing their claim for a further and enlarged extension of privileges upon the perils and hardships endured, misfortunes suffered, and advantages likely to accrue to the merchants of the Netherlands. Barneveldt and his associates were favorably impressed with the flattering report, and promptly granted to the united company of merchants and their adventurous Dutch captains a three years' monopoly of trade with the territory between Virginia and New France, from forty to forty-five degrees of latitude. This grant was in the nature of a charter, executed on the 11th day of October, 1614, and named the extensive region of country embraced in it as the New Netherlands. [NOTE 4-5.] Hudson related that he was taken to a house well constructed of oak-bark, circular in form, and arched in the roof, the granary of the beans and maize of the last year's harvest, while outside, enough of them lay drying to load three ships. Two mats were spread out as seats for the strangers; food was immediately served in neat red bowls; men who were sent at once with bows and arrows for game soon returned with pigeons; a fat dog, too, was killed, and haste made to prepare a feast. When Hudson refused to wait, they supposed him to be afraid of their weapons, and taking their arrows they broke them in pieces and threw them into the fire. Of all lands on which I ever set my foot, say Hudson, this is the best for tillage. [FINIS NOTE 4-5.] While these early monopolists were paying court to the Netherland government, and adroitly laying plans for large acquisitions of lands which they claimed to have discovered between Virginia and the New England coast, Capt. Cornelis Hendricksen manned and equipped the "Unrest," or "Restless," a yacht of sixteen tons, built by Capt. Block, to take the place of the "Tiger," burnt at Manhattan Island, and proceeded to explore the Delaware Bay and River. He is reported to have landed at several places, made soundings, and prepared extensive charts of the shore line, and noting the entrance of many of the confluent streams emptying into this navigable highway. As evidence of the thoroughness of the manner in which Herdricksen did his work on the Delaware, it is related that, while leaving the "Restless" at anchor at the mouth of Christiana Creek, he extended his 52 observations inland for some distance, where he came in contact with a small party of Minqua Indians, and rescued three white men, Netherlanders, who had some months prior strayed away from the fort or trading-station at Castle Island, on the Hudson River. These men had lost their way in the forest and had reached the Mohawk Valley. Crossing from thence to the Delaware, they fell in with savages who proved friendly, and, by a providence of life deemed most fortunate by them, met their friends on the shore of Christiana Creek. Having prepared himself to make an advantageous report, lie returned to Holland, and on the 16th of August, 1616, appeared before the States-General, declaring "he had discovered a bay and three rivers, situated between thirty-eight and forty degrees, and did there trade with the Indians, said trade consisting of sables, furs, robes, and other skins. He hath found the said country full of trees, to wit: oak, hickory, and pines, which trees were in some places covered with vines. He bath seen in said country bucks and doe, turkeys and partridges. He hath found the climate of said country very temperate, judging it to be as temperate as Holland." On this report Hendricksen claimed further and extensive privileges and immunities. In this he, was disappointed. The authorities refused him upon the ground that a change in their policy was expedient, looking to the permanent colonization of the country he claimed to have explored. This policy comprehended the organization of a "West Indies Company." The growth, utility, and experience of this company for many subsequent years, resulting from the political agitation of the Netherlands, affords an interesting theme for comment, and is nowhere more graphically described than in the recently-published "History of New York", by Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. The spirit of religious persecution which prevailed in the seventeenth century was also a factor in the work of colonization. The Puritan exiles, led by John Robinson, William Brewster, and others, who had been living in the Netherlands in the enjoyment of their religious tenets, were looked upon as a migratory people, and by a certain class of political economists thought available as colonists for the purpose of founding a flourishing settlement at some point on the Atlantic coast. To these people the New World was painted in glowing colors by the Dutch navigators and capitalists, while they in turn were willing to make unusual sacrifices for the enjoyment of religious liberty. Here were conditions of society and policy which seemed to synchronize and promise the most desirable results to all parties concerned. These exiles had made overtures to the Virginia Colony and the Plymouth Company, but-in both instances, failed to effect arrangements 'deemed necessary for their permanent welfare as a colony, and therefore applied to the Netherlands through the Amsterdam merchants to settle at some point in the New World under the protection of the States-General. John Robinson prepared the memorial. He proposed to take four hundred families with him, provided they were assured of protection. "They desired to go to the new 'Netherlands, to plant there the true Christian religion, to convert the savages of those countries to the true knowledge and understanding of the Christian faith, and through the grace of the Lord, and to the glory of the Netherlands' government, to colonize and establish a new empire under the order and command of the Prince of Orange and the High Mighty Lords States-General." The company of merchants heartily co-operated with Robinson in his comprehensive purpose, pledging large sums of money to secure transportation for the four hundred families, and all the necessary supplies of stock, implements, seeds, provisions, etc. and when plans were well matured they sent their most influential men to submit the memorial to the Hague, with their endorsement of the project. The Prince of Orange referred the project to the States-General, who, after great consideration, refused to sanction the enterprise or grant them the protection deemed necessary by Robinson and his coadjutors for the success and permanency of the new colony in the wilds of America. It was this refusal of the Dutch to transplant the "Pilgrims" on the Hudson and Delaware Rivers that aroused the reserved energies of their restless souls, and led to their subsequent departure in the "Speedwell" and "Mayflower" for Plymouth Rock. About this time religious controversy was renewed with great vigor. The Calvinists find Puritans were arrayed against the Armenians, who were in control of the States and patronage of the country. The work of the Reformation was producing its just fruits, and the freedom of religious thought prevailed. In 1619, after a bitter contest, the Calvinists triumphed, and soon after signalized their success by chartering the West India Company, granting to it extraordinary powers for the encouragement of maritime commerce and the extension of colonial dominion. This charter is dated June 3, 1621, and gave to the West India Company for the period of twenty-four years the exclusive monopoly of trade and navigation to the coasts of Africa, between the Cape of Good Hope and the Tropic of Cancer, and to the coasts of America and the West Indies, between the Straits of Magellan and Newfoundland. The company was invested with enormous powers. In the language of Brodhead, it might make in the name of the States-General, 53 "contracts and alliances with the princes and natives of the countries comprehended within the limits of its charter, build forts, appoint and discharge governors, soldiers, and public officers, administer justice, and promote trade. It was bound to advance the peopling of these fruitful and unsettled parts, and do all that the service of those countries and the profit and increase of trade shall require." The States General had a sort of general supervision, with the privilege of confirming the appointment of superior officers, but no other powers over it. The government of the company was vested in five boards of managers, -one at Amsterdam, managing four-ninths of the whole; one at Middleburg, in Zealand, managing two-ninths; one at Dordrecht, on the Maese, managing one-ninths; one in North Holland, one ninth; and one in Friesland and Groningen, one ninths. The general executive power for all purposes, the power to declare war only being reserved for the approval of the States, was confided to a board of nineteen delegates, of whom eight were to come from the Amsterdam chamber, and the rest from the other chambers in proportion to their shares, except that the States-General bad one delegate. The States were pledged to defend the company against all comers, to advance to it a million guilders in money, and give it for its assistance sixteen ships of war of three hundred tons each, and four yachts of eighty tons, fully equipped. This fleet was to be maintained, manned, and supported by the company, which besides was to provide an equal number of vessels on its own part, the whole to be under the command of an admiral selected by the States-General. Any inhabitant of the Netherlands or of other countries might become a stockholder during 1621, but after that year the subscription books were to be closed, and no new members admitted. Colonization was one object of this great monopoly, but what its chiefs looked to principally for profit was a vast system of legalized piracy against the commerce of Spain and Portugal in Africa and America. The company was not finally organized under the charter until June, 1623, when the subscription books were closed. In the interval between the lapse of the old United Company and the completion of the charter of the new monopoly, several ships were sent on trading ventures of a more or less private character to the North and South Rivers in the New Netherlands, among them vessels which had visited those regions before. King James I. having granted the charter of the Plymouth Company, complaints began to be heard about Dutch intrusions. Sir Samuel Argall, who is represented in the spurious Plantagenet pamphlet as having forced a Dutch governor in Manhattan to yield allegiance to the British king in 1613, is found in 1621 as complaining, in a memorial signed by him, Sir Ferdinando Georges, the Earl of Arundel, and Capt. John Mason, against the "Dutch intruders," who are represented as having only settled on the Hudson in 1620. This was claimed by the Plymouth Company as proof of the British king's title to the whole country, jure primae occupationis. This led to a protest, in December, 1621, by the British government, through Sir Dudley Carleton, ambassador at the Hague. The States professed ignorance, and promised to make inquiry, and with that answer, after some fretfulness, the British minister was forced to content himself. In fact, the States-General, engrossed in preparations for the war with Spain, simply delayed matters until the West India Company was organized, when all such questions were referred to it for settlement. It thus became an issue between British Plymouth Company and Dutch West India Company, and the latter was the stronger of the two, both in men and argument. The ships of that company, even before the final ratification of the amended charter, were trading in all the Atlantic waters between Buzzard's Bay (within twenty miles of Plymouth) and the Delaware River, and a plan of colonization was already matured. A number of Walloons (Belgian Protestants of supposed Waelsche or Celtic origin), refugees in Holland from Spanish persecution, had applied to the British minister Carleton for leave to emigrate to Virginia. The terms offered them do not seem to have been satisfactory. The Holland Provincials heard of the negotiations, and suggested to the Amsterdam chamber of the West India Company that these would be good immigrants with whom to begin the permanent settlement of the New Netherlands. The suggestion was seized upon, and provision made to carry the Walloons over in the company's ship then about to sail, the "New Netherlands," Capt. Cornelis Jacobsen Mey, he who had first sailed into South River, and who was going out now as first resident director or governor of the colonies. Some thirty families, chiefly Walloons, were accordingly taken on board, and in the beginning of March, 1623, the "New Netherlands" sailed from the Texel, Capt. Mey in command, the next highest officer being Adriaen Joris, of Thienpoint. The course of the ship (and of nearly all vessels making the American voyage at that day) was southward from the British Channel to the Canaries, thence across the Atlantic with the trade-winds to Guiana and the Caribbees, then northwest between the Bermudas and Bahamas until the coast of Virginia came in sight. Mey's vessel reached the North River safely and in time to drive off a French vessel which sought to set up the arms of France on Manhattan island. The Frenchman was foiled in the same way on the Zuydt River. Mey distributed his colonists as far as he could. The greater part of the Walloons were sent up to Albany, several families went to the Dutch factory on the Connecticut; four couples, who had married during the voyage out, several sailors, and some other men were sent to the South River, now also called Prince Hendrick's River. Mey, appears 54 either to have accompanied them here or visited them soon after their arrival. He selected a site for their settlement, planting the Walloons on Verhulsten Island, near the present city of Trenton, N.J., and hastened the construction of a log fort or stockade for his sailors and soldiers at the mouth of the Timmer Kill, on the New Jersey bank of the Delaware, not far from where Gloucester now stands. This fort was called "Nassau." Its exact site is not determined, nor can we decide the original Indian name of the spot, having such a variety to choose from. [See NOTE 4-6.] [NOTE 4-6.] Hermaomessing, Tachaacho, Armewamix, Arwames, Tekoke, Armenvereus, etc. The year in which the fort was built is also disputed, but the circumstances mentioned in the text make it probable that its construction was undertaken very shortly after Capt. Mey's arrival. [FINIS NOTE 4-6.] This South River colony was soon given up. The men and women of the Walloons grew homesick and returned to New York, certainly within it year or so, the garrison also abandoning the fort to the Indians, who occasionally lodged there during several years, probably while waiting for trading vessels. Such a vessel was sent round to the South River. At least once a year from Manhattan Island. Thus, it is supposed in 1625, the first settlement on the Delaware came to naught. [See NOTE 4-7.] [NOTE 4-7.] It is not possible to state satisfactorily in what year the settlement was given up nor why. The deposition of Peter Lawrenson before Governor Dongan, of New York, in March 1685, says that he came into this colony in 1628, and in 1630 (actually 1631), by order of the West India Company, he with some others, was sent in a sloop to the Delaware where the company had a trading-house, with ten or twelve servants belonging to it, which the deponent himself did see settled there. And the deponent further saith that upon an island near the falls of that river and near the west side thereof, the said company some three or four years before had a trading-house, where there were three or four families of Walloons. The place of their settlement he saw; and that they had been seated there lie was informed by some of the said Wallons themselves when they were returned from thence. It is in this indefinite way that the beginnings of all history are written. [FINIS NOTE 4-7.] Fort Nassau, to conclude its history, seems to have been alternately occupied and abandoned by the Dutch until 1650 or 1651, when it was destroyed by the Dutch themselves, as being too high up the river and too much out of the way. The post was then transferred to the new Fort Casimir. In 1633, De Vries found none but Indians there, but it seems to have been restored some time during the same year by Governor Van Twiller, who was accused of incurring extravagant expense in connec- tion with its construction. Arent Consen was then commissary; he had a clerk, and the Governor ordered him to select the site for another structure of the same sort on the river. In 1635 an English party attempted but failed to capture this fort. They were thought to be Lord Baltimore's people, but were more likely New Englanders or Virginians. The Swedes repeatedly denied that there was any fort of the Dutch on the Delaware in 1638; out the Dutch account is of expenditure for the maintenance of Fort Nassau charged against that year in the West India Company's books disprove this. There was certainly enough of a garrison in the fort to report at once and protest against the Swedish settlement at Christiana in April, 1638. In 1642 the garrison comprised twenty men, and the fort was continually occupied from this time forth until the Dutch destroyed it. In 1624, Peter Minuet (the name is also spelled Minuit, Minnewit, or Minnewe) came out and succeeded Mey as director of the New Netherlands colonies. He held this position until 1632, when he was recalled, and Van Twiller became Governor in his stead. Minuet, as will be seen further on, was a sagacious and enterprising man, but he had to pursue a conservative policy as director of the New Netherlands, for the welfare of the colony was neglected sadly by the West India Company. But few immigrants and colonists came out, the garrisons were not strengthened, nor was much effort made to extend either the boundaries or the trade of the colony. Some negro slaves indeed were landed on Manhattan Island at least as early as 1628, but their labor was not esteemed. The chief business done was in trading with the Indians for peltries and furs. In fact the West India Company was so puffed with the arrogance that proceeds from great successes and sudden wealth, that the directors despised the small and plodding colonial ways and the slow and meagre profits derived from such sources. It had won brilliant victories at sea. It had taken in two years one hundred and four Spanish prizes. It had paid dividends of fifty per cent. It had captured the Panama plate fleet. It frequently sent to sea single squadrons of seventy armed vessels. It had captured Bahia in 1624, and Pernambuco in 1630, and it aspired to the conquest of Brazil. These brilliant performances cast the puny interests of the New Netherlands traders into the shade, and the company did not care to be bothered with the discharge of duties which were nevertheless particularly assigned to it in the charter. So obvious was this departure from the original purposes of the company that so early even as 1624 we find that William Usselinex, the founder of the company, had abandoned it in disgust, and was seeking to persuade King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden to establish a Swedish West India Company, such as would be operated more in accordance with his original plan. There were still some very shrewd heads among the members of the Amsterdam chamber, men who while quite willing to take all the gold and silver and precious stones they could get, yet were fully acquainted with the more abiding virtues of land. Of these were John De Laet, the historian, Killiaan Van Rensselaer, the diamond-cutter, Michael Pauw, Peter Evertsen Hulft, Jonas Witsen, Hendrick Hamel, Samuel Godyn, and Samuel Blommaert, all rich, all we informed, all interested in the support and development of the colonies on the North and South Rivers, especially if these could be effected in a way further to enrich themselves. The secretary of Minuet and the colony, Isaac De Rasieres, a keen observer and skillful diplomatist, was devoted to the interests of 55 Godyn, Van Rensselaer, and Blommaert, and he probably kept them apprised of all that; was going on in the New Netherlands. While Minuet, with reduced forces, was compelled through fear of Indiana to concentrate big people at Manhattan, abandoning all exposed places, the Amsterdam directors, after consulting with De Rasieres, whom Minuet had sent home, procured a meeting of the Executive "College" of nineteen, and secured from it a Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions, which the States-General confirmed on June 7, 1629. This was a complete feudal constitution, adopted years before Lord Baltimore's charter. It created a landed aristocracy, and handed the State over pretty much to their control. The plan for the colonization of the territory was its subdivision into separate and independent settlements or estates, each to be under the control of a patroon, or feudal lord, who was to settle it at his own expense in exchange for many peculiar privileges. The charter provided that any member of the West India Company (to none others were these privileges open) who should within four years plant a colony of fifty adults in any part of New Netherland except the island of Manhattan, which the company, having bought it from the Indians, reserved to itself) should be acknowledged as a "patroon" or feudal chief of the territory he might thus colonize. The land selected for each colony might extend sixteen miles in length if confined to one side of a navigable river, or eight miles on each side if both banks were occupied; but they might run as far into the country as the situation of the occupiers should permit. More immigrants entitled the patroon to proportionately more land. The colonists under the patroons were exempted from all taxes for ten years; they acquired their estates in fee-simple, with power of disposing by will; they were magistrates within their own bounds, and each patroon had the exclusive privilege of fishing, fowling, and grinding corn within his own domain; they could also trade anywhere along the American coast, and to Holland by paying five per cent. duty to the company at its reservation of Manhattan. The company reserved the fur trade to itself, and none of the colonists were to engage in any manufactures. A review of events and circumstances incident to the settlement of Eastern Pennsylvania without reference of the speculative greed of men whose opportunities misled them would be incomplete. Ordinary foresight and sagacity induced the belief in the minds of these first voyagers that settlements would speedily follow the line of commerce, and lands eligibly located would soon have market value. Ambitious capitalists, such as Samuel Godyn and Samuel Blommaert, prompted by so keen and observing a resident as Isaac De Rasieres, whose official position gave him peculiar advantage in advising his friends, were not slow in concerting measures to advance their interest in large land enterprises. As early as 1629 they retained two purchasing agents to buy lands from the Indians on the south side of the Delaware Bay. Their purchase embraced a tract thirty-two miles in length, extending a distance of two miles into the country from the shore line, the patent thereof being duty registered and confirmed June 1, 1630. Similar purchases were made on and near the Hudson River by William Van Rensselaer, Michael Pauw, and John De Laet. These extensive operations were viewed with disfavor, and led to general and unfriendly criticism, and naturally excited quarrels among the speculators and their retainers. To avoid scandal and exposure there seems to have been what was deemed an equitable division of advantages. In a word, there had been over-reaching and sharp practice. Explanations and restitution were discreetly made. Fortunately for Godyn and Blommaert, who were obliged to improve their land on the Delaware Bay, under the terms of confirmation of their purchase, they fell in with David Pietersen De Vries, who had just returned from the East Indies. He was a man of uncouth exterior, but of good heart, and from experience had become observant, not alone in nautical matters, but in all worldly affairs, and was on terms of great personal intimacy with Godyn. His services were deemed so important to the success of the enterprise that he was admitted to equal advantages, -i.e., his experience was deemed equivalent to the capital of those associated in the enterprise. De Vries became a patroon Oct. 16, 1630, and at once set to work to promote the designs of his associates. The ship "Walvis," or "Whale," of eighteen guns, and a yacht were immediately equipped. They carried out emigrants, cattle, food, and whaling implements, De Vries having heard that whales abounded in the Bay of South River (Godyn's Bay, or Newport May Bay, as it now also began to be called), and expecting to establish profitable fisheries there. The expedition sailed from the Texel in December under the command of Pieter Heyes, of Edam. De Vries did not go out at this time, and the voyage was not profitable. De Vries accuses Heyes of incapacity and cowardice, saying he would not sail through the West Indies in an eighteen-gun ship. Still, Heyes did a large business for his employers. He reached South River in that spring of 1631, and established his colony on the Horekill, "a fine navigable stream, filled with islands, abounding in good oysters," and surrounded by fertile soil. The place was near the present site of Lewes, Del. Here a palisaded brick house was erected, and the colony of more than thirty souls was called Swaannendael, the Valley of Swans. The Dutch title was inscribed upon a pillar, on a plate of tin, surmounted by the arms of Holland. The fort, named "Oplandt," was given in the command of Gilliss Hossett, Van Rensselaer's agent in buying lands around Albany. Heyes, after he had settled matters at Swaanuendael, crossed to the Jersey shore and bought from ten chiefs there, on behalf 56 of Godyn, Blommaert, and their associates, a tract of land extending from Cape May twelve miles northward along the bay and twelve miles inland. This purchase was registered at Manhattan June 3, 1631. The whale fishery having come to naught, in September Heyes sailed for home to report to his employers. PICTURE OF DAVID PIETERSEN De VRIES APPEARS HERE De Vries now determined to go out to the South River himself, and preparations were made for him to take charge of another ship and yacht. Just as he was about to sail from the Texel, May 24, 1632, Governor Minuet arrived from New Amsterdam with intelligence of the massacre of the colony at Swaannendael. This was cold news for De Vries and his associates. The patroon sailed, however, and after a long and checkered voyage arrived off Swaannendael early in December. The site of the little settlement told a fearful tale; the house itself nearly ruined, the stockade burnt, and the adjacent land strewed with the skulls and bones of the colonists, the remains of cattle, etc. The valley was silent and desolate, De Vries returned on board his yacht and fired a gun to attract attention of the savages. After some mutual mistrust, communication was opened with them, and De Vries was told a cock-and-bull story of a chief having ignorantly removed the coat of arms from the pillar and been murdered by the colonists for doing it, whereupon his tribe, in revenge, massacred the colonists. De Vries knew too much about the Dutch cruelty and harshness to the Indians to believe any such story. He had before him all the evidences of the white man's cruelty and the savage's wild revenge. The fatal deed was irreparable, and De Vries, keeping his own counsel, did what he could to restore confidence and peace by making presents to the Indians of "duffles, bullets, hatchets, and Nuremberg toys," so as to get them to hunt beaver for him, instead of lying in ambush to murder more colonists. The result was a treaty of peace, the first ever made in Delaware waters. On Jan. 1, 1633, the navigation being open, De Vries proceeded up the bay and river in his yacht. At Fort Nassau he heard of the murder of the crew of an English sloop, and met some Indians wearing the Englishmen's jackets. These Indians also made a show of offering peace, but DeVries dealt with them very cautiously, as they greatly out numbered his men. On January l0th, De Vries cast anchor at the bar of Jacques Eylandt, precisely opposite the present city of Philadelphia, somewhere over against Willow Street, near the site of what is now known as Windmill Island. [See NOTE 4-8.] Thence he went down river again, anchoring half a mile above Minquas Kill, on the lookout for whales. He was finally twice frozen tip, and in some danger from Indians, numerous war parties of whom he saw, there being some intestine feud among the adjacent tribes. Released from the ice, he reached Swaannendael on February 20th, and on March 6th sailed for Virginia, returning to South River only to break up the colony at Swaannendael and go home. Once more the Delaware River and Bay were abandoned to the Indians, and once more the attempt at settlement by white men had failed. There were no further efforts made to settle on South River until the Swedes came in 1638, until, as has been stated, there must have been a more or less intermittent occupancy at Fort Nassau, and possibly there may Lave been a permanent garrison front the beginning of Van Twiller's director-generalship. [See NOTE 4-9.] [NOTE 4-8.] The bar of Jacques Eylandt embrace the spot where the city of Camden is now built. [FINIS NOTE 4-8.] [NOTE 4-9.] The 21st of June 1634, is, the alleged date of the probably spurious Sir Edward Plowden or Ployden's charter for impossible territory somewhere between the Potomac and Newark Bay. Rev. Edward D Neill, president of Malcaster College, Minn., who had given considerable attention to Maryland history, though from a rather Sectarian standpoint contributed two papers on Plowden to the fifth volume of the Pennsylvania Magazine, conducted by the Historical Society of that State. He assumes Plowden's existence and that he was the lineal descendent of Edmund Plowden, the commentator on English law, who earned Coke's encomiums and who died in 1584. Plowden, according to Neill, did obtain a grant in 1632, through King Charles I's request to the viceroy of Ireland for a certain Isle "Plowden" and forty leagues of the mainland, called New Albion. The island lay between 39 and 40[deg] latitude. Capt. Young, commissioned by the king in September 1633, sent out an exploring expedition in 1634, which ascended the Delaware as far as the Falls. If this expedition ever sailed, it must have been the one mentioned by DeVries as having been massacred by the Indians. There is no proof that Plowden sent out this party or hail aught to do with it. Evelyn, who commanded it, was in the service of Clayborne's London partners. Plowden, says Mr. Neill, was living at his seat at Wanstead in Hampshire in 1635, unhappy, beating his wife, quarreling with his neighbors, and changing his religion. His wife and his clergyman's wife both had him arrested for assault and battery and his wife procured a divorce from him. In 1641, Evelyn wrote a pamphlet descriptive of New Albion, dedicated to Plowden's wife. The next year Plowden was on the Chesapeake. This was ten years after he is said to have procured this rich grant. No one can explain why he did not lool, after such an estate sooner. Plowden lived most of his time in Virginia, but was in Maryland, on Delaware Bay, at New York, and in New England. He was abroad just seven years, say his chroniclers, and then went home In return no more to New Albion. It is conjecture that his seven years' residence was on account of being, transported, and that his New Albion claim was tramped up after the time of his sentence was served out. Plowden is reputed to have died in 1665. Mr. Neill further says that in 1640, Plowden was a prisoner in the Fleet Prison, London, for refusing to pay his wife's alimony. Mr.Neill must see that the dates of Plowden's adventures are as irreconcilable as his adventures. [FINIS NOTE 4-9.] [NOTE 4-10.] If the story of New Albion is other than an historical myth, the English were among the earliest adventurers and settlers on the Delaware. Between 1326 and 1634, for several dates are mentioned, Charles I. granted an extensive territory to Sir Edmund Plowden, which embraced Long Island, all of New Jersey, Delaware, and parts of Maryland, Virginia, and Pennsylvania, who formed a company of noble- 57 men and gentlemen under the title of "The Albion Knights". Delaware was the chosen ground to settle, and the company pledged itself to introduce three thousand trained men into the colony. Colonials were actually introduced, and made their homes on the Delaware; but neither the number nor exact location can be told. Plowden was lord proprietor and captain-general, while one Beauchamp Plantagenet was made agent of this company of knightly settlers. The earl and Plantagenet were here seven years, and became well acquainted with the country and Indian tribes. A government was framed, and the machinery of civil administration put in operation, but its duration is unknown. A history of the colony was published in 1648, which contained the letter of one "Master Robert Evelyn," addressed to Lady Plowden after his return to England. He was four years on the Delaware, and in his letter he states that "Captain Claybourn, fourteen years there trading," sustains what he says of the country. Evelyn evidently sailed up the river to the falls, for he mentions the streams which empty into it, names the tribes which live along it, with their strength, with some description of the country and the productions. Six leagues below the falls he speaks of "two fair, woody islands, very pleasant and fit for parks, one of one thousand acres, the other of fourteen hundred or thereabouts." These were probably Burlington and Newbold's Islands. Near the falls, he says, "is an isle fit for a city; all the materials there to build, and above the river fair and navigable, as the Indians informed me, for I went but ten miles higher." The isle "fit for a city" refers, doubtless, to Morris Island, or the one abreast of Morrisville. It is barely possible that he fell into the popular error of some explorers of the period, that the Delaware branched at the falls, and that the two branches formed a large island above. He says that a ship of one hundred and forty tons can ascend to the falls, and that "ten leagues higher are lead mines in stony hills." At the falls he located the Indian town of Kildorpy, with clear fields; to plant and sow, and near it are sweet, large meadows of cover or honeysuckle." The letter speaks of the abundant store of fish in the river, of water-fowl that swim upon its surface, and the game, fruit, and nuts to be found in the woods that line its bank, and the magnificent forest-trees. Evelyn must have traveled well into the interior, and through portions of Bucks County. He speaks of the new town of the Susquehannocks as a "rare, healthy, and rich place, and with a crystal, broad river." This must refer to the Susquehanna River and the tribe which takes its name. What became of Plowden's colony would be an interesting inquiry if we had the leisure to pursue it or the data necessary to solve it. The late William Rawle, of Philadelphia, who gave the subject a careful and intelligent investigation, believed that some of those who welcomed Penn to the shores of the Delaware were the survivors of the Albion Knights. History offers no ‘dipus to the mystery, -Davis, History of Bucks County. [FINIS NOTE 4-10.] CHAPTER V. PART - I THE FIRST SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS. The ineffectual efforts, of the, Dutch to secure a permanent lodgment on the Delaware south, of the Schuylkill River left their large landed interest, in unprofitable arid precarious condition. It is not seriously pretended by commentators that the Dutch pioneers had any higher motives than those prompted by commercial advantages and the hope of obtaining wealth . It seems reasonably, clear that a trading-post was still maintain by them on the Delaware, known as Fort Nassau, but not permanently occupied. It was doubtless an outpost, and for some years after the colony at Swaannendael was broken up was visited by them at seasonable periods of trade and exchange with the Indians. That were vigilant their watch upon the Delaware is proven by the fact that they sent an armed force to dislodge a small party of English who, under George Holmes, had taken possession of Fort Nassau. These adventurers, thirteen in number, were taken prisoners by the Dutch and sent to Virginia, from whence they came, as their captors believed, although it is said by some writers that they came to the fort from the New England colonies. Samuel Godyn died in the year 1634. His heirs and legal representatives in adjusting his estate provoked contentions with those who had been engaged in land speculations, which led to discoveries bordering upon scandal. The West India Company came to the rescue of the litigants, and purchased from Godyn's heirs and associates all the territory owned by them on both sides of the Delaware River for the sum of fifteen thousand six hundred guilders. The wide-spread publicity which resulted from the operations of the enterprising Hollanders in establishing trade with the Indians and possessing themselves of large larded estates in the New World naturally stimulated the ambitious princes of Europe to efforts of the extension of their power and dominion PICTURE OF SWEDISH BLOCK HOUSE APPEARS HERE on the North American continent. Efforts, to establish colonies were always made by royal authority under liberal grants and chartered privileges. Large sums of money were expended in equipping these expedition and in the controlling them and the commerce resulting from them. These investments were made upon the expectation of a fair return, and when financial reverses and disappointment occurred changes in the management ensued. Salaried officers were turned out at the home office or recalled from abroad, who became important factors in this formation of new project and all the more useful by reason of their experience. Such a person William Usselinx, a Hollander, born as early as 1624, presented himself to King Adolph of Sweden and laid before him a proposition for a trading company to be established in Sweden, and to extend its operations to Asia, Africa, and Mangellan's land (Terra Magellancia) and assurance that it would be a great source of revenue to the kingdom. 58 Full power was given him to carry out this important project and thereupon- a contact of trade was drawn up, to which the company was to agree, and subscribe. Usselinex published explanation, this contract, wherein he also particularly directed attention to the country on the Delaware, its fertility, convenience, and all its imaginable resources. To strengthen the matter a charter was sectioned to the company, and especially to Usselinex, who was to receive a royalty of one thousandth upon all article bought or sold by the company. The powerful king, whose zeal for the honor of God was not less ardent than for the welfare of his subjects, availed himself of the opportunity to extend the doctrines of Christ among the heathen, as well as to establish his own power in other parts of the world. [See NOTE 5-1.] [NOTE 5-1.] The plans of Gustavus were both deep and patriotic. "The year 1624," says the historian Geijer, "was one of the few years that the king was able to devote to the internal development of the realm." He looked at the subject of colonization in America, says Rev. Dr. W. M. Reynolds in the introduction to his translation of Acrelius, "with the eye of a statesman who understood the wants not only of his own country but of the world, and was able with prophetic glance to penetrate into the distant ages of the future." He proposed there to found a free State, where the laborer should reap the fruit of his, toil, where the rights of conscience should be inviolate, and which should be open to the whole Protestant world, then engaged in a struggle for existence with all the papal powers of Europe. All should be secure in their persons, their property, and their rights of conscience. It should be an asylum for the persecuted of all nations, a place or security for the honor of the wives and daughters of those who were flying from bloody battle-fields and from homes made desolate by the fire and sword of the persecutor. No slaves should burden the soil; "for", said Gustavus, and we realize the profound truth of his political economy after an experience of two centuries, at the end of which slavery expired amid the death-throes of our civil war, -"slaves cost a great deal, labor with reluctance, and soon perish from hard usage. But the Swedish nation is industrious and intelligent and hereby we shall gain more by a free people with wives and children." -Scharf's History of Philadelphia. [FINIS NOTE 5-1.] To this end he sent forth letters patent, dated at Stockholm, on the second of July, 1626, wherein all in high and low, were invited to contribute something to the company, according to their means. The work was completed in the Diet of the following year, 1627, when the estate, of the realm gave their assent and confirmed the measure. Those who took part in this company were his Majesty's mother, the Queen Dowager, Christina, the princess, John Casmir, the Royal Council the most distinguished of the nobility, the highest officers, of the army, the bishops and other clergymen together with the burgomasters and aldermen of the city as well as large number of the people generally. The time fixed for paying in the subscriptions was the first of May of the following year (1628). For the management and working of the plan there were appointed an admiral, vice-admiral, chaplain, under chaplain assistants, and commissaries and also a body of soldiers, duly officered. But when these arrangements were in full progress and duly provided for the German war and the king's death occurred, which caused this important work to be laid aside. The Trading Company was dissolved, its subscriptions nullified, and the whole project seemed about to die with the king. But just as it appeared to be at its end it received new life. Another Hollander, by the name of Peter Menewe, sometimes called Menuet, [See NOTE 5-2.] made his appearance in Sweden. He had been in the service of Holland in America where he became involved in difficulties with the officers of the West India Company, in consequence, of which he was recalled and dismissed from their service. [NOTE 5-2.] An autograph letter found in the royal archives in Stockholm gives the name as commonly written in English, Minuit. [FINIS NOTE 5-2.] But he was not discouraged by this, and went over to Sweden, where, he renewed the representations which Usselinex had formerly made in regard to the excellence of the country, and the advantages that Sweden might derive from it. Queen Christina, [NOTE 5-3.] who succeeded her royal father in the government, was glad to have the project thus renewed. The royal chancellor, Count Axel Oxenstierna, understood well how to put it in operation. He took the West India Company into his own hands as its president, and encouraged other noblemen to take shares in it. [NOTE 5-3.] Christina succeeded her father, the great Gustaf Adolph, in 1632 when only six years of age, and the kingdom remained under regency until she was eighteen in 1634. Consequently she was only eleven years of age in 1637, when the American colony was established. [FINIS NOTE 5-3.] King Charles I. of England had already, in the year 1634, upon representation made to him by John Oxentierna, at the time Swedish ambassador in London, renounced in favor of the Swedes all claims and pretensions of the English to that country growing out of their rights as first discovered. Hence, everything seemed to be settled upon a firm foundation, and all earnestness was employed in the prosecution of the plan for a colony. As a good beginning the first colony was sent off [See NOTE 5-4.] and Peter Menewe was placed over it, as being best acquainted in those regions. [NOTE 5-4.] August 1637, although it did not reach the Delaware until 1638. See Odhner, "Sveriges Inre Histroia," p.302. He reached the Delaware in the middle of April. [FINIS NOTE 5-4.] They set sail from Gottenburg, a ship of war called the "Key of Calmar," followed by a smaller vessel bearing the name of "Bird Griffin," both laden with people, provisions, ammunition, merchandise suitable for traffic and gifts to the Indians. These ships successfully reached their place of destination. The high expectations which the emigrants had of that new land were well met by the first news which they had of it. They made their first landing on the bay or entrance to the river Poutaxat, which they called the river of New Sweden, and the place where they landed they called Paradise Point. A purchase of land was immediately made from the Indians, and it was determined that all the land on the western side of the river, from the point called Cape Inlopen, or Henlopen, up to the fall called Santickan [See NOTE 5-5.] and all the country inland, as much as was [NOTE 5-5.] Trenton Falls, which Campius (p. 49 of Translation) calls "the Falls of Assinpink." On Visschher's map of Pennsylvania, given in Duponceau's Translation of Campius, to face p. 78, we find Sanhican's given as the most Northern point. [FINIS NOTE 5-5.] 59 ceded, should belong to the Swedish crown forever. Posts were driven in the ground as landmarks, which were still seen in their places sixty years afterwards. A deed was drawn up for the land thus purchased. This was written in Dutch, for no Swede was yet able to interpret the language of the heathen. The Indians subscribed their hands and marks. The writing was sent home to Sweden to be preserved in the royal archives. Mans Kling was the surveyor. He laid out the land, and made a map of the whole river, with its tributaries, islands, and points, which is still to be found in the royal archives in Sweden. Their clergyman was Reones Torkillus, of East Gothland. The first abode of the newly arrived emigrants was; at a place called, by the Indians, Hopokahacking. There, in the year 1638, Peter Menuet built a fortress which he named Fort Christina, after the reigning PLAN OF THE TOWN AND FORT CHRISTIANA, BESEIGED BY THE DUTCH IN 1655 APPEARS HERE. [From Campanius' "New Sweden."] queen of Sweden. The place, situated upon, the west side of the river, was probably chosen so as to be out of the way of the Hollanders, who claimed the eastern side, -a measure of prudence until the arrival of a greater force from Sweden. The fort was built upon the eligible site, not far from the mouth of the creek, so as to secure them in the navigable waters of the Miniquas, which was afterwards called Christina Kihl or Creek. The country was wild and uninhabited by the Hollanders. They had over or three forts on the river, -Fort Nassau, where Gloucester now stands, and another at Horekihl, down on the bay. But both of these were entirely destroyed by the Americans, and their occupants driven away. The following extract from the "History of the New Netherlands"; which Adrian van der Donck published in the year 1655, with the license and privilege as well of the States-General as of the West India Company, will serve as proof of what we have said: "The place is called Horekihl, [See NOTE 5-6.] but why so called we know not. But this is certain, that some years back, before the English and Swedes came hither, it was taken up and settled as a colony by Hollanders, the arms of the States being at the same time set up in brass. These arms having been pulled down by the villainy of the Indians, the commissary there resident demanded that the head of the traitor should be delivered him. The Indians, unable to escape in any other way, brought him the head, which was accepted as a sufficient atonement of their offense. But some time afterwards, when we were at work in the fields, and unsuspicious of danger, the Indians came as friends, surrounded the Hollanders with overwhelming numbers, fell upon them, and completely exterminated them. Thus was the colony destroyed, though sealed with blood and dearly enough purchased." [NOTE 5-6.] Horekill (variously written Horeskill, Hoarkill, Whorekill) is no, doubt a corruption of Hoornkill so called from Hoorn a city in Holland, from which Captain Meys sailed upon his expedition to America when he discovered or made his first visit to Delaware. The derivation of the name suggested by Van Sweringen, in his "Account of the Settling of the Swedes and Dutch at the Delaware" (contained in vol. ii, pp 342-347 of "Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New, York," ect,) is of a piece with the rest of his narrative, and entitled to no consideration. Horekill was about two, leagues from Cape Henlopen and is probably the stream now called Lewes Creek, in the State of Delaware. See also the, note to p. 21 of Ferris' "Original Settlement on the Delaware." [FINIS NOTE 5-6.] Notwithstanding all this, the Hollanders believed that they had the best right to the Delaware River, yea, a better right than the Indians themselves. It was their object to secure at least all the land lying between said river and their city of New Amsterdam, where was their stronghold, and, which country they once called "The New Netherlands." But as their forces were still weak, they always kept one or another of their people upon the side of the river to watch those who might visit the country. As soon, therefore, as Menuet landed with his Swedish company notice of the fact was given to the Director-General of the Hollanders in New Amsterdam. He waited for some time until he could ascertain Menuet's purpose, but when it appeared that he was erecting a fortress for the Swedes he sent him the following protest: [See NOTE 5-7.] [NOTE 5-7.] New York Office in the General Index to the Dutch Records, Lib. A. The Swedish annalers who have given any account of this Swedish colony in America have represented the first emigration as taking place in the time of King Gustaf Adolph, about the year 1627. This was the opinion of Th. Camp. Of Holm. (See his "Nya Swerige" (New Sweden), pages 57, 58, 72, 73, which others have followed.) (See the "Dissert. De Plant. Ecclesiae Swec. in America," p. 5.) But this was only a conjecture suggested by the great preparations which were made at that time, but which suddenly broken off. It would undoubtedly have been all the better if the work had been taken hold of at that time with all earnestness. But this protest is proof to the contrary, and shows that the firat arrival must have taken place some time in the year preceding the building of the fortress (that is to say, in 1638). [FINIS NOTE 5-7.] 60 "THURSDAY, May 6,1638 "I, William Kieft, Director-General of the New Netherlands, residing upon the island Manhattan, in the Fort Amsterdam, under the government belonging to the, High and, Mighty State-General of the United Netherlands and the West Indian Company, chartered by the Council Chamber of Amsterdam, Peter Menuet, who yourself Commander in the service of her Royal Majesty, Queen Of Sweden; that the whole South river of the New Netherlands, both above and below, hath already for many years, been our property occupied by our forts and sealed by our blood which was also done when you were in service of New Netherlands, and you are well aware of this. But whereas you have now come among our forts to build a fortress to our injury and damage, which we shall never permit as we are also assured that Her Royal Majesty of Sweden has never given you authority to build forts upon, our rivers and coast, nor to settle people on the land nor to traffic in peltries, nor to undertake anything to our injury: We do therefore protest against all disorder and injury, and all the evil consequences of bloodshed, uproar, and wrong which our Trading Company may thus suffer; and that we shall protect our rights in such a manner as we find most advisable. Then follow the usual conclusion. In the history, of Netherlands already cited, Aarian van der Donck likewise relates how protest was made against the building Fort Christina, but, there he also gives evidence of the weakness of the Hollanders in the river on the first arrival of the Swedes and that their strength consisted of almost entirely in great words. "On the river," he says, "lies, first, Maniqua¹s Kihl where the Swedes had built Fort Christina, where the largest ships can load and unload at the shore. There is another place on the river called Schuylkill, which is also navigable. That also was formerly under the control of the Hollanders, but is now mostly under the government of the Swedes. In that river (Delaware) there are various islands and other places formerly belonging to the Hollanders, whose name they still bear, which sufficiently shows that the river belong to the Hollanders, and not to the Swedes. Their very commencement will convict them. Before the year 1638, one Minnewets, who had formerly acted as Director for the Trading Company at Manhattans, came into the river in the river in the ship 'Key of Colmar' and the yacht called the 'Bird Griffin'. He gave out to the Hollander, Mr. Vander Nederhorst, the agent of the West Indian Company in the South River, that was on a voyage to the West India Isles and that he was staying there to take up wood and water. Whereupon, said Hollander allowed him to go free. But some time after some of our people going thither, found him still there and he had planted a garden, and the plants were growing in it. In astonishment we asked the reason for such procedure, and if he intended to stay there? To which he answered evasively, alleging various excuses for his conduct. The third time they found them settled and building a fort. Then we saw their purpose. As soon as he was informed of it, Director Kieft protested against it, but in vain." Thus, Peter Menuet made a good beginning for the settlement of the Swedish colony in America. He guarded his little fort for over three years, and the Hollanders, neither attempted nor were able to overthrow it. After some years of faithful service he died at Christina. In his place followed Peter Hollendare, a native Swede, who did not remain at the head of its affairs more then a year and a half. He returned home to Sweden, and was a major at Skopsholm, in Stockholm, in the year 1655. The second emigration took place under Lieut.-Col. John Printz, who went out with the appointment of Governor of New Sweden. He had a grant of four hundred six-dollars for his traveling expenses, and twelve hundred dollars silver as his annual salary. The company was invested with the exclusive privilege of importing tobacco into Sweden, although that article even then was regarded as unnecessary and injurious, although indispensable since the establishment of the bad habit of its use. [Placat on tobacco for the year 1641.] Upon the same occasion was also sent out Magister John Campanius Holm, [See NOTE 5-8.] who was also called by their excellencies the Royal Council and Admiral Claes Fleming, to become the government chaplain, and watch over the Swedish congregation. The ship on which they sailed was called the "Fama." It went from Stockholm to Gotheborg, and there took its freight. Along with this went two other ships of the line, the "Swan" and the "Charitas" laden with people and the necessaries of life. Under Governor Printz, ships came to the colony in three distinct voyages. [NOTE 5-8.] It was long a favorite usage in Sweden to designate clergymen by the name of the place or province in which they were born, so that Holm may be equivalent to "a native of Stockholm." [FINIS NOTE 5-8.] The first ship was the "Black Cat," with ammunition and merchandise for the Indians. Next the ship "Swan," on a second voyage, with emigrants, in the year 1647. Afterward two other ships, called "The Key" and the "Lamp." During these times the clergymen and Mr. Lawrence Charles Lockenius and Mr. Israel Holgh, were sent out to the colony. The instructions for the Governor were as follows: "Instructions according to which Her Royal Majesty, our Gracious Queen, will have the Lieutenant-Colonel, now also the appointed Governor over, New Sweden, the noble and, well-born John Printz, to regulate himself as well during his voyage as upon his arrival in that country. Given as Stockholm August 15, 1642. "1. Inasmuch as some of the subject of Her Royal Majesty and of the Crown of Sweden have, for some, undertaken to sail to the West Indies and have already succeeded conquering and purchasing a considerable tract of land, and in promoting commerce, with the especial object of extending the jurisdiction and greatness of Her Royal Majesty and of the Swedish crown, and have called the country New Sweden; wherefore and inasmuch as Her Royal Majesty approves and finds this, their undertaking and voyaging, not only laudable in itself, but reasonable, and likely, in the course of time, to benefit and strengthen Her Majesty and the Swedish throne: So has Her Royal Majesty, for the promotion of work and for the assistance of those who participate therein, furnished them for the making of that important voyage, and also for the confirming and strengthening of the important work thus begun in New Sweden, for said voyage, two ships, named the 'Fama' and the 'Swan,' as well as some other means necessary thereto, under a certain Governor, whom Her Majesty has provided with sufficient and necessary powers, thereunto appointed and legitimated Lieutenant-Colonel John Printz, whom she has accordingly, seen good to instruct upon the points following: "2. The ship above named having led to Gütheborg, John Printz, the Governor of New Sweden, shall now, without any delay, take his departure, to said place, so arranging his journey by land that may reach there by the first opportunity. Going to Gütheborg, he shall assist in the ordering and arranging everything in the best manner possible, and especially in accordance with the best regulations that the members of the company can have made; and as concerns his own person and that of his attendants, he shall so arrange his affairs that he may immediately, in the month of September next following, set sail from this country and proceed to sea. "3. But, either before at the time the ships are about to set sail from Güthaborg, the Governor shall consult with the skippers and officers of the ships, considering and deciding, according to the state of the wind and other circumstances, whether he shall direct his course to the north of Scotland or through the channel between France and England. "4. Under way and on the journey, he must see to it that the officers and people of the ships perform their duties at sea truly and faithfully; and in all important and serious matters he can always avail himself of the aid and counsel of the persons aforesaid who usually form the council of a ship; he shall also have every important occurrence carefully noted, causing a correct log or journal, thereof to be kept, of which also he shall, by every opportunity, send hither a correct copy. 61 "5. The Governor, God willing, having arrived in New Sweden, he must, for his better Information, bear in mind that the boundary of the country of which our subjects have taken possession extend, in virtue of the articles of the contract entered into with the wild inhabitants of the country, as its rightful lords, from the sea-coast at Cape Henlopen upwards along the west side of Godin's Bay, and so up the Great South River, onwards to Mingue¹s Kil, where Fort Christina is built, and thence still farther along the South river, and up to a place which the wild inhabitants call Sankikans, where the farthest boundaries of New Sweden are to be found. This tract or district of country extends in length about thirty German miles, but in breadth, and into the interior, it is, in and by the contract, conditioned that Her Royal Majesty's subjects, and the participants in this Company of navigators may hereafter occupy as touch land as they may desire. "6. Recently, and in the year last past, vis., 1641, several English families, probably amounting to sixty persons to all, have settled, and begun to build and cultivate the land elsewhere, namely, upon the east side of the above mentioned South river on a little stream named Ferken's Kil; so also have the above-named subjects of Her Magesty, and participants in the Company, purchased for themselves of the wild in habitants of the country, the whole eastern side of the river, from the month of the aforesaid great river at Cape May up to a stream named Warraticen's Kil, which tract extends about twelve German miles, including also the said Ferken's Kil, with the intention of thus drawing to themselves the English aforesaid. This purchase the Governor shall always, with all his power, keep intact, and thus bring these families under the jurisdiction and government of Her Royal Majesty and the Swedish Crown; especially as we are informed that they themselves are not disposed thereto; and should they be induced, as a free people, voluntarily to submit themselves to a government which can maintain and protect them, it is believed that they might shortly amount to some hundred strong. But however that may be, the Governor is to seek to bring these English under the government of the Swedish Crown, inasmuch as Her Royal Majesty finds it to be thus better for herself and the Crown as partners in this undertaking; and they might also, with good reason, be driven out and away from said place; therefore, Her Royal Majesty aforesaid will most graciously leave it to the discretion of Governor Printz so to consider and act in the premises as can be done with propriety and success. "7. There is no doubt that the Holland West India Company will seek to appropriate to themselves the place aforesaid, and the large tract of land upon which the English have settled, and the whole of the above named east side of the Great South River, and that so much the rather as their fort or fortification of Nassau, which they have manned with about twenty men, is not very far therefrom, upon the same eastern side of the river, just as they also make pretensions to the whole western side of the aforesaid South River, and consequently to all that of which our subjects aforesaid have taken possession, which they have seized, relying upon their Fort Nassau, whereby they would take possession of the whole South River, and of the whole country situated on both sides of the same river. It is to for this that they have protested against the beginning which her before-mentioned Majesty's subjects have made in settling and building, and, so far, as they could, have always opposed and sought to prevent our people from going up the South River and past their fort Nasaau. Therefore shall the Governor take measures for meeting, the agents and participants of said Holland West India Company in a proper manner, and with mildness, but firmly remonstrate and make known to them the upright intentions of Her Royal Majesty and her subjects in the premises, that nothing herein has been sought, or is now sought, other than a free opening for commerce; that Her Royal Majesty's subjects have, in a just and regular manner, purchased of the proper owners and possessors of the country that district of which they have taken possession, and which they have begun to cultivate, and that they cannot, therefore, without injustice oppose Her Royal Majesty or her subjects, or seek to disturb them in their possessions without doing them great injury. But should the same Holland Company, contrary to all better hopes, allow themselves to undertake any hostility, or make any attack, then, in such case, it will only be proper to be prepared with the best means that circumstances will allow, and to seek to repel force by force; therefore, as this, like everything else, Is best judged of and decided on the ground, so does Her Royal Majesty place it in the Governor's discretion to meet such vexations in the first instance with kind admonitions, but if these are not effective, then with severity, according to the best of his understanding, so as to arrange everything to the best advantage and honor alike of Her Royal Majesty and the members of the Company. But if no such troubles arise, which to hoped will be the case, and Her Royal Majesty and her subjects remain undisturbed in that which they have rightfully brought into their possession, then shall the Governor hold good friendship and neighborhood with the aforesaid Hollanders at Fort Nassau, and with those who dwell upon the north river at Mankatan's or New Amsterdam, as also with the English who dwell in the country of Virginia, and make no inroads upon any of them, nor interfere with that of which they are in the actual possession. Especially, since the adjacent English in Virginia have already commenced to offer Her Royal Majesty¹s subjects in New Sweden all kinds of useful assistance, and to let them procure upon reasonable payment such cattle and seed-corn as they may desire; therefore shall the Governor continuely seek to give free and undisturbed course to the correspondence and commerce, thus begun with the English to the use and benefit of Her Royal Majesty's subjects aforesaid. "8. Those Hollanders who have emigrated to New Sweden, and settled there under the protection of her Royal Majesty and the Swedish crown, over whom Jost von dem Boyaudh has command, the Governor shall treat according to the contents of the charter and privileges conferred by her Royal Majesty, of the principles whereof the Governor has been advised; but in other respects he shall show them all good will and kindness, yet so that he hold them also to the same, that they upon their side comply with the requisitions of their charter, which they have received. And inasmuch as notice has already been given them, that they, have settled too near to Fort Christina and as houses are said to built distance of almost three miles from that place, they should therefore leave that place and betake themselves to a somewhat greater distance from the said fort. So also does her royal Majesty leave it to is good pleasure and prudence of the Governor, when on the ground, duly to consider the deportment of said Hollanders and the situation of the place of which they have taken possession, and, according to his judgment, either let them remain there quietly or make such a disposition and settlement of the matter as he shall find most suitable and advantageous to her Royal Majesty and the participants in said company of navigation. "9. The wild nations bordering upon all other sides the Governor shall understand to treat with all humanity and respect, that no violence or wrong be done to them by her royal Majesty or her subjects aforesaid; but he shall rather, at every opportunity, exert himself that the same wild people may generally be instructed in the truths and 62 worship of the Christian religion, and in other ways brought to civilization and good government, and in this manner properly guided. Especially shall he seek to gain their confidence and Impress upon their minds that neither he, the Governor, nor his people and suborderinates are come into those parts to do them any wrong or injury, but much more for the purpose of furnishing them with such things as they may need for the ordinary wants of life, and so also for such things as are found among them which they themselves cannot make for their own use, or buy or exchange. Therefore shall the Governor also see thereto, that the people of her royal Majesty, or of the company who are engaged in trading in those parts, allow the wild people to obtain such things as they need at a price somewhat more moderate than they are getting them of the Hollanders at Fort Nassau or thes adjacent English, so that said wild people may be withdrawn from then and be an much the more won to our people. "10. In regard to the Governor's place of residence, Her Royal Majesty leaves it to him to provide and choose the same according as he finds the case to be in the place, or it can be continued where it now is, and the residence arranged and ordered In the must convenient manner possible; in like manner shall the Governor also provide a suitable place for a fortress either at Cape Hinlopen, or the island called 'James' Island, or wherever else a good site for the same may be found; wherein he, has especially to keep, in view these considerations above all others, namely, that by such a fortification it should be possible to close up the South River, having it commanded by the same fortress, and that there should also be found there, without great difficulty, a suitable harbor wherein the ships of Her Royal Majesty and her subjects could be in security, and, it need do were, continue to lie there over winter. "11. And if the Governor does not find it necessary at once and hastily to fortify another new place, but can for the present properly defend himself by Fort Christina, then shall he so much the more zealously at once arrange and urge forward agriculture and the improvement of the land, setting and urging the people thereto with zeal and energy, exerting himself above all other things that so much seed-corn may be committed to the ground that the people may derive, it from their necessary food. "12. Next to this, he shall pay the necessary attention to the culture of tobacco and appoint thereto a certain number of laborers, so arranging that the produce may be large, more and more being set out and cultivated from time to time, so that he can send over a good quantity of tobacco on all ships coming hither. "13. That better arrangement may be made for the production of cattle, both great and small the Governor shall at once exert himself, obtain a good breed of cattle of all kinds, and especially of that which is sent out from this country, and also seek a supply from the neighboring English, dividing everything with those who will and use it and employ it in agriculture in exchange for seed, and with such prudence as he shall find most serviceable to the members of the company. "14. Among and above all other things, he shall direct his attention to sheep, to obtain them of good kinds, and as soon as may be seek to arrange as many sheep-folds as he conveniently can, so that presently a considerable supply of wool of good quality may be sent over to this country. "15. The peltry trade with be natives he shall also, as far as possible, seek to sustain in a good state, exercise a careful inspection of all engaged in it, prevent all frauds in established commissions, and take care that Her Royal Majesty and her subjects, and the members of the company, may have reason to expect good return for their cargoes. In like manner he shall provide that no other person whatever be permitted to traffic with the natives in peltries; but this trade shall be carried on only by persons thereto appointed in the name of like whole company, and its ways. "16. Whatever else it may at present be necessary to do in that country will be best committed to the hands of the Governor in the country, according to the time and circumstance of the place, more especially as the same land of New Sweden is situated in the same climate with Portugal; so, apparently, it is to be expected that salt works might be arranged on the sea-coasts. But if the salt could not be perfectly evaporated by the heat of the sun, yet, at the least the salt water might be brought to such a grade that it might afterward be perfectly condensed, by means of fire, without great labor or expense, which the Governor must consider, and make such experiment, and if possible put it into operation and make effective. "17. And as almost everywhere In the forests wild grape-vines and grapes are found, and the climate some to be favorable to the production of wine, so shall the Governor also direct his thoughts to the timely introduction of this culture, and what might herein be devised and effected. "18. He can also have careful search made everywhere as to whether metals or minerals; are to be found in the country, and If any are discovered, send hither correct information, and then await further orders from this place. "19. Out of the abundant forests the Governor shall examine and consider how and in what manner profit may be derived from the country, especially what kind of advantages may be expected from oak-trees and walnut-trees, and whether a good quality of them might be sent over here as ballast. So, also, it might be examined whether oil might not be advantageously pressed out of the walnuts. "20. The Governor shall likewise take into consideration and correctly inform himself how and where fisheries might be most profitably established, especially as it is said that at a certain season of the year the whale-fishery can be advantageously prosecuted in the aforesaid Godin's Bay and adjacently; he shall, therefore, have an eye upon this, and send over hither all needed information as to what can be done in this and other matters connected with the country, and what father hopes may be entertained in reverence thereto. "21. The Governor shall also carefully inquire and inform himself in, regard to the food and convenience for keeping a great number of silk-worms, wherewith a manufacture might be established, and if he discovers that something useful might thus be accomplished, he shall take measures for the same. "22. Whatever else could be done in connection with the successful cultivation of the land, but cannot be introduced just for the present, this Her Royal Majesty will graciously have entrusted to the fidelity, foresight, and zeal of the Governor, with the earnest command and admonition that he seek in all matters to uphold, the service and dignity of Her Royal Majesty the Crown of Sweden, as also to promote the advantage and interest of the members of the company in the conversation of the same land of New Sweden, its culture in every way possible, and the increase of its profitable commerce. "23. But far above all this, as to what belongs to the political government and administration of justice, everything of this kind must be conducted under the name of Her Royal Majesty and the Crown of Sweden, for no less reason than the country enjoys the protection of Her Royal Majesty and of the crown, and that the interest of the crown is in the highest degree involved is in the protection of that country, its cultivation and active trade and commerce. To give the Governor special information herein cannot so well and effectually be done at so great a distance; it must, therefore, be left to his own discretion and good sense that he, upon the ground, provide, arrange, and execute whatever conduces to bring matters into good order and a proper constitution, according as he finds the necessity of the time and place to require. At first, and until matters can be brought into a better form, the Governor may use his, own seal, but in a some what larger form, in briefs, contracts, correspondence, and other written documents of a public character. "24. He shall decide all matters of controversy which may arise, according to Swedish law, and right, custom, and usage; but in all other matters Also, so far as possible, he shall adopt and employ the laudable customs, habits, and usage of this most praiseworthy realm. "25. He shall also have power, through the necessary and proper means of compulsion, to bring to obedience and a quiet life the turbulent and disorderly, who will not live quietly and peacefully, and especially gross offenders, who may possibly be found; he may punish not only with imprisonment and the like duly proportioned means of correction, but so, according to their misdeeds or crimes, with the loss of life itself, yet not in any other than the usual manner, and after the proper hearing and consideration of the case, with the most respectable people and the most prudent associate judges who can be found in the country as his counsellors. 63 "26. Above all things, shall the Governor consider and see to it that a true and due worship, becoming honor, laud, and praise be paid to the Most High God in all things, and to that end all proper care shall be taken that divine service be zealously performed according to the unaltered Augsburg Confession, the Council of Upsala, and the ceremonies of the Swedish Church; and all persons, especially the young, shall be duly instructed in the articles of their Christian faith; and all good church discipline shall In like manner be duly exercised and received. But so far as relates to the Holland colonists that live and settle under the government of Her Royal Majesty and the Swedish crown, the Governor shall not disturb them in the Indulgence granted them as to the exercise of the Reformed religion according to the aforesaid royal charter. "27. In all else which cannot here be set down in writing, the Governor shall conduct himself an is suitable and becoming to a faithful patriot, and take Into due consideration whatever is correspondent to his office, according to the best of his understanding and with the greatest zeal and care, also regulating himself in accordance with that which may be here communicated to him by word of mouth; and there is herewith given him a special list of the people who accompany him and of the means and equipment of his office. "28. Finally, Her Royal Majesty is also well satisfied that the said office of his government shall continue and exist for three years, after the lapse of which he, the said John Printz, shall be free to return hither again, after the necessary arrangements have been made In regard to his successor, or some substitute in the said service. Should he, the said John Printz, have a desire to continue longer in this charge he shall have the preference over others therefor, provided that the advantage and service of Her Majesty and the crown, and of the company, so demand. Given as above. "PAEHR BRAHE, HERMAN WRANGEL, "CLAES FLEMMING, AXEL OXENSTIERNA, "GABRIEL BENSTSSON OXENSTIERNA, AND. GYLLENKLOU." [See NOTE 5-9.] [NOTE 5-9.] These five names are historical. They formed at that time the Swedish Council of State, who carried on the government immediately after the death of Gustaf Adolph the Great and during the minority of hie daughter Christiana, who was not quite six years old at the time of her father's death (November, 1632), and consequently in her seventeenth year at the date of this document. She ascended the throne as actual sovereign on her eighteenth birthday, viz., Dec. 6, 1644. The Swedish colony in America was undoubtedly the work of the great Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna, though first suggested by Gustaf Adolph. Gyllenklou was secretary of the Council. [FINIS NOTE 5-9.] The voyage to New Sweden was at that time quite long. The watery way to the West was not yet well discovered, and therefore, for fear of the sand-banks off Newfoundland, they kept their course to the east and south as far as to what were then called the Brazates. [The Azores.] The ships which went under the command of Governor Printz sailed along the coast of Portugal and down the coast of Africa until they found the eastern passage, then directly over the America, leaving the Canaries high up to the north. They landed at Antigua, then continued their voyage northward, past Virginia and Maryland, to Cape Henlopen. Yet, in view of the they took, the voyage was quick enough in six months time, from Stockholm on Aug. 16, 1642, to the new fort of Christina, in New Sweden, on Feb. 15, 1643. The Swedes who emigrated to America belonged partly to a trading company provided with a charter, who for their services, according to their condition or agreement, were to receive pay and monthly wages; a part of them also were at their own impulse to try their fortune. For these it was free to settle and live in the country as long as they pleased, or to, leave it, and they were, therefore, by way of distinction from the others, called freemen. At first also malefactors and vicious people were sent over, who were used as slaves to labor upon the fortifications. They were kept in chains, and not allowed to have intercourse with the other settlers; moreover, a separate place of abode was assigned to them. The neighboring people and country were dissatisfied that such wretches should come into the colony. It was also, in fact, very objectionable in regard to the heathen, who might be greatly offended by it. Whence it happened that when such persons came over in Governor Printz's time, it was not permitted that one of them should set foot on shore, but they had all to be carried back again, whereupon a great part of them died during the voyage, or perished in some other way. Afterwards it was forbidden at home in Sweden, under a penalty, to take for the American voyage any persons of bad fame, nor was there ever any lack of good people for the colony. Governor Printz was now in a position to put the government upon a safe footing, to maintain the rights of the Swedes, and to put down the attempts of the Hollanders. They had lately, before his arrival, patched their little Fort Nassau. [See NOTE 5-10.] On this account he selected the island of Tenackong as his residence, which is sometimes also called Tutaeaenung and Tenicko, about three Swedish miles from Fort Christina. The convenient situation of the place suggested its selection, as also the location of Fort Nassau, which lay some miles over against it, to which he could thus command the passage by water. The new fort, which was erected and provided with considerable armament, was called New Götheborg. His place of residence, which he adorned with orchards, gardens, a pleasure-house, etc, he named "Printz Hall." A handsome wooden church was also built at the same place, which Magister Campanius consecrated on the last great prayer-day which was celebrated in New Sweden, on the 4th of September, 1646. Upon that place, also, all the most prominent freemen had their residences and plantations. [NOTE 5-10.] Fort Nassau was built near the mouth of Timber Creek, below Gloucester Point in New Jersey. It is said to have been built by Cornelius Mey in 1623; but when visited by De Vries, ten years afterwards (Jan. 5, 1633), it was in the possession of the Indians, among whom he was afraid to land. We have no evidence that the fort was reoccupied by the Dutch before the establishment of the Swedish colony in 16434. (See Voyages of De Vries in New York Hist. Col., New Series, vol. i. p. 253.) [FINIS NOTE 5-10.] The Hollanders intruded upon the Swedes in their traffic with the Indians, and Printz therefore sought to keep them under. In the name of the High and Mighty States-General and of the West India Company, under which all their transactions were carried on, they had never bought so much as a foot's breadth of land; but from time to time sent in some particular persons, who treated with the heathen on their own account, and thus tried to find out what course 64 the Swedes would pursue in consequence. In the year 1646 came one Thomas Broen with a permit from Peter Stuyvesant, the Holland Director at New Amsterdam, to settle himself at Mantas Huck, on the other side of the bay, directly opposite Tenakongh. This permit he showed to Governor Printz, and desired his aid in the building of his abode. The Governor promised this upon condition that he would place himself under the Swedish government. But when he saw beneath this the trick of the Hollanders, he himself bought of the Indians the land from Mantas Huck to Narraticon's or Raccoon's Kihl, and raised upon it a post to which the Swedish coat of arms was affixed, whereby the plan of the Hollanders, was frustrated for the time. Andries Hudde, appointed commandant ad interium at Fort Nassau, on the 12th of October, 1645, protested in writing against Printz's land purchase of the 8th of September, 1646, and gave information of the same to the director, Peter Stuyvesant, namely, that Governor Printz sought to procure for himself all the land east of the river; that, if he could make himself master of both sides, it was probable that he would export annually thirty or forty thousand beaver-skins. Now, as the Holland Company's treasury was entirely empty, and the Hollanders saw that they had no time to lose, they resorted to another plan. Some freemen -Simon Ruth, Cornelius Marizen, Peter Hermansson, Andries Hudde, Alexander Boyer, and David Davids -united together and purchased of the Indians a piece of land, extending from Ancocus Kihl to Tenakongh Island, another place higher up on the river than where the Governor had his residence, and also took a title therefor; but with the reservation that if the company wished to purchase it for themselves they might do so by refunding their purchase-money to them. Governor Printz protested against this as an unbecoming proceeding, which protest also Hudde sent over to New Amsterdam. Peter Stuyvesant, in his answer, complains of their inability to maintain their rights, and promises money to buy all the land from Narraticon's Kihl to the bay, which, however, was never done. Governor Printz had blocked up the passage of the Hollanders to Fort Nassau by water, but they devised another method of evading big superior power. They entered into a treaty with the Indians for the land which lies between Maniqua's or Minqua's Kihl and the river, as far down as Bombe's Huck or Bambo Hook, and concluded the purchase on the 19th of July, 1651. That agreement was the only one which had yet been made in the name of the States-General and the West India Company. But by that they bought the land which the Minquesses had already, in Menewe's time, sold to the Swedes, and it is therefore unreasonable to believe that the true owners of the land subscribed that bill of sale. Shortly after this Fort Casimir was built at Sandhuk. Governor Printz at once protested against it; but either he had not the means of hindering it, or had not time for it, and so the matter rested. To remedy the injury which the Hollanders inflicted by Fort Casimir, Governor Printz erected upon the place called Wootsessung Sing another Swedish fort, which he called Elfsborg, one Swedish mile below Sandhuk and two miles below Christina, but on the eastern shore, from which that district of country was in former times, and even now is called Elsingborg. From this was fired a Swedish salute upon the arrival of Swedish ships. But its principal object was to search the Holland ships which came before it, and (which stuck very hard in their maw) to make them lower their flag. The fort was afterwards abandoned by the Swedes and destroyed, as it was almost impossible to live there on account of the gnats (myggor), whence it was for some time called Myggenborg. Besides these there were Fort Korsholm, at Passayunk, where the commander, Sven Schute, had his residence. Manäyungh, on the Skorkihl or Skulkihl, was a fine little fort of logs, having sand and stones filled in between the wood-work, and surrounded by palisades, four Swedish (twenty-seven English) miles from Christina eastwardly. Mecoporacka (Upland) was two Swedish miles from Christina and one mile from Götheborg, upon the river shore, on the same plan, with some houses and a fort. Other places were equally well known, though not fortified. Chinsessing, a place upon the Schuylkill, where five families of freemen dwelt together in houses two stories high, built of white-nut-tree (hickory), which was at that time regarded as the best for building houses, but in later times was altogether disapproved of for such purposes. Karakung had a water-mill, which the Governor had built for the people, it being the first in the country. Chamassung was also called Finland, a district where the Fins dwelt by the waterside, and Neaman's Kihl, one and a quarter miles from Christina. Manathaan, or Cooper's Island, was an island opposite Fort Christina, so called from a cooper who dwelt there with two Hol- landers, and made casks or wooden vessels and small boats. Techoherassi was Olof Stillé's place. Gripsholm, Nya Wasa, etc., which are marked upon the oldest maps, were places laid out and occupied, but did not get established under the Swedish administration. The land on the west side of the river, which the Swedes had purchased of the heathen, first in Menewe's time and afterwards under Governor Printz, or had acquired a right to by agreement, stretched from Cape Henlopen to the Falls of the Delaware, and thence westward to the great fall in the river Susquehanna, near the mouth of the Conewaga Creek. 65 These Indians were called by Europeans; in general Delawares, but within a circle of eighteen miles around the Swedes there were ten or eleven separate tribes, each baying its own sackkewan or king. Among these were especially the Minesinkos, the Mynkusses or Mineguesses, upon the so-called Maniquas or Minqua's Kihl (Christina), with whom the Swedes formed a special friendship. These extended twelve Swedish miles into the interior of the country, on to the Conestoga and the Susquehanna, where they had a fort, which was a square surrounded by palisades, with some iron pieces, on a hill, and some houses within it. But some of them were with the Swedes every day, who also once or twice in a year made a journey up into the country among the Minequesses with their wares for sale. The Swedes maintained friendly relations with the Indian tribes, and made extensive purchases of lands from them, extending to the Susquehanna River. Acrelius says, "The old Indians still tell of the treaties which their forefathers made with the Swedes, as also how far they were disposed to admit them into their country." Of this it may serve as evidence to introduce the following extract from the minutes of the treaty made in Lancaster: "THE COURT-HOUSE IN LANCASTER, "June 26, 1744, P.M. Present, -Hon. George Thomas, Kt., Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania, etc., the Hon. Commissioners of Virginia, the Hon. Commissioners of Maryland, the deputies of the Six Nations of Indians, Conrad Weiser, interpreter. "Carnastego, the Indian spokesman, spoke as follows: "'Brother, the Governor of Maryland: When you spoke of the affair of the land yesterday, you went back to old times, and told us you had been in possession of the province of Maryland above one hundred years. But what is one hundred years in comparison to the length of time since our claim began, since we came up out of this ground? For we must tell you that long before one hundred years our ancestors came forth out of this very ground, and their children have remained here ever since. You came out of the ground in a country that lies beyond seas; there you may have a just claim, but here you must allow us to be your elder brethren, and the lands to belong to us long before you knew any thing of them. It is true that about one hundred years ago, a German ship came hither and brought with them various articles, such as awls, knives, hatches, guns, and many other things, which they gave us. And when they had taught us to use these things, and we saw what kind of a people they we were so well pleased with them that we tied their ships to the bushes on the shore, and afterwards, liking them still better, and the more the longer they stayed with us, thinking that the bushes were too weak, we changed the place of the rope, and fastened it to the trees, and as the trees might be overthrown by a storm, or fall down of themselves (so strong was our friendship for them), we again changed the place of the rope and bound it to a very strong rock. [Here the interpreter said, They mean the land of Onondage.] There we fastened it very securely, and rolled wampum around it. For still greater security we stood upon the wampum and sat upon it to fasten it, and to prevent all injury, and we took the greatest care to keep it uninjured for all time. As long as that stood the newly-arrived Germans recognized our right to the country and from time to time urged us to give them portions of our land, and that they might enter into a union and treaty with us, and become one people with us."' That this is more correctly said of the Swedes than of the Hollanders call be inferred from this that the Hollanders never made such a purchase from them as to include their whole country, which the Swedes did. Yet the English are rather disposed to explain this in favor of the Hollanders. The savages regarded both the Swedes and Hollanders, being Europeans, as one people, and looked upon their quarrels as disagreements between different families. Purchases of land from the wild tribes were made in this way: Both parties set their names and marks under the purchase contract; [See NOTE 5-11.] two witnesses also were taken by the Christians. When these made their oath that they were informed as to the transaction, and had seen the payment made, then the purchase was valid. If the kings or chiefs of the Indians signed such an agreement in the presence of a number of their people, then it was legitimate on their side. In former times they were quite truthful, although oaths were not customary among them. But it was not so in later times, after they had more intercourse with Christians. Payments were made in awls, needles, scissors, knives, axes, guns, powder and balls, together with blankets of frieze or felt, which they wrap around them. One blanket sufficed for their dress. These wares they secured for themselves, for their skins of beavers, raccoons, sables, gray foxes, wild-cats, lynxes, bears, and deer. [NOTE 5-11.] Conrad Weiser, born in Germany, 1696, and come to this country in his fourteenth year, and present at Lancaster, as above stated, is the ancestor of the Rev. C. Z. Weiser, now residing at Greenville, Montgomery Co., Pa. He was greatly beloved by the Indians, and possessed their confidence in all matters, connected with the transfer of lands to the settlers. William M. Reynolds, D. D., the translator of Acrelius, referring to him says, "He stayed at one time in the Ephrata cloister, among the monks called Beiselians, Dunkards, or Dumplars, a kind of Anabaptists. During that time he also let his beard grow, according to the law of the order. He was for many years an interpreter between the Indians and the English in their councils. The former had the same confidence in him as one of their own race. They have given him the name of Tarachawagon. When a sale of land is made the Indians subscribe on the one side and the English commissioners upon the other. Then the Interpreter must write his name Tarachawagon, first under those of the Indians, and then Conrad Weiser under the English, as a sign that each has an equal share in him. So it also went with his beard. At the meeting in Lancaster in 1744 (June), when they came together, and before they began to consult, they first took half of his beard off (all Indian hate beards, possibly because they do Dot or cannot grow any themselves) of him, as their own right. Next it was among their principal representations to the meeting, and especially to the Governor of Pennsylvania, that he should take off the other part of Tarachawagon's beard, since he would otherwise scare their little children when he came among them. To give their speech the greater weight, they here delivered a string of wampum, as is the custom. The Governor, before his departure, assured them that he would take off the other part of Weiser's beard, and that already given an order for this. In confirmation of his sincerity and good faith he also gave them a string of wampum, which was received with their usual exclamation of joy, 'Yo-hah, yo-hah!'" [FINIS NOTE 5-11.] Governor John Printz was the most rigorous and enterprising official that ruled on the Delaware River, and was perhaps the most zealous (if all his country men for the success and permanency of the New Sweden. He resisted the encroachments of the English on the one hand and the Hollanders on the other, while he co-operated with his own people in extending their settlements up the Schuylkill Valley and westward the Susquehanna. He was ap- 66 pointed Governor at the instance of Axel Oxenstierna, the most confidential advisor of the fallen Gustaf Adolph, and who was the central power during the regency of Christina, as well as the author of elaborate instructions. He held the Dutch in check, closed the mouth of the Schuylkill against them, and secured the Indian trade of that river for the Swedish West India Company. The thrift and business enterprise of the Swedish colonists in commanding the resources of the outlying country is evidenced by the extent of their shipment to the home government. In one year "thirty thousand skins" were brought in by the Indians, who procured them from the, country between the Schuylkill and Susquehanna. The policy of Governor Printz in closing navigable rivers to his rivals was sagacious, and merited for him the confidence of his followers. Having secured the trade of the Schuylkill, he determined to break up a Dutch trading-post on the Delaware River at a place called Santhickan, where Trenton is now located. At this point the Holland commander established himself and planted the arms of the States-General on the shore of the river, and where large collections of skins were bartered for by the Dutch traders. Printz ordered this national insignia to be displaced; and dispatched a lieutenant and, squad of men to carry out, the order. The event took place on the 8th of September, 1646. The officer in charge of the expedition carried out his instructions to the letter, and when he was asked by the Hollanders it, charge of the post, "How dare you do such a thing?" replied, "If the very standard of the States-General stood there I would treat it in the same manner." Printz is said to have been the first person to build a water-mill in New Swedeland. The site selected was on Water-Mill Stream, now Cobb's Creek. This was a great convenience to the Swedes, and Indian squaws came for many miles in every direction to have their corn ground for domestic use. The successful administration of Governor Printz cut a shadow upon the Dutch commissary, Jan Jansson Ilpendam, who had charge of affairs on the east shore of the Delaware. Ilpendam was recalled, and one Andries Hudde was installed in his place. This change increased rather than allayed the frequency of contentions between the rival colonists. Hudde was directed by his superior officer to replant the arms of the States-General, which he did. Printz, dispatched Lieut. Huygens to pull it down. Hudde was on the alert, and placed the offending officer in arrest, sending a messenger to Printz that he would punish him for his intended act of rashness. Printz replied that be would retaliate, and insisted upon his company right to extend their trade and dominion; finally, he treated Hudde's messenger with indignity, hastening his departure, from his presence with threats of violence. This episode ended the official correspondence between them, and Printz assumed an unfriendly attitude. He guarded the line of the Schuylkill with care, "persecuted or expelled every dutchman in New Sweden who would not take the oath of allegiance to Queen Christina," sold fire-arms and ammunition to the Indians, over-hauled Dutch-vessels coming up the Delaware, and finally raided the premises of Hudde, despoiled his gardens and fruit-trees, and otherwise desolated the place and surroundings. His conduct seems to have excited public inquiry, and a committee of the High Council of the New Netherlands came from Manhattan to investigate the "outrages." These officials, bearing credentials, presented themselves to Governor Printz at Fort Gottenburg. The approaches being duly guarded, the officer in charge kept them in waiting until he could communicate with his chief; meantime the rain descended in torrents, soaking these dignitaries to the skin, greatly to their displeasure. All preliminaries, being arranged, they were finally admitted to an audience with the Governor. They delivered their protest against the conduct of his Excellency, and insisted upon the right of their countrymen to make settlements on the Schuylkill. They retired without molestation, but their effort to secure favor was not reciprocated by the implacable Swede. End Chapter V - Part I