Local History: Chapter XIV - Part II: The Revolution: Bean's 1884 History of Montgomery Co, PA Contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by Susan Walters USGENWEB NOTICE: Printing this file by non-commercial individuals and libraries is encouraged, as long as all notices and submitter information is included. Any other use, including copying files to other sites requires permission from the submitters PRIOR to uploading to any other sites. We encourage links to the state and county table of contents. บบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบ BEAN'S HISTORY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA บบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบบ CHAPTER XIV. - PART II THE REVOLUTION. 170 (cont.) The hasty removal of Congress from Philadelphia to Lancaster, thence to York, had its disorganizing effects upon all the departments; especially upon those of the quartermaster and commissary. The limited provisions made to meet the wants of the army, greatly increased by the losses inseparable from the defeats and retreats experience, were with difficulty placed within reach of the commander, whose transportation had been reduced to the minimum from necessity, whose trains had been enfeebled by overwork, irregular food and that want of care for which the quartermaster's department had become noted. To overcome some measure the necessity which threatened the dissolution of his army, as early as the 20th of December 1777, he issued the following order: 171 "By virtue of the power and direction especially given, I hereby enjoin and require all persons residing within seventy miles of my headquarters to thresh one-half of their grain toy the first day of March next ensuing, on pain, in case of failure, of having all that shall remain in shieves, after the period above mentioned, seized by the commissaries and quartermasters of the army, and paid for as straw. [See NOTE 14-8.] [NOTE 14-8.] In a letter to Congress touching this order, Washington says, "I regret the necessity which compelled us to issue the order, and I shall consider it among the greatest of our misfortunes to be under the necessity of practicing it again. I am now obliged to keep several parties from the army thrashing grain, that our supplies may not fail us; but this will not do.." "Washington", vol. i. p. 216. [FINIS NOTE 14-8.] In the absence of blankets, the want of straw as well as grain was sorely felt by the army; farmers in the immediate vicinity had suffered great loss by the presence of both armies in their midst. If the patriot army were considerate of those known to be friendly to their cause and merciless upon the "Tory," the British, who closely followed them, laid a heavy hand upon the supplies of the "Rebel," and between the two the farmers from the Brandywine to the Delaware found an involuntary market. Under these circumstances, it was not surprising that those who had stowed away the grain and hay that was relied upon to keep body and soul together for another year were tardy in threshing it out. The commander-in-chief comprehended the situation, and the order issued went direct to the vital point; it suggested an alternative which brought flails to the front, barn-doors were opened, the golden sheaves were brought in from well preserved stacks, in many instances by the soldiers themselves, who were glad to exchange the rigors of a starving camp for the toil of the threshing floor, which exchange yielded bread for themselves and compatriots by day, and afforded the hope of merriment amidst the cheerful homes of patriot mothers and daughters by night. Tradition says that throughout the length and breadth of "Washington's seventy miles" could be heard from morn till night two or three threshers on every barn-floor. Straw was soon in the market, soft as flails could make it, and contributed greatly to the comfort of the men at Valley Forge, and hundreds and thousands of other sick and wounded, who filled every church and meeting-house from Barren Hill to the "Swamp," and from "Birmingham to Reading." "At no period of the war," writes Chief Justice Marshall, "had the American army been reduced to a situation of greater peril than during the winter at Valley Forge. More than once they were absolutely without food. Even while their condition was less desperate in this respect, their stock of provisions was so scanty that there was seldom at any time in the stores a quantity sufficient for the use of the troops for a week. The returns of the 1st of February exhibit the astonishing number of three thousand nine hundred and eighty-nine men in camp unfit for duty for want of clothes. Of this number scarcely a man had a pair of shoes. Although the total of the army exceeded seventeen thousand men. The present effective rank and file amounted to only five thousand and twelve. The returns throughout the winter did not effectually vary from that which has been particularly stated." The situation of the camp was so eminently critical on the 14th of February that General Varnum wrote to General Greene "that in all human probability the army must dissolve." On the 16th of the same month Washington wrote to Governor Clinton: "For some days past there has been little less than a famine in camp. A part of the army has been a week without; any kind of flesh, and the rest three or four days. Naked and starved as they are, we cannot enough admire the incomparable patience and fidelity of the soldiery that they have not been ere this excited by their sufferings to general mutiny and desertion." Dr. Thatcher, in his private journal states: "That it was with the greatest difficulty that men enough could be found in a fit condition to discharge the military camp duties from day to day, and for this purpose, those who were naked borrowed of those who were more fortunate in having covering for their bodies and shoes for their feet." Yet, amidst the sufferings and privations endured by these devoted troops week after week and month after month, pelted by the storms of one of the severest winters ever known in this region, the love of country, the hope of victory, and an abiding confidence in their great leader sustained them until, in the Providence of God, the cause found an ally whose offices of friendship, long and ardently hoped for by the chivalrous Lafayette, were finally assured by the diplomacy of our own glorious Franklin. Captain Peter S. Duponceau, aide-de-camp on the staff of Baron Steuben, in a speech at Valley Forge on the 26th day of July, 1828, at a "Harvest Home" held in commemoration of the trials and sufferings and sacrifices of the Continental army, thus speaks of the period and situation: "At that time no nation in Europe had acknowledged our independence except a few insufficient succors secretly sent to us from France. We were left entirely to our own resources, which were, alas! all centred in the courage of our rulers and our brave soldiers. Despondency reigned everywhere except in the hearts of those who watched and suffered for our safety. I cannot well represent to you with what fortitude, resignation and patience these trials were borne by the soldiers of the Revolution. They never broke into loud murmurs, much less into mutiny or disobedience. I have seen them when pressed by hunger sometimes pop their heads out of their poor huts and call out in an undertone, 'No bread, no soldier;' but a single kind word from an officer would still their complaints, and they were willing to brave everything. For the sake of liberty and their country." Passing from the gloom of the command, we are met with the perils of the commander. The surrender of Burgoyne on the Hudson, due primarily to the comprehensive direction of Washington, successfully 172 carried into execution by Major-General Philip Schuyler, who in an evil hour was superseded by Major-General Horatio Gates, giving to the latter officer easy honors and bringing to his standard the disaffected spirits of the army, as it did the impatient and fawning politicians of the period. The victory of Gates at Saratoga was the inevitable result of conditions precedent to his assuming command in that department, a fact well understood by his contemporaries at the time; and it would seem that a proper respect for the proprieties of his profession, a due regard for the troops who served him and the superior officers, in merit and rank who made his triumph a possibility should have induced subsequent conduct upon his part consistent with the highest interest of his country. But it was not so. Assuming honors he never merited and powers never conferred upon him, he covertly sought to destroy personal attachments and inspire public distrust in his commander-in-chief. General Conway, with others of less importance, served the base purpose of Gates only too well, and for a time the cabal worked unseen mischief in the attempted alienation of friends and disorganization of the army, which ultimately recoiled upon those most conspicuously connected with the movement, leaving the character of him they thought to asperse brighter and purer and nobler than ever before. When apprised of the intrigues of faction by his personal friend, Mr. Laurens, then President of Congress, he replied with a frankness which, while it disclosed a wounded spirit, breathed in every line and sentence his unqualified attachment to the cause and his unselfish love of country. He writes to his friend: -"As I have no other view than to promote the public good, and am unambiguous of honors not founded in the approbation of my country. I would not desire in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct that every faction itself may deem reprehensible. The anonymous paper handed you exhibits many serious charges, and it is my wish that it may be submitted to Congress. [See NOTE 14-9.] This I am the more inclined to, as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embarrassments hereafter, since it is uncertain how many or who may be privy to the contest. My enemies take an ungenerous advantage. They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motive of policy deprives me of the defense I might otherwise make against their insidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be free from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station? Merit and talents, which I cannot pretend to rival, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me that it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which circumstances would permit. Yet I may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may in many instances deserve the imputation of error." [NOTE 14-9.] Charles Thomson was, in some respects, one of the most interesting characters of the Revolution. His life has never been written, because he deliberately destroyed the materials for it; he knew more of the inside history of the great struggle than any other man, but never opened his lips about it, burning his papers before his death and calmly insisting that this secrets should die with him. This self-repression cost him no pangs; it was natural to him; he habitually acted behind the scenes and by indirect methods, and he did this not from any spirit of intrigue or other unworthy motive, but because his nature seemed to demand it. He was the soul of truth and honor, frank, ingenuous, and much beloved of his friends, serene, companionable, quiet, and yet evidently capable of emotions of the very strongest sort, so that he fainted from excitement in speaking upon the Boston Port Bill and John Adams spoke of him as "the Sam Adams of Philadelphia." Perhaps it was this excitability and his consciousness of it which made Thomson always avoid the demonstrative part of the great work to which he had laid his hand and which he did so thoroughly. This and the untoward circumstances of his childhood may suffice to explain the seeming anomaly in Charles Thomson's character. He was born In Ireland, whence, in 1740, being then eleven years old (born November 1729, at Maghera, Derry). He had an elder brother and three sisters, and a sick father crossed the ocean for the Delaware. His brother had died when Charles was very young, and the father died on the voyage and was buried at sea. The captain of the vessel seized the children's effects and put them ashore at New Castle, committing Charles to the care of a blacksmith, who proposed binding the boy to his trade. PICTURE OF CHARLES THOMSON APPEARS HERE To defeat this, Charles at once ran away, found a friend on the road, a lady, a stronger to him, was taken under her care, and sent to school to Dr. Francis Allison, at Thunder Hill, Md. Then and afterwards the lad was a diligent student, and was made usher under Allison when the latter became vice-principal of the Philadelphia College. Thomson lodged with David J. Dove, and may have taught in the latter's private school and in the Germantown Academy also. To show the habitual caution of the man, he got a certificate of good character from Dove and his wife both before leaving their house. He taught in the Friends' school, in Fourth Street, below Chestnut, becoming principal. His first public service was as short-hand reporter for the Quakers, in 1757, at the famous Indian council that year, when Tedyuscung gave him the name which stuck to him, emeritus, through life, -Weagh conlau mo-und, the man who tells the truth. After this Thomson went into business and made money. Watson says he was interested in iron-works at Egg Harbor. As soon as the suspicions of ministerial intention to tax America were awakened Thomson began to respond with leading men in other colonies. He was intimate with Franklin, trusted in business circles, and must have revealed his qualities as a confidential agent very early. Jefferson and he corresponded as early as 1764; the New England patriots all knew him, and he was secretary of the New York (Stamp Act) Congress of 1765. He managed all the political leaders in Philadelphia as easily as the hand pulling their wires moves puppets. He was secretary of the First Continental Congress, perpetual secretary of Congress during and after the war (fourteen years in all), and confidential friend of every leader in the colonies throughout the struggle. The delicacy of his responsible and confidential relations to Congress were enhanced by the fact that he obviously had charge of the secret service of Congress, and that body required to have spies everywhere, domestic and foreign, and of every grade. 173 Watson learned from him incidentally, perhaps accidentally, that James Rivington, the Tory printer in New York, was one of these agents, and Mrs. Logan reports that Patience Wright, the wax modeler, was another. The latter had the means to be very useful. She was intimate with Franklin, passed for a half-mad woman, went where she pleased, even to Windsor Castle, without leave, where she used to butt in abruptly, calling the king "George" and the queen "Charlotte, and withal she was astute, shrewd and full of resources. Thomson married for his first wife, a daughter of Charles Mather, of Chester County. His two children by her died in infancy. In 1774 he married Hannah Harrison, daughter of a Maryland Quaker of fortune, and with her he got the estate of Harrison, in Montgomery County, a large property for a man of Thomson's simple ways. His wife was a kinswoman of John Dickinson's, and a lineal descendant of Isaac Norris and Governor RESIDENCE OF CHARLES THOMSON APPEARS HERE Thomas Lloyd. The wedding had just taken place when Thomson was called to act as secretary of Congress. After he was relieved from this place he steadily declined to take any other public position, give twelve years hard labor to the preparation of a translation of the Septuagenarians and Greek Testaments, and survived until August 16, 1824, his mind much decayed by age in his last quiet years. - Scharf and Westcott's "History Of Philadelphia," vol i [FINIS NOTE 14-9.] The street intrigues within army circles, the violent criticism of partisans in the civil service, the protest of Pennsylvanians against the cantonment of the army. And the hasty appointment of a new Board of War, consisting first of Major-General Thomas Mifflin, Colonel Timothy Pickering, and Colonel Robert H. Harrison, enlarged on the 17th day of November, 1777, by the addition of Mr. Francis Dana and J. B. Smith. And again on the 27th of the same month by the further appointment of General Gates, Joseph Trumbull, and Richard Peters; Gates being chosen chairman, and, as thus constituted evidently in sympathy with the cabal, these circumstances promptly induced a correspondence by Washington with Congress, which resulted in the appointment of a committee from that body, consisting of Mr. Francis Dana, General Joseph Reed, Nathan Folsom, Charles Carroll and Governor Morris, to visit the camp at Valley Forge, and who, if not in perfect accord with the condition of public affairs resulting from the campaign in Pennsylvania, were at least willing to hear an impartial statement of facts as presented by the commander-in-chief and those who surrounded him, and report to Congress such suggestions for the future conduct of the army as would insure its preservation for the winter and probable success in the proposed operations for the ensuing year, now rendered doubly promising by the friendly offices and assurances of France. This committee remained in camp for several weeks, and finally drafted a report embodying suggestions generally accredited to the foresight, sagacity, and wisdom of Washington. Their labor was productive of the best results. They restored whatever want of confidence had been felt in the public mind, and hastened the work of preparation for the future by conceding to the commander-in-chief the exercise of those powers originally contemplated by the terms of his commission. Major-General Nathaniel Greene, was, at the urgent request of Washington, appointed quartermaster-general of the Continental army, a position which he accepted with great reluctance, but to which office he brought a degree of energy and judgment that speedily brought order out of chaos, and substituted plenty in the place of poverty. Under his supervising care supplies were organized by contract. And purchase wherever possible, and by methodical impressment when and wherever the preferable mode was impossible or impracticable. Having the department of supplies now under the direction of an officer in accord with his plans and purposes (although he was not committed to certain details insisted upon by its chief), Washington turned his attention to filling the place left unoccupied by the apostasy of Conway as worthily as he had filled that made vacant by the resignation of Mifflin. Happily the choice of men for the position of inspector-general of the army fell upon Baron Steuben, a Prussian officer of great distinction, having served seven years in the army and on the staff of Frederick the Great. He was then in his forty-seventh year, and had adopted America for his country. He came highly recommended by Franklin, then at Paris, and many distinguished officers in the French and Prussian armies, especially as a disciplinarian. He reached Washington's headquarters on the 5th of February, 1778, and was promptly assigned to the inspector general's department. None but those who have attained proficiency in the science of war by academical training and long experience can full appreciate the importance of discipline in an army, or measure the loss resulting in a hundred ways from the want of it, as seen in the 174 improvidence, which it begets, the insubordination which it inspires, and the tardiness in men and officer, which always endangers and often defeats the best, laid plans of the commander. Great was the astonishment of Steuben upon his arrival. Having united his destiny with the struggling patriots. Viewing the field of strife through eyes accustomed to the trained and well-supplied armies of Europe, always near the person and headquarters of his sovereign, brightened by the display of royal splendor, he keenly felt the unpleasing, contrast as seen at Valley Forge. "He found our cities in the possession of a powerful foe. And when he came to look for the troops to retake them, he saw only a few thousand famished, half-naked men, looking more like beggars than soldiers, cooped up in miserable log huts, dragging cut a dreary winter amid snow and storm." His first tour of inspection disclosed to his practiced eye the impoverished condition of the camp. And the want of discipline in officers and men, the vice of gambling, the frequency of petty theft, want of cleanliness of person, and its sure concomitant, pestilential disease, --the itch was only more common in the camp than the presence of vermin among the rank and file. So terrible was the poverty of necessary supplies, as late as January 12th that the, commander-in, chief issued an order to his brigade commanders to collect tallow and ashes with which to make soft-soap for the use of the men in the camp. Well might the amazed Steuben declare that no European army could be kept together under such suffering. Nothing daunted, however and with all the sympathies of his noble nature aroused in behalf of the American cause he commenced as soon as the season would permit to instruct both officers and men. It was his practice to rise at three o'clock in the morning, dress his hair, smoke, take his cup of coffee, and at sunrise be in the saddle, and if the weather permitted, would have his men marching to the field for morning drill. He organized one company, which he drilled in person to the highest point of efficiency in the use of the arms then relied upon in the infantry branch of the service, subsequently using them as a model or example by which to instruct regiments and brigades. We regret that history does not furnish us with the letter, name or some means of identifying the company thus selected, and the example of which was so effectual in promoting the efficiency of their comrades. Honorable mention is frequently made of the distinguished service of Baron Steuben in this regard, and for which he was, on May 5, 1778, commissioned major General. But, alas! for the brave men who answered his imperative roll call upon these hills at each morning sun, who generously sank their individuality and became automatons to exemplify the first great duty of the soldier, -i.e., to obey. Truer fame was never won on tented field by more heroic men, and though they be nameless on our history's page, no greater victory emblazoned the banners of the patriot army than that which this company achieve in the discipline of themselves, and, by their example, the discipline of the army at Valley Forge. Unknown though this company be, and nameless its roll of heroes, honor and gratitude alike demand that they should share the credit bestowed upon their zealous commander by a country whose historians declare the result of this primary school of discipline was seen in the ensuing campaign at the battle of Monmouth, where "Washington rallied his men when in full retreat, and brought them into action under the very blaze of the enemy's guns. They wheeled like veteran troops in their places, and then moved steadily on the foe." The department of the inspector general now received the attention its vast importance deserved, and discipline, before irregular, or practiced only under particular leaders, was introduced into and imposed as a duty upon every command and in every department. All the arrangements to carry into effect the plans of the commander-in-chief were heartily seconded and perfected by this accomplished master of details, and has the legitimate sequence, the intricate machinery of the army began to move in order and in the direction of success. With the explosion of the Conway cabal, the restoration of public confidence by the patriotic officers of the committee of Congress, the induction of Greene into the department of supplies, the assignment of Steuben to the task of organizing and disciplining the army, a burden was lifted from the shoulders of Washington. Who, as he calmly surveyed the future, supported by the presence and fidelity of Knox and Stirling, of Hamilton and Pickering and Lafayette, felt that the crisis in his life and country had been reached and passed, and the midnight gloom of the Revolution was broken. As repulse had followed repulse in rapid succession in the preceding months, at Brandywine, Paoli, and Germantown, giving rise to detraction, crimination, infidelity, divided and dissenting counsels, so now in the lengthening days and genial suns of coming spring he felt the assuring circumstance of returning confidence, found new and better men to fill the places of those who had been tried and found weak, vacillating and faithless, and, above all and greater then all these agencies of human life, he saw in the impending providences of Almighty God, in whom he reposed an abiding trust, a hastening ally in France, the assurance of whose friendship and cooperation, in means and men, by land and sea, removed the last doubt in his mind of achieving "Independence, Liberty, and Peace." Coming and portentous events cast their long and succoring shadows before, and although no electric wire flashed the glad news of Franklin's success at the court of Louis XVI. in concluding a 175 "treaty of amity and commerce" on the 6th of February 1778, and also a defensive treaty of alliance, in which the two parties mutually engaged not to lay down their arms until "the Independence of the United States should be assured by the treaties terminating the war;" yet the constancy of Lafayette, his influence with and assurances from his sovereign, made him a daily mentor at the side of the great commander, and prepared him for the reception the official announcement, where reached Valley Forge -on the first day of May, 1778. His official order issued May 7th announcing the event, and preparing his camp to celebrate the occasion, beautifully and feelingly expresses the sense of gratefulness universally felt by army and people, and, as we may believe, was inspired by the fervent prayers he uttered on bended knees in his season of joy upon the hills of Valley Forge: [See NOTE 14-10.] [NOTE 14-10.] The following account of Washington's prayer at Valley Forge was copied from a paper in the handwriting of Ruth Amy Potts, daughter of Issue Potts, who died in 1811, see (Potts' Manual, by Mrs. F. P. James, member of the Pennsylvania Historical society): "While the American army lay at Valley Forge, a good old Quaker by the name of Potts had occasion to pass through a thick wood us the headquarters. As he traversed the dark, brown forest be heard a voice, which, as he advanced, became more fervid and interesting. "Approaching with slowness and circumspection, whom should he behold in a dark bower, apparently formed for the purpose, but the commander-in-chief of the United Colonies on his knees, in the act of devotion to the Ruler of the universe. At the moment when friend Potts, concealed by the trees, came up, Washington was interceding for his beloved country. With tones of gratitude that labored for adequate expression, he adored that exuberance of goodness, which, from the depths of security, had exulted him to the head of a great nation, and that nation fighting at earful odds for the entire world, holds dear. . . . "As soon as the general had finished his devotions and retired, friend Potts returned to his house and throw himself in a chair beside his wife. 'Heigh, Isaac,' said she, with tenderness, 'What is the matter?' 'Indeed,' quoth he, 'if I appear agitated, tis no more than what I am. I have seen this day what I shall never forget. Till now I have thought that a Christian and a soldier were characters incompatible. But if George Washington be not a man of God, I am mistaken; and still more shall I be disappointed if God, through him, does not perform some great thing for the country.'" [FINIS NOTE 14-10.] "It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the universe to defend the cause of the United States, and finally rise up a powerful friend among the princes of the earth to establish our liberty and independence upon a lasting foundation, it becomes us to set apart a day for gratefully acknowledging the Divine interposition. The several brigades are to assemble for this purpose at nine o'clock tomorrow, when their chaplain will communicate the information contained in the postscript of the Pennsylvania Gazette of the 2d inst., and offer up a thanksgiving and deliver a discourse suitable to the event." The day was signalized as one of national deliverance. Devotional exercises were followed by patriotic addresses, national salutes were fired, and upon a given signal the whole army joined in a grand huzza, "Long live the King of France! Long live the friendly powers of Europe and the American States!" The commander-in-chief and staff were the guests of the New Jersey troops during the religious services of the day, after which the general officers of the command joined him at the Potts mansion, whereat was served in true Continental styles one of those famous dinners for which Washington always manifested fondness. To crown the day with universal rejoicing, before the hour of dining he issued the following order, and directed its immediate execution: "The commander-in-chief, in this season of general joy, takes occasion to proclaim pardon and release to all persons now in confinement, whether in the provost or other places. This he is induced to do that the influence of prosperity may be as extensive as possible. Even those that merit punishment rather than favor should not be excluded the benefit of an event so interesting to mankind as that which lately appeared to the offices of America. He hopes the indulgence will not be abused, but excite gratitude and produce a change of conduct and a allowance of every practice consistent with the duty they owe their country." With the changing season came the hopeful change in the tide of human affairs. Guided by the unfaltering wisdom of the great chieftain, who never for a moment loosed his grasp upon the helm of power committed to his command, he steadily, amidst praise and blandishment, detraction and calumny, directed the combined agencies of America and her ally around the sharp angle, the turning-point in the Revolution, and on the high road to final success. Within forty-eight hours after signing the treaties of commerce and alliance between America and France, British spies carried the portentous news to their Sovereign, whose ministry at once sought, by well-marked measures of conciliation, to paralyze the inevitable result contemplated by the alliance. Three months elapsed before Washington was apprised of the proceedings; yet so certain and well founded were his anticipations of the event, so thoroughly had he prepared the public for its announcement, so closely had he discounted the probable action of the home government, that all their well-laid schemes to disconcert him and induce the acceptance of terms at variance with the declared will of the people utterly failed, leaving him master of the situation with an army fresh for the field, reorganized, equipped, drilled, and disciplined by the exertions of his splendid staff. Active operations along the entire line, from Wilmington to Trenton, were commenced at an early period. Smallwood and Morgan and Lee were constant in their efforts on the west of the Schuylkill, and Lacy and Jameson and McLane were equally as vigilant on the east side of that river, to press back the outer line of the British and confine them to a city, the occupancy of which was now seen to be a blunder, if not the pregnant source of approaching disaster to Howe's army. Washington, feeling assured of its evacuation, prepared for the event and on the 18th of May directed General Lafayette, with a corps of two thousand five hundred picked men to occupy Barren Hill, observe the movements of the enemy, and it the event of their retreat across New Jersey, to fall upon their left and rear, while he was to follow as rapidly as possible [See NOTE 14-11.] with the main army. The story of Lafayette at Barren Hill is one of the most interesting historical episodes of the Revolutionary war. The assignment of this youthful and illustrious officer by the commander-in-chief to the command of an independent expedition, composed of the flower of the army, charged with duties certain to expose him to trials and perils of the most extraordinary character, illustrates the boundless confidence reposed in him, and the manner in which he acquitted himself in disconcerting the plans laid by Howe, Clinton, Grant, and Sir William Erskine to destroy or capture him and his command marks him as an officer of quick and brilliant perceptions upon the field of battle, perfect self-control in the hour of peril, and brave to a fault. [Continued on page 177.] 176 [NOTE 14-11.] Early in the month of May, 1778, intelligence reached Washington in his camp that the British were making preparations to evacuate Philadelphia. In order to cover this intended movement, scouting and foraging parties were almost daily scouring the country between the Delaware and the Schuylkill. As far west as the Skippack and Towamencin Creek. And on the 7th of May they sent an expedition up the Delaware River to destroy all the local shipping between Philadelphia and Trenton. Between forty and fifty vessels were burned, a considerable quantity of army stores were destroyed, and many inhabitants were killed or wounded. To prevent these incursions, and at the same time to cut off all possible communication between the country and the enemy, to obtain positive information concerning the movements of the enemy, and to be ready to follow up Howe's retreat with the utmost promptness and force, Washington detached Lafayette with the force before mentioned to take position at Barren Hill. He crossed the Schuylkill River at Matson's Ford (Conshohocken) about noon on the 18th of May, and proceeded to the Ridge Road, thence to Barren Hill, and went into position about a fourth of a mile west of the church. The position was naturally a strong one, but at the same time a critical one owing to the concentration of prominent roads at that point, and its proximity to the main body of the enemy. His position was remarkable for its location, and very skillfully selected. His artillery was planted so as to command the main road to Philadelphia, supported by the right wing of his forces, while the main on Ridge Road was occupied for several miles in front by Captain McLane with a squadron of cavalry, to which command was attached a body of fifty Indians, who were used as scouts through the surrounding country, then densely wooded. His left was, as he supposed, covered by a body of six hundred Pennsylvania militia who were posted "near Whitemarsh." Whether these bodies of troops were detailed from those commanded by Lafayette, and by him put in position, or whether they were acting under other orders, we are left to conjecture, but from the fact that they changed their position without his orders or knowledge would seem to indicate that they were an independent body of troops, upon whose presence he was led to rely, and only when his discomfiture was almost accomplished by his cunning and vigilant enemy did he learn to his great surprise that the officer in command of those troops had retired without communicating with him, thus leaving his left flank exposed to imminent peril; this view to further corroborated by the fact as before stated, that the officers and troops detailed were selected with great care; it is therefore improbable that militia constituted any put of it. THE COMMAND IN GREAT DANGER. --Immediate notice of his arrival was given Sir William Howe, who the same day reconnoitered the position and at once formed his plan to surprise and cut him off. Our best historians differ in relating who forwarded the information of Lafayette's arrivals at Barren Hill, as also in the matter of the officer in command at Philadelphia. Loosing says Lafayette at first quartered in the house of a Tory Quaker, who sent a messenger with the information to Sir Henry Clinton. Marshall, in his "Life of Washington," quotes from General Wilkinson's memoirs, and says that a Person gave a lieutenant in Proctor's artillery regiment this notice; formerly a lieutenant in Proctor's artillery regiment, who, disgusted at being discarded from the American service, became a spy to Sir William Howe, and the better to fulfill his new engagements, kept up his acquaintance with his former comrades, and frequently visited the camp at Valley Forge. To avoid suspicion, which would be excited by his visiting Philadelphia, a rendezvous was established on Frankford Creek where he met a messenger from General Howe, to whom the information was immediately given. The distinguished author says this statement is certainly correct. From the account given by Loesing we would be led to believe that Sir Henry Clinton was in command at that time. But Marshall says that this was the last enterprise attempted by Sir William Howe previous to his resignation of the command in this country. In pursuance of the plan which Howe had formed to capture the "Stripling Frenchman," as Lafayette was called by many of the thoughtless enemy, General Grant was, on the night of the 19th, directed to move with a column of five thousand of his choicest troops and gain the rear of Lafayette's position. In this movement General Grant was accompanied by Sir William Erskine. All night this flanking column marched, hastened in their steps as they neared their objective-point without meeting so much as a picket to fire the alarm, or intimate to Lafayette their coming. The road over which these troops marched on the night in question, as indicated by history and tradition, was as follows: From Philadelphia direct to Flourtown, thence to the present village of the Broad Axe, thence to the Plymouth meeting-house, where the main body of the troops halted just about daylight the following morning. The Ridge Road was occupied by the advance guard in force, at the junction of the road leading to Matson's Ford (now Conshohocken turnpike), with pickets thrown down the Ridge Road almost to the camp of the American forces. Such was the situation on the left just about the hour the presence of the enemy became known. While this movement was in progression the left, General Grey, with strong detachment, estimated at fifteen hundred men, advanced up the Ridge Road and took possession of the next ford south of Matson's on the river Schuylkill, while the main body of the enemy, under the direction of General Howe, had advanced to the summit of Chestnut Hill, on what was then known as the Manataun road. The distance from the advance of General Grant's forces to Matson's Ford, the only point at which Lafayette could possibly recross in safety, was a mile, at least, nearer the former than the latter, and being uninformed of any other road by which Lafayette could reach of crossing than the one he occupied, he halted and went into position in the certain belief that the game was as good as bagged. Captain McLane, a vigilant cavalry officer of great merit, who had command, as before stated, of the Indians accompanying the expedition, and whose forces were actively employed down the Ridge Road, from whence danger was most reasonably apprehended, during the night of the 19th captured a pair of prowling British grenadiers at a place then known as Three-Mile Run. From these men the captain learned of the movement made by General Grant, and also of the detachment then rapidly marching to occupy the ford below Matson's, on the right of Lafayette. Immediately conjecturing the purpose of the enemy, and being familiar with the roads and the country, he sent Captain Parr, with a portion of the command, across the country to Wanderer's Hill to check the column advancing up the Schuylkill, and still another in the direction of Chestnut Hill, while he, in person, at lightning speed, hastened to the headquarters of his commander to apprise him of the danger now evidently surrounding him. He arrived at headquarters about daylight and gave the information he had received, with his conjecture. A few moments only elapsed when the firing of Parr on the Ridge Road could be distinctly heard. While the simultaneous arrival of a resident of Whitemarsh, who had escaped after the passage of Grant's column confirmed the worst apprehensions of the officers in consultation, and convinced that they were in a manner surrounded, but with one possible road of escape, and even this could be closed by the forces of General Grant before they could reach it, if that general knew the importance of so doing. A singular coincidence took place during this eventful night of the 19th of May 1778. While Howe was busy in his preparations, made upon information received from a native spy, and which promised him such fruitful results, a quiet citizen, who had been apprised of the intended movement of British troops from their encampments, and believing some important movement was intended, but not knowing exactly its character, escaped through the lines on the south side of the river, hastened to the nearest house of a known patriot, mounted his fleetest horse, and by sunset was dashing headlong up the old Gulf road; in the direction of Valley Forge. He reached Washington's headquarters before daybreak on the 20th, and communicated his intelligence. The long roll was at once beat. The whole camp was called to arms; the danger to Lafayette was considered imminent. Alarm guns were fired to announce it to him, and the whole army was put in readiness to act as circumstances might require. Loosing gives a graphic description of the hour. He says the situation of Lafayette was now critical. Owing to the disobedience of orders on, the part of the militia in leaving Whitemarsh, General Grant's approach was undiscovered, and the little band of Americans was nearly surrounded by a greatly superior force before they were aware of their danger. Early in the morning scarlet coats were seen through the trees in the distant forest. An officer sent by Lafayette to reconnoitre came back in haste with the information that a large British force was on the road leading from Whitemarsh to Matson's Ford, a little more than a mile from his encampment. The marquis, young as he was, at once comprehended the situation and the extent of his danger. A skillful maneuver was instantly conceived, He changed his front without disorder, stationed a large party in the churchyard, around which was a stone wall, and drew up the remainder in such manner as to be protected by the stone houses and thick woods. Ascertaining that the main road to Swedes' Ford was in the possession of the enemy, he resolved to retreat to Matson's Ford, although the distance from his position was greater than from that of Grant. The only road which he could reach this point unseen by the enemy lay along the southern slope of the hills, and concealed by woods. In order to more effectually cover this movement of wagons, artillery and troops, he threw forward small detachments through the woods, with orders to show themselves at different points in the enemy's front, as heads of columns, and thus deceive them into the belief that he was marching with considerable force to an attack. This device was successful, and while General Grant was preparing his forces to resist what he supposed to be an attack upon his flank, the main body of the force made a forced march to Matson's Ford, Brigadier-General Poor leading the advance guard and Lafayette bringing up the rear, carefully retiring all the detachments with which he had so successfully-deceived those who, a few hours before, were confident of his discomfiture. He was closely pursed to the river by the advance parties of the enemy. Personally directing the details of the retreat, he placed small parties in advantageous positions, where he could hold many times his number at bay, meantime urging his forces on to the ford, where General Poor had taken a strong position and placed his artillery so as to cover the rear guard in yielding the eastern shore to the now infuriated enemy. In the final skirmish near the river he lost nine men in killed, wounded and captured. His success in putting the river between himself and the powerful enemy, who had so promptly and adroitly laid their plans for his capture or destruction, still further increased the confidence which the commander-in-chief had reposed in him. We have already intimated that Washington had been apprised of the movement against Lafayette at Barren Hill, in his camp at Valley Forge, and at once put his army in readiness to move at his command. It is related by John Marshall, who was at that time a lieutenant in his father's (Colonel Marshall's) regiment, and in camp at Valley Forge, that he "saw the commander-in-chief, on the morning of the 20th, a little after sunrise, accompanied by his aides and a number of his field officers, ride to the top of the hill on the summit of which the huts were constructed, and look anxiously toward the scene of action through a field-glass. He witnessed, too, the joy with which they returned after the entire detachment had crossed the Schuylkill." Mr. Marshall closes his account of Lafayette at Barren Hill in the following language: "It might be supposed that this young nobleman had not displayed the same degree of military talent in guarding against the approach of danger as in extricating himself from it. But the imputation, which generally attaches to an officer who permits an enemy to pass unobserved into the rear, is removed by a circumstance stated by Lafayette. The Pennsylvania militias were posted on his left flank with orders to guard the roads about Whitemarsh. Without his knowledge they changed their position, leaving that important pass open to the enemy." [FINIS NOTE 14-11.] 177 Space will not permit us to repeat the names of the distinguished officers who served with him in the expedition. Or disclose the movements by which he extricated himself from a situation made perilous by the withdrawal of the militia from Whitemarsh and a rapid night march by the enemy, but which was timely revealed by the sleepless vigilance of Colonel McLane. [See NOTE 14-12.] Suffice it to say, on the morning of May 20, 1778, Washington, surrounded by a number of his Field officers, witnessed the passage of Lafayette and his troops across the Schuylkill at Matson's Ford (now Conshohocken), under cover of the guns of General Poor, with a loss of only nine men, killed and captured. [NOTE 14-12.] Extract of letters from the adjutant general and the officer of the day to. Captain McClane (sometimes spelled McLane), by the same author, John Marshall. See pages 247 and 250, Marshall's, "Life of Washington," vol. i. "CAMP VALLEY FORGE, May 21, 1778" "DEAR CAPTAIN, -I am happy you have conducted your brave little party with so much honor to yourself. The Marquis effected, owing to your vigilance, a glorious retreat, as well a difficult one. (Signed) Alex Scammel Adjutant-General." "CAMP VALLEY FORGE, May 23,1778. "Dear Captain, -I am glad to hear you are still doing something to distinguish yourself in the eyes of your country. I have the pleasure to inform you that your conduct with the Marquis has been very pleasing to his Excellency and the whole army. "I am your obedient servant," "Charles Scott, "Brigadier-General and Officer of Day." PICTURE OF JOHN McCLANE APPEARS HERE. We believe the Captain McClane mentioned in these, letters by Marshall to be the same officer designated by some writers as Colonel Allen McLane. Loosing designates him as Colonel Allan McLane in his "Field Book," vol. i., page 105, where he relates that on the night of the Meschianza, while the enemy were enjoying the festivities of the fete, he reached the abatis in front of their works at ten o'clock, P.M., with one hundred and fifty men, in four divisions, supported by Clow's dragoons. They carried camp kettles filled with combustibles, and at a given signal they fired the whole line of abatis. 178 The British beat the long roll and the assailants were attacked and pursued by he reserve picket along the whole line. The officers at the fete managed with difficulty to keep the ladies in ignorance of the cause of the alarm created. McLane and men escaped without lose and returned to Valley Forge. The same author, in same vol., page 122, in his account of Lafayette at Barren Hill, speaks of the distinguished services of this officer as Captain McLane. MESCHIANZA TICKET APPEARS HERE The following incident in the life of this dashing officer appears in Shermen Day's, "Historical Collections of Pennsylvania," under the head of "Montgomery County," p. 161; "Colonel Allen McLane, who died at Wilmington, Del., in 1829, at the patriarchal age of 83, was distinguished for his personal courage and for his activity as a partisan officer. He was long attached to Major Lee's famous legion of horse. "While the British occupied Philadelphia, McLane was constantly patrolling the upper end of Bucks and Montgomery Counties to cut off scouting-parties of the enemy and intercept their supplies of provisions. Having agreed for some purpose to rendezvous near Shoemakerstown, Colonel McLane ordered his little band of troopers to follow at some distance, sod commanded two of them to precede the main body, but also to keep in his rear, and If they discovered an enemy to ride up to his side and inform him of it without speaking loud. "While leisurely approaching the place of rendezvous in this order, in the early gray of the morning, the two men directly in his rear, forgetting their orders, suddenly called out, 'Colonel, the British!' faced about putting spurs to their horses, were soon out of sight. The colonel looking around, discovered that he was in the centre of a powerful ambuscade, into which the enemy had silently allowed him to pass without his observing them. They lined both sides of the road, and had been stationed there to pick up any straggling party of the Americans that might chance to pass. Immediately on finding that they were discovered, a file of soldiers rose from the side of the road and fired at the colonel, but without effect; and as he put spurs to his horse and mounted the roadside into the woods the other portion of the detachment fired. The colonel miraculously escaped, but a shot striking his horse upon the flank, he dashed through the woods and in a few minutes reached a parallel road upon the opposite side of the forest. "Being familiar with the country, he feared to turn to the left, as that course led to the city, and he might be intercepted by another ambuscade. Turning, therefore, to the right, his frightened horse carried him swiftly beyond the reach of those who fired upon him. All at once, however, on emerging from a piece of woods, he observed several British soldiers stationed near the roadside, and directly in sight ahead, a farmhouse, around which he observed a whole troop of the enemy's cavalry drawn up. He dashed by the troopers near him without being molested, they believing he was on his way to the main body to surrender. "The farmhouse was situated at the intersection of two roads, presenting but few avenues by which he could escape. Nothing daunted by the formidable array before him, he galloped up to the crossroads, on reaching which he spurred his active horse, turned suddenly to the right, and was soon fairly out of reach of their pistols, though as he turned he heard them call loudly to surrender or die! "A dozen were instantly in pursuit, but in a short time they all gave up the chase but two. Col. McLane's horse, scared by the first wound he had ever received, and being a blooded animal, kept ahead for several miles, while his two pursuers followed with, unwavering eagerness. "The pursuit at length waxed so hot that as the Colonel's horse stepped out of a small brook, which crossed the road, his pursuers entered it upon the opposite margin. In ascending a little hill the horses of all three were so greatly exhausted that neither could be urged faster than a walk. Occasionally as one of the troopers pursued a little faster than the other, the colonel slackened his pace, anxious to be attacked by one of his two pursuers; but no sooner was his willingness discovered than the other fell back to his companion. They at length approached so near that a conversation passed between them, the troopers calling out: 'Surrender you d___d rebel, or we'll cut you to pieces!" Suddenly one of them rode up to the right side of the colonel, and without drawing his saber, laid hold of the colonel's collar. The latter, to use his own words, 'had pistols, which he knew he could depend upon. Drawing one from the holster he placed it to the heart of his antagonist, fired, and tumbled him dead to the ground. Instantly the other came up on his left, with his Saber drawn, and seized the colonel by the collar of his coat. PICTURE OF THE MESCHIANZA PROCESSION APPEARS HERE. "A fierce and deadly struggle here ensued, in the course of which Col. McLane was desperately wounded in the back of his left hand by a saber cut from his antagonist, severing the veins and tendons of that member. Seizing a favorite opportunity, he drew his other pistol and with a steadiness of purpose, which appeared even in his recital of the incident, placed it directly between the eyes of his foe, pulled the trigger and scattered his brains on every side of the road. Fearing that others were in pursuit, he abandoned his horse in the highway, and apprehensive front his extreme weakness that he might die from loss of blood, he crawled into an adjacent millpond, entirely naked, and at length succeeded in stopping the profuse flow of blood occasioned by his wound. "We have seen," says Day, "a painting of this desperate encounter, very accurately representing the contest. It used to be common in our auction-rooms, but of late years it has become scarce." [FINIS NOTE 14-12.] 179 Here we pause, trusting that a grateful people will ever cherish and honor the memory of the heroic men whom are valor and vigilance, toil and patient suffering, won for themselves and their posterity Independence, Peace and the Republic. The following order is found in the Lee papers, New York Historical Society, vol. ii. p. 406: "HEADQUARTERS, 30th May, 1778. "Sir, -Poor's, Varnum's and Huntingdon's brigades are to march in one Division under your command to the North River. The Quartermaster General will give you the route, encampment and halting places, to which you will conform as strictly as possible, to prevent interfering with other troops, and that I may know your situation every day. Leave as few sick and lame on the road as possible. Such as are absolutely incapable of marching with you are to be committed to the care of proper officers, with directions to follow as fast as their condition will allow. "Be strict in your discipline, suffer no rambling, keep men in their ranks and officers with their divisions, avoid pressing horses as much as possible, and punish severely every officer and Soldier who shall presume to press without authority. Prohibit the burning offences. In a word, you are to protect the Persons and property of the inhabitants from every kind of insult and abuse. "Begin your march at four o'clock in the morning at the latest, that it may be over before the heat of the day, and that the soldiers may have time to cook, refresh and prepare for the following day. I am, etc., "Go. WASHINGTON. "P. S. -June 18. The foregoing instructions may serve you for general directions, but circumstances have varied since they were written. You are to halt on the first strong ground after passing the Delaware at Coryell's Ferry till further orders, unless you should receive authentic intelligence that the events have proceeded by a direct route to South Amboy or still lower. In this case you will continue your march to the North River, agreeably to, former orders, and by the route already given you. If my memory does not deceive me, there is an advantageous spot of ground at the ferry, to the right of the road leading from the water. "The detachment under Col. Jackson to move and take possession of Philadelphia, and prevent plundering and abuse of persons. Van Scoick's Regiment to replace the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment in the Pennsylvania Brigade. The Second State Regiment of Virginia to replace the Thirteenth Regiment in Scotts Brigade, Park of Artillery to the several divisions equally, and march with them. "The First and Second Divisions to move the morning after intelligence is received of the enemy's evacuation of the city. "The Third and Fourth Divisions, the morning after [unreadable] and the Fifth Division the morning succeeding; every day's march it to be given at four o'clock A.M., at furthest. " "Go. WASHINGTON. "The disposition for the Baggage of the Army to be as follows: The Commander-in-chief's Baggage is to march in the front of the column of wagons. The Adjutant-General's, Paymaster-General's, Engineers', Muster Master, Auditor of Accounts, the Baggage of the Marquis de Lafayette and De Kalbe's Division, the Baggage of Lord Stirling's Division, and then the Wagons of the Quarter-master-General's department, Flying Hospital, and lastly the Commissary and Forage-Master-General's; Wagons. The whole Baggage to fall in rear of the Column of Troops. "There will be a party of Artificers to go in front and rear of whole to mend Bridges and repair the broken carriages, which will take their orders from Qa.-M.-General. "Go. WASHINGTON. "Order of March and route of the Army from Camp Valley Forge to Newburg on the North River, opposite Fishkill: Poor, | Varnum, | 1st, Lee. Coryell's. Huntingdon, | First Penna | Second ditto | 2d Mifflin. Sherard. Late Conway | Woodford, | Scott, | 3d Marquis. Coryell's No. Carolina, | Glover, | Patterson, | 4th DeKalb. Coryell's Learned, | Weedon. | Muhlenberg, | 5th Sterling. Coryell's 1st Maryland, | 2nd Maryland, | "NOTE. -The Light Horse is to march in front and upon the right flank in the day, and encamp in, be rear of the troops at night. "The new guards will form the advance guard of the army, and the old guards the rear guard. Each regiment will send out a flank guard on the right flank in the proportion of a sergeant and twelve men to every 200 men." REVOLUTIONARY REMINISCENCES. STATE OF AFFAIRS IN 1777. Preston Westcott, in his History of Philadelphia, says, -- "The Association system, after the experience of its effects from the beginning of the war was admitted to be too uncertain to be depended upon in case of emergency. The conduct of the Philadelphia Associators at Amboy in the preceding summer was not near as bad as that of some of the companies from the county after the battle of Princeton, some of whom deserted in full bodies, leaving only their officers, and in one case spoken of by General Putnam, 'only a lieutenant and a lame man.' The time had now come for the establishment of a regular and permanent militia, and to that task the Assembly addressed itself. A militia bill was prepared and passed. It provided that the city and county of Philadelphia and the various counties throughout the State should be divided into districts, each of which was to have within it not less than six hundred and eighty men fit for militia duty. Over these divisions were placed lieutenants from each city and county, and sub-lieutenants for each district. Each district was subdivided into eight parts or companies, and each district was to elect its own lieutenants Colonel, major, captain and other officers. The lieutenants and sub-lieutenants took lists of all the inhabitants of their districts, collected the fines and superintended generally the execution of the details of the law. "The companies were divided by lots into classes, and provision made for calling out the classes as they were wanted. Persons enrolled who refused to parade when ordered were to be fined 7s. 6d. per day; officers absent, 10s. per day; non-commissioned officers and privates 5s. per day. On field days, officers not attending were to be fined ฃ5, and non-commissioned officers and privates 15s. Companies were to be exercised upon two days in April, three days in May, two days in August, two days in September and one day in October, of each year. Battalions were to parade once in May and once in October. In cases of lose of limb by militiamen in service the State under took to pay half the monthly pay to the sufferers. "According to the provisions of the Act Philadelphia County was divided into seven-battalion districts. "The officers for the county were: William Coates, lieutenant; Jacob Engle, Samuel Dewees, George Smith, Archibald Thomson and William Antis, sub-lieutenants. "First Battalion for the townships of Upper Salford, Lower Salford, Towamensing, Hatfield, Perkiomen and Skippack. - Daniel Heister, Jr., colonel; Jacob Reid, lieutenant colonel; and Jacob Markley, major. "Second Battalion, Germantown, Roxborough, Springfield and Bristol - John Moore, colonel; Aaron Levering, lieutenant colonel; and George Miller, major. "Third Battalion, Cheltenham, Abington, lower division of the manor of Moreland, Lower Dublin, Byberry and Oxford - Benjamin McVeagh, colonel; David Schneider, lieutenant-colonel; and John Holmes, major. "Fourth Battalion, upper division of Moreland, Upper Gwynedd and Montgomery - William Dean, Colonel; Robert Loller, lieutenant colonel; and George Right, major. "Fifth Battalion, Whitemarsh, Plymouth, Whitpain, Norriton, Worcester and New Providence (now Upper and Lower Providence). - Robert Curry, colonel; Archibald Thomson, lieutenant colonel; and John Edwards, major. "Sixth Battalion, Limerick, Douglas, Marlboro, New Hanover, Upper Hanover and Frederick - Frederick Antis, colonel; Frederick Weis, lieutenant-colonel, and Jacob Bush, major. "Seventh Battalion, Upper Merion, Lower Merion, Blockley end Kingsessing - Jonathan Paschal, Colonel; Isaac Warner, lieutenant-colonel; and Matthew Jones, major." On the 21st of September 1782, the General Assembly passed an act authorizing the assessors to estimate the damages sustained by the inhabitants during the time that the British were in possession. This appraisement was afterwards made and filed in the office of the County commissioners and the Supreme Executive Council. 180 Townships and Assessors Amount. ฃ s d Cheltenham, Peter Rugh 210 1 6 Gwyendd, Stephen Bloem 120 0 0 Hatfield, George Shreive 71 12 6 Lower Merion, Hugh Jones 3413 11 0 Moreland, Robert Whiten 2119 13 2 Norriton, Jacob Auld 7076 10 6 Plymouth, Zebulon Potts 1172 12 6 Providence, Benjamin Dismant 679 5 9 Springfield, Baltzer Hydrick 1165 19 9 Upper Merion, John Johnson 1525 9 6 Upper Dublin, John Mann 343 10 0 Worcester, Peter Wentz 125 0 0 Whitemarsh, William Johnson 668 1 6 Whitpain, Daniel Yost 610 0 6 There were no returns received from the townships of Abington, Douglas, Frederick, Franconia, Horsham, Lower Salford, Limerick, Montgomery, Marlboro, New Hanover, Skippack, Towamensing, Upper Salford or Upper Hanover. Much damage that was done war never made a subject of claim. The whole amount of the assessment for Philadelphia City was ฃ137,280, 5s. The amount for the county; ฃ19,300, 8s. 10d. End Chapter XIV -PART II.