History: Local: Chapter XXXV - Part I : Past and Present Politics : Bean's 1884 History of Montgomery Co, PA

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                           BEAN'S  HISTORY  OF

                     MONTGOMERY COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA

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502 (cont.)



                            CHAPTER XXXV. - PART I

          THE PAST AND PRESENT POLITICS OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY.

    THE political changes of a century are many and difficult to chronicle.
Montgomery County became a subdivision of the State at the close of the
Revolution, and at that time the people recognized but one political
division, that of loyalist and rebel, patriot and Tory.  For almost eight
years the contention was for independence of or submission to the continued
dominion of Great Britain.  Patriots and Tories could not live in the same
political atmosphere, and between these radical and warlike parties many
conservatives and peacefully disposed men, while the fierce struggle
lasted, were crushed as between two millstones.  It is difficult to recall
the exact condition of the public mind in Montgomery County during the
winter of 1784, when out municipality became officered by appointments made
at the instance of the Supreme Executive Council, composed of men who had
been members of that repository of power through the last years of the war,
and who were prominent officials in the execution of summary laws, by which
a large proportion of the landed estates of fill, county were confiscated
and their owners disfranchised and practically exiled.  To have been a
loyalist, or to have favored the mother country, was to be proscribed in
all political matters.  Although the Commonwealth had been established by
the Constitution of 1776, yet the forms of the colonial government were
still in use.  The only State officers elected at that date were the members
of the General Assembly, and the only county officers elected were the
sheriff coroner and county commissioners, all others being appointed by the
Supreme Executive Council, or by the few officers elected.  The county
commissioners had the power of appointing the county treasurer every year
and generally appointed the retiring member of their own number.  While the
right of universal suffrage was established, its use was greatly restricted
by the unwillingness of executive power to yield its extreme influence
resulting from appointments to municipal office.

    There were less than twenty thousand people in the county at the time of
its creation and only three places fixed by law to poll vote i.e.
Norristown, George Eckart's tavern, Whitemarsh township,
Michael Krepse's tavern, New Hanover township.
There was no general government of the Union at this date.  The States that
had become independent was operating together by reason of certain article
of confederation.  All of the first officers of the county were men who had
been identified with the revolution and while there were minor differences
of opinion among them, they were always united upon political questions
involved in the contest.  and this condition, of things continued until the
Union was established, and the election and reelection of Washington to the
Presidency had become a matter of history.  It was in the candidacy of John
Adams and his subsequent administration that political parties
crystallized.  During the last year of Washington's administration he
refused to be a candidate for a third term.  John Adams, then Vice
President, aspire to the succession, and called around him the leader of
the Federal Party Thomas Jefferson.  who represented the opposition of the
period and was thought the, more liberal tendencies of the people, induced
the organization of a National Republican party, and became its idolized
leader.  John Adams was elected President, and Thomas Jefferson being the
next highest candidate voted for, became Vice-president under the law then
in force.

    The policy of uniting political rival it one and the same administration
worked well enough under the great and good Washington, but with John Adams
in the Presidential chair, watchful for his own succession, and the
brilliant Jefferson organized a new party to oppose him, it was not long
before the work of the primaries reached every county in the Union.  The
first party lines were those of the Federalist, in support of the Adams
administration and the Republican, led by Jefferson in hostility to the
former.  The leaders of both organizations were identified with the
Revolution, and they differed only upon questions, which arose subsequent
to the treaty of peace and the adoption, of the constitution of the United.
States.  The Federalists, by acts of conciliation in both political and
social circles, attracted to their party all those who had been in sympathy
with the mother-country during, the war for independence while the more
radical Republicans were remorseless in their proscription of those who
were known of, Tories during the struggle.  The fact, if borne mind, will
account for much of the political "lingo" [See NOTE 35-1.] used by the Jefferson

[NOTE 35-1.]

    "John Funk, minister of the gospel, in one of his political sermons, on 
Monday, the 18th inst. 1817, at the house of Mr. Joseph Hage[?], had the
boldness -and [illegible] to say that no man, but Federalists, Tories and 
Vagabonds would vote for Joseph Heister.  We would invite[?] him to pay more
attention to his religious duties and not trouble himself quite so much in
slandering General Heister and his supporters, or he will soon hear from us
again." - "Norristown Herald," August 27, 1817.

    "WH[illegible].  It is said that the secretary of the Hartford Covention,
will publish shortly a genuine history of the "New Whigs," giving a
particular and authentic account of the party from its commencement, in
1775 down at the  present time.  It will contain the history of

1775 when they, were called Tories
1778 their rendezvous, on Staten Island
1782 their flight to Nova Scotia
1784 their return, whitewashed patriots
1789 monarchists in the Convention
1794 British treaty men
1789 Federalist Black Cockades
1806 Advocats of impressment and opponent, of the embargo
1812 Peace and Submission
1813 Blue Lights
1814 Hartford Conventionalists
1816 British Bankite
1824 Federal Republican
1828 Adam men
1831 Clay men
1832 National Republican
1833 Nullifiers
1834 Bank Whigs"

       -"Norristown Register," October 8, 1834.

[FINIS NOTE 35-1.]

503

Republicans against the Federalists during and subsequent to the war of
1812.  And even many years later, when, the Republican party merged into the
Democratic party, led by General Jackson, it was no uncommon thing, to hear
Democratic orators charge the old Federalists and young Whigs with being
the descendants of the Tories of the Revolution.  The leaders of the
National Republican party were shrewd and far-seeing, and by a system of
agitation showed to the world the advantages of emigration, and advocated
and secured the adoption of such naturalization laws as at once won for
that party the support of that class of persons.  The impress of this early
policy still prevails, and the Democratic party throughout the country
reaps the political advantage of it.  The Alien and Sedition Laws of the
Federalists and the later efforts of the "Know-Nothings " were held by the
Jeffersonian school of political economists to be alike abridgments of
American citizenship.  During the period from 1800 to 1824 political parties
and organizations in Montgomery County operated under various names.  The
followers of Jefferson were known as "Democratic Republicans;" the
opposite party styled themselves "Federal Republicans." In 1779, Thomas
McKean and James Ross were rival candidates for Governor.  The canvass was
spirited in Montgomery County, as will be seen by the following campaign
documents circulated by their respective friends, McKean being the
successful candidate:

                          "FREEMEN BE PRUDENT!

    "The following Paper has been published in the Town of Washington, where
Mr. Ross lived at the time of the Western Insurrection; It is in the
County of Washington, which adjoins Allegheny County, in which Pittsburg
lies.  The Author, we see has; left his Name and his Proofs, and challenges
a denial in a Firm and Manly style.  The Friends of Order in the Senate,
have lately chosen Mr. I. Woods (Mr. Ross' Brother-in-law) speaker of the
Senate, though he was a regular Deputy to an Insurgent meeting held at
Pittsburg.  This was all Election made by Messrs. Hare, McClellan (of
Chester County), Potts, Matthias Barton, Gurney and the other Federalists
in the Senate of Pennsylvania.  Now many of the Gentlemen are on Committees
to promote James Ross to the office of Governor.  The People will learn what
manner of a Man James Ross is.

"TO Mr JAMES ROSS:

    "Sir, -You are a Candidate for an high and important Office in this State. 
The People are called upon by their Constitution to elect, on the 8th of
October next, a person to succeed our present Chief Magistrate, and you are
one of the Candidates for that office.  Your conduct and character ought to
be fairly and strictly examined, and your merits and demerits known to the
Public.  You are now, Sir, called upon in this public, manner to answer the
following solemn queries, without equivocation or fines.  They are addressed
to your conscience.  Your silence must be instructed into guilt.  If the
charges are declared by you to be unfounded, then the author pledges
himself to bring forward such proofs and vouchers as will put falsehood to
blush and substantiate the facts

    "I.  Did vote for the British Treaty? A Treaty which has
prostrated America, at the feet Britain, and which under the specious, mask
of reciprocity and justice delivered up an American Citizen, to be
sacrificed by the British nation.

    "II.  Did you vote for or did not vote for the increase of salaries of 
the Federal Government when People were groaning under the weight of its new 
taxes; excise, &c. to support standing armies navies, &c.?

    "III.  Did you or did you not vote, for raising a STANDING ARMY; and were
you not one who sanctioned the arming the people of the States south of the
Potomac as militia and those of the States North as Regular troops, thereby
making a bold unit obvious attempt to divide the Union?

    "IV.  Did you or did you not declare 'That any Person who would
kill an Excise Officer you would defend him Gratis,' thereby bringing
disgrace upon our Country and encouraging the citizens infamously to
violate the laws of GOD and Man?

    "V.  Did You or did you not persuade the delinquent distillers not to pay
their arrearages of excise?

     "VI.  Shortly before the Insurrection did you not importune John Baldwin,
of Washington County, to bring suit against Gen. Nevill for Whiskey he had
seized in Allegheny County, the property of said Baldwin?  And did you or
did you not Observe, after having repeatedly sent for Mr. Baldwin to
prosecute the suit, that you did not wish the suit until the Old Rascal
(meaning Nevill) had so large a quantity that you would have it in your
power to sacrifice all his property?  And further, Did you not, when you
thought the time had arrived that a suit ought to be brought, advise said
Baldwin to prosecute in Allegheny County, and request him to employ Mr.
Brackenridge as the proper person to bring the suit, but promised that you
would assist all in your power in conducting the same?  Thereby throwing the
odium of prosecuting on Messr. Brackenridge and Baldwin, when in fact you
were the prime mover.

    "VII.  How, or by what method were you appointed a Commissioner on the part
of the Government, when your expressions and actions were in opposition to it?

    "VIII.  Did you or did you not, upon your return from Kentucky during the
opposition to the Alien and Sedition laws in that State, in a public company at
Pittsburg, declare, upon being asked 'in what situation you left the people
of Kentucky,' that 'they were just as the people of this Western country:
would REBEL if they DARED!"  Thereby casting the greatest odium upon the
people of this country and indirectly stigmatising them with the epithets
Traitors and Cowards.

    "IX.  Did you or did you not, refuse to drink as a toast, 'The Constitution of
the United State' at the table of Messrs. Holmes; and Rainey, merchants in
Philadelphia, in the presence of Col. Marshall, former recorder of this
county?

    "X.  Did you or did you out take from a respectable Citizen in the County,
then in embarrassed circumstances, at the rate of seventy-five percent.
interest per Annum, SEVENTY pounds for FORTY.  An unequivocal and explicit
answer is demanded to this Query.  Your conscience, your honor, your
charter, your all depends upon it.

    "XI.  Did you or did you not, when called upon to prosecute Samuel Thompson,
in this county, for Usury, refuse, to act, but by some means quashed the
business, a charge having been thrown out against you for the same crime?

    "XII.  Do you or do you not hold large tracts of land over the Allegheny 
river which you claim by warrants, whilst the actual settlers are daily 
deprived of their possessions by those warrants?

    "XIII.  Did you or did you not sanction the sale of the lands North-West
of the Ohio in large sections, so that they might become a subject of
speculation.  And have you or have you not purchased, in conjunction with a
person at the mouth of Buffaloe, the greater part of said land at two
Dollars per Acre, and are you not now selling it at the advanced price of
eight or ten Dollars?

    "XIV.  Did you or did you not act the part of a Harlequin in this town, and
makes different religious preachers, in particular the Rev. John McMillen,
the object of your derision and ridicule, for the amusement of your
companions at a card-table?

    "XV.  Did you or did you not declare 'That whenever you could become devoted 
to religion you might have the reason enough left to cut your own throat?'"


                                     "MONTGOMERY COUNTY, July 27th, 1799.

     "Fellow-Citizens, -In consequence of the importance of the ensueing
Election for Governor of this State a large, number of the Citizens of
Montgomery county have assembled at the house of Nicholas Sweyer, in

504

Whitepaine township; and upon due deliberation think it advisable to give
their support to James Ross of Pittsburg, for that dignified office -His
integrity -his disposition -his eminent abilities -his patriotism and unshaken
firmness, conspiring to render him a judicious selection for that high and
responsible station.

    "Committees consisting of persons attached to their country's best
interests and consequently most likely exert themselves on that behalf, have
been appointed for the several Townships, to promote Mr. Ross's election.

    "The Gentlemen composing the several committees by turning their attention
to what passed before the last general election will feel themselves at no
lose respecting one of the objects of their appointment -To them an useful
lesson has been taught by the conduct of those who lost to every principles
of public and private virtue set morality aside and with the tongue of
falsehood, traduced the government, slandered their officers, and with the
foulest calumnies between their lips, rode from house to house,
misrepresenting the laws, and poisoning the minds of the citizens, so as to
lay the foundation of that insurrection, which ranked the county of
Montgomery amongst those in rebellion against the United States.  -Of conduct
like this, the members of the several committees will be upon their watch;
and by a vigilant attention to such disturbers of the public peace, will
detect their falsehoods expose their calumnies, and where the public good
requires it, report their names to the other committees that those traducers
of our laws and the characters of our most valuable Citizen may be held
up to public view as most devoid of truth, and unworthy the confidence of
their neighbours and fellow citizens.

    "It is of importance that particular notice should be taken of the arts
that are practiced to injure Mr. Ross's character -anonymous pamphlets and
papers are in circulation containing charges against him which are totally
unfounded and which there is no doubt were believed to be so by the authors
themselves, and were intended to instead the unwary and unsuspecting citizen,
for the purpose of carrying a favorite measure.

    "For if this was not the case, why did not the authors give their names-
and why do they circulate their pamphlets in a manner which evinces that
they are unwilling an investigation should be had, and that their names
should be publicly known -When the infamous aspersions contained in these
pamphlets -the object of the lying arts, the low and scandalous devices of
certain persons who have no charter to lose, but that which they have 
gained by conduct that every American citizen ought to despise, and which would (if
possible) disgrace even a French Jacobin -are considered the necessity of 
being vigilant will be obvious.

    "Mr. Ross's parentage, his possessions, his religious and moral character are
called in question -To men acquainted with him, and informed of the arts of
those in opposition to his election, the slightest notice of such reports
would appear unnecessary, but those who are unacquainted with him may
think otherwise -It will therefore he advisable to make a fair
representation of his character, by stating facts that they really are.  And
with truth it truly be said, that he is descended from a Farmer of
respectable character, who is a native of and now resident in the county of
York in this state -that Mr. Ross by his extraordinary abilities, integrity
and industry, has become conspicuous amongst the most distinguished members
of the Senate of the United States -ranks with the most valuable and highly
esteemed citizens of its county, and possesses that portion of property
which, although it is sufficient to secure his independence and attachment
to his country, yet its amount is not such as to raise him above his fellow-
citizens or render him dangerous to the public -That in religion he is
sound and has been its constant advocate -and that even his opposers in
politics who reside in his on neighborhood, and are acquainted with him
acknowledge his morals to be impeachable.

    "It is particularly recommended to the members of several Committees to
use their best industry to convince their neighbors of the necessity of
exerting themselves to promote Mr. Ross's election; as upon it our country's
future prosperity and happiness very much depends.  Every man in the several
townships should be visited excepting only such as are notoriously governed
by French principles, and are under French influence; these are believed to
be incorrigible and from them no good is to be expected; but the other
citizens ought to be coolly reasoned with -arguments and facts stated to
them with candor, that their judgments may be convinced of the necessity of
turning out to the election and using their utmost exertions in support of
the candidate herein recommended.

    "It will be advisable for the committees b take to their assistance such
of their fellow-citizens as are willing to be aiding on this important
occasion.

    "These measures are recommended from an assurance that unless the evil
practises spoken of are checked, we must fall a prey to those calamities
which are the sure consequences of vices, so subversive of that public
confidence which is all essential to the support of a Republican Government.

    "If we turn our eyes to the revolution in France we shall find that
deception, fraud and violence have formed the ladder by which the different
factions have raised themselves into power, and that under their influence
the people have been stimulated to acts of violence and cruelty towards each
other, which would be a disgrace to a nation pretending even to the smallest
degree of civilization.  Now if the people of this country who are opposed
to our government and who seem to be imitating the conduct of France, should
become sufficiently strong, and should persevere in their vilifying
practices, have we not reason to fear that civil discord, which was fomented
by the enemies of the government, and which lately rose into rebellion
against the United States, will again appear with redoubled fury? -Neighhour
will be in danger of personal violence from neighbour -and citizen from
citizen -the dreadful horrors of civil war will be our unhappy lot.  And we,
when it is too late shall have to reflect upon ourselves, for neglecting
that duty which as men, as neighbours, as American citizens, was assigned us
to perform.  With the example of France and the late insurrection before our
eyes, can we hesitate to set our faces against the authors of civil discord, or
will we refuse to rally round our government as the place of our refuge, and
as the only means under Providence of our political salvation?  -It has
hitherto preserved us from the fangs of France, and if we give it our
support, we may with confidence rest satisfied, that under its banners we
shall be safe.

    "NAMES OF THE TOWNSHIP COMMITTEES FOR THE COUNTY OF MONTGOMERY.

ABINGTON.

Jonathan Tyson
George Fisher
John Rister[?]
William McCalle
Thomas Fletcher
Joseph Webster
John Mitchner
Daniel Paul


CHELTENHAM.

Thomas Shoemaker
Richard Martin
Benjamin Roland
Sebastian Miller
Jacob Moyer
Isaac Loech


GUINET.

Christian Dull
Jacob Heisler, Jr
William Mearis
Joseph Lewis
William Foulke.


LOWER MERION.

Algernon Roberts
Joseph Rice
John Kerwin
Hugh Knox
Lloyd Jones
Samuel Evans
William Thomas
Samuel Jervis.


UPPER MERION.

Isaac Dehaven
John Elliot
Jesse Roberts
Abijah Stevens
John Hughes
Peter Rambo
Jonas Rambo
John Moore
Peregiene H. Wharton.


WHITEMARSH.

Daniel Hitner
Thomas Lancaster
Samuel Maulsby
George Fries
Jacob Deavs
Jacob Rieff
John Wilson.


NORRITON.

James Shannon.
Ezekiel Rhoad
Daniel St. Clair
David Supplee
John Thomas
Isaac Shoemaker
John Davis
Peter Mather
Dr. Isaac Huddleson
Christopher Heibner


PLYMOUTH.

Andrew Norney
George Pearce
Robert Kennedy
Edward Wells
Benjamin Levering
Joseph Courson
Jesse Rex
John Merredith
Samuel Thomas
John White.


WHITEPAINE.

Samuel Ashmead
Daniel Levering
Morgan Morgan
Mordecai Jones
James Bartle
William Nanny.


WORCESTER.

Christopher Zimmerman
John Bean
Jacob Smith
Melchor Shultz
Joseph Pryon
Jacob Custard
Peter Johnston.


NEW HANOVER

John Brooke
Thomas Brooke.

505

Benjamin Markley
Robert E. Hobart
James McClenloch
John Betz
Henry Kreps.


DOUGLASS.

Joseph Potts jun.
Bartholomew Wambach
Amos Jones
Christian Lisig
George Mock
Abraham Ishbach.


LIMERICK.

Moses Hobson
Amos Evans
Owen Evans
Nicholas Cressman.


UPPER SALFORD.

Jacob Groff
Michael Zigler
Philip Hahn
Michael Sholl.


UPPER HANOVER.

Abraham Shultz
Jacob Welcher
Wendal Wiand
John Shliffer
Jacob Gery, jun.


PERKIOMEN.

John Tyson
Hugh Cousty
Jacob Markley
Michael Ziegler
Benjamin Pawling
George Reiff
George Reiff, senior
Joseph Allderfer
John Allderfer
Jeremiah Kreeble
Henry Harley.


MARLBOROUGH.

Willoughby Maybury
Christian Sud
Jacob Zeiber
Philip Gressenger.


MONTGOMERY.

James Hammer
Jacob Hopple
John Jones, jun.
Charles Humphreys
Lewis Stegner
George Gordon
John Heston
Walter Evans.


HORSHAM.

Seneca Lukens
Nathan Holt
Joseph Jarrett
John Iredell
Azor Lukens
Jonathan Iredell
John Shay
Thomas Nixon
James Paul.


MORELAND.

David Cumming
John Thomas
George Selmire
John Jarrett, jun.
Jonathan Clayton
George Newell.


PROVIDENCE.

John Jacobs
John Shannon
David Schrack
James Bean
Anthony Vanderslice
Israel Bringhurst
John Umstat.


TOWAMENCIN.

John Evans, Esq.
Henry Smith
Abraham Kreeble
Mordecai Davis
Joel Luken
Gerret Godshalks
John Lukens.


HATFIELD.

John Funck
Jacob Root
Joel Tryon
Nathaniel Johnson
Joseph Wilson.


FRANCONIA.

Jacob Oberholzer
John Wilson
Michael Shoemaker
John Althouse
Jacob Gearhart
Captn. John Cope.


UPPER DUBLIN.

John Jarret
George Dresher
Jonathan Thomas
Andrew Gilkinson
John Weis
John Burke
Jacob Ulrick.


SPRINGFIELD.

John White
Nicholas Klein
William Smith
Adam Weaver
Abraham Wyderick.


FREDERICK.

Abraham Groff
Abraham Swenck
Jacob Hawk
John Hildebeitel
John Nice
John Zieber.

    "Sir, -As Chairman of the meeting, at which the preceding Address was
agreed on, I was directed by a Resolution thereof, to cause printed copies of
the same to be circulated through this County, and particularly to be
forwarded to the members of the Township Committees. If in promoting the
election of the within proposed candidate, any communication should by you be
deemed necessary, direct your letter to William R. Atlee, Chairman of the
Montgomery County Committee, which will be promptly attended to.

                                                 "Thomas W Pryor, Chairman."


    During the twenty-four years from 1800 to 1824 the power of Thomas 
Jefferson was acknowledged to be almost supreme in national politics.  The
Congressional caucus system of nominating candidates for President prevailed,
and hence the succession of his two Virginia friends and neighbors, Madison
and Monroe; or, in the words of those days, "the Virginia dynasty ruled until
it was broken by the election of John Quincy Adams, by the House of
Representatives, in 1825."  It is impossible, within the scope of this work,
to follow the details of local politics in Montgomery County through all
these years.  The war of 1812 quickened public interest, and upon its
termination party lines were well marked.  From 1812 to 1822 Montgomery and
Chester Counties were one Congressional district.  Both parties had full
tickets in the field, one of which we note, with election returns, as
follows: 

GOVERNOR.

Joseph Hiester*     575
William Findley     631

ASSEMBLY.

Samuel Baird*       598
William Hagy*       580
John Hughes*        581
Jacob Lesher*       580
William M. White    628
Tobias Seller       632
Joel K. Mann        632
Jacob Drinkhouse    629

COMMISSIONER.

David Styer*        577
Andrew Gilkeson     628

DIRECTOR.

John Heebner*       561
Titus Yerkes        633

AUDITORS

Zulok Thomas*       557
Thomas Lowry        646

[NOTE: * indicates Federal and Independent Republican candidates.]

    In the foregoing election there were three parties in the field, -the
Democratic Republican, the Federal Republican and the Independent Republican.
The last named party ran but one candidate, Colonel Boyer, who was defeated,
the following campaign document being issued against him:

    "Communication to the 'Herald,' October 2, 1816:
    "As Col. Boyer, one of the candidates for the sheriff's office, claims
some merit for his services in camp during the late war (1812) and as he is
said to be a very modest gentleman, I presume that his modesty has prevented
him from making his friend, acquainted with the following circumstance: Some
time during the encampment of the Rifle Regiment below _____ Marcus Hook,
Doctor Spencer purchased, at a farmer's cost a pair of fine fowls.  Colonel
Boyer purchased one of the smallest at the cost of three five-penny bits. 
The colonel politely offered to send the doctor's fowls to his marquee.  The
doctor consented.  The colonel, however, was determined to be remunerated for
his servant's services and directed him to exchange his small fowl for one of
the doctor's huge ones.  When the doctor discovered the mistake he called at
the colonel's marquee and was informed by the servant (the colonel being
absent) that it was done by his mister's directions.

    "N. B. -If the circumstance has escaped the colonel's memory, Doctor 
Spencer and other persons may serve to refresh it."


    "A Democrat," writing for the Democratic Republicans, in the "Herald,"
October 2d, says:

    "Had your delegates, when assembled at I. Markley's, followed their
constituents or acted agreeably to the wishes of three-fourths of the people,
names which disgrace your tickets had not appeared.  Who among you trust an
assassin with your life, a tyrant with your liberty or a thief with your
purse?  Yet in public concerns you trust, blindly trust, risen who seek not
so much the public good as private convenience and emolument."

    In the same campaign Joseph Leedom, Frederick Conrad and William Bevens
issued an address, in the 

506

name of the Independent Republicans of Montgomery County saying: 

   "Fellow-citizens: The period has at length, , arrived when it is necessary to
throw off the shackles impose upon us by designing men, or submit to be degraded
below the slaves of European despots. It cannot be unknown that this county
and the State generally has been ruled by a junto of political intrigue,
whose only object has been to aggrandize themselves at the expense of the
rights and interests of the people.  Hence it is that every man who has
dared to think for himself has been branded by epithets of opprobrium by
this junto of political jugglers."

    They close their address by calling upon the Independent Republicans of
Montgomery County who are determined to exercise their rights of elective
franchise to act in concert and in "opposition to dictators and designing
office-hunters."  Another Independent Democrat writes to the "Herald" of 
July 16, 1817, as follows:

    "Mr. Sower: Happening a few weeks ago to stop at a tavern in this county,
I was in but a few minutes till the Governor's election became the subject
of conversation.  A patent Democrat asked my reasons for a supporting
General Hiester.  I gave them in this way, -I believed him to be a moderate
but firm Republican, that his Revolutionary services entitled him to the
confidence of every true American, and I was always disposed to give such
men the preference.  This patent fellow replied, 'Findley has been taken up
by the Democrats and we ought to support him if he was the d____dest rascal in
the world.'  This expression disgusted me; I wheeled about and left him.  Such,
fellow-citizens, is the sentiments of the supporters of William Findley."

    "A Republican" writes in the same paper as follows:

    "Mr. Sowers: I was much surprised to hear one of our county commissioners
a short time ago my he would vote for the devil, if he was taken up by the
Democrats, in preference to voting for a good man taken up by any other
political party."

    Communication in the "Herald," July 23, 1817:

    "Mr. Sower: I read in your last paper a communication charging one of our
county commissioners with making a declaration that he would rather vote
for the devil, if nominated for an office by the Democratic Committee, than
the best citizen in the State, nominated in any other way.  I must confess I
doubted whether this county contained a man so lost to principle, so
ignorant to what constitutes Democracy as to titter such a sentiment. 
However, it appears that Casper Schlater has had the hardihood to come
forward and acknowledge himself the author of the sentiment, and even goes
further to say that no man can be a good Democrat who would not do the
same.  If these are the sentiments of the ruling Democrats of the county,
how can any moral or religious man give them his support?"

  The following, from a supplement to the "Norristown Herald" of October 8th,
is characteristic of the Hiester-Findley canvass in Montgomery County;

   "CALUMNY REPUTED. -Fellow-citizens: From the manner the friends of Mr.
Findley commenced electioneering after the promulgation of the infamous
Brandywine story, it was expected as the election approached falsehoods
would be daily fabricated and promulgated against the character of the
people's candidate.  But it could not be anticipated that men who had some
pretention to character, who had received on many occasions the countenance
and support of the citizens of this county, should so forget and degrade
themselves as to become, if not the instrument, the promulgators of as base
and ungenerous a calumny against the character of General Joseph Hiester as
could have been devised by the most black-hearted, deliberate assassin. It
is contained in the following communication as published in the "Register" of
that week, in these words: 'The following is taken from the orderly book
kept by Captain Joseph Hiester's orderly sergeant, Isaac Feather, of New
Hanover township, Montgomery Co.: "Captain Hiester arrived in Amboy, 28th of
July, 1776, with a company of ninety-five men; on the 14th, left Amboy and
marched for New York; 22nd of August, left New York and went to Long Island;
on the 26th of August sixteen hundred America troops advanced to the lines. 
Captain Heister on the 27th with ten of his men by the enemy to wit: one
corporal and nine privates.  Reports said at that they ran to the enemy. 
His men never saw Heister after until were discharged; they then saw him at
Reading.

    "The author of this communication intended (as the writing itself imports)
to make it appear as if it was entered in Mr. Feather's orderly book that
General Hiester cowardly deserted his post at the battle of Long Island and
ran to the enemy as a traitor, or to make the public believe Mr. Feather
said so.  The following certificate will show how far the author or authors
of that communication are warranted in treating Mr. Feather and the public
in the manner they have done:

    "'To the Committee of Correspondence for the Council of Montgomery in 
                 Favor of the Election of General Joseph Heister.

    "'GENTLEMEN: At your request we waited upon Mr. Isaac Feather, the person
alluded to the communication in the "Register" of last week.  The following 
is the result of our communication with him on the subject of that
publication: Mr. Feather stated to us that some few days ago William
Henderson, Thomas Humphrey and Isaac Wells called upon him for the purpose
of examining his orderly-sergeant book while he acted as sergeant in
Captain Joseph Hiester's company in 1776.  He produced the book, from which
they took extracts, as appears in the first part of the communication in
the "Register"; after that was done they made some inquiry about the battle. 
He then stated that "I told them I was not in the engagement; I was then
on other duty.  I said that after the battle it was reported that our
regiment, commanded by Colonel Lotz, was surrounded by the British, and in
attempting to make their escape some of them ran into the British lines
without knowing where they were going.  I never said that Joseph Heister ran
to the enemy; I could not have said so, for he was as firm a Whig as ever
stepped in shoe-leather, and the man who states that ever I said Joseph
Heister ran to the enemy tells a falsehood, for I never said so, never
thought so."
                                      (Signed), "'JOHN HENDERSON,
                                                "' LEVI PAWLING.'" [NOTE 35-2.]

[NOTE 35-2.]

    HON. LEVI PAWLING.  -The Pawling family, according to tradition came from
New York State during the last century, settling, on the Schuylkill,
between Trappe and Fatland Ford, at the crossing of the Ridge turnpike
road.  It is doubtless of the same generic head as the Pauldings of that
State, the orthography being changed, as is quite common in a new country. 
Our earliest authentic information of the Pennsylvania family is in the
record that "Henry Pawling, Jr., Jonathan Roberts, Sr., George Smith,
Robert Shannon, and Henry Conrad
were appointed by Art of Assembly in 1784 to purchase ground near Stony
Creek, and thereon erect a court-house and prison for the use of Montgomery
County."  This Henry Pawling was also one of the first associate judges of
the county, and doubtless resided in Providence township. He had three and
one daughter. The sons were Henry, William and  Levi,
the latter the subject of this memoir.  William lived on the farm at
Pawling's Bridge, in Lower Providence, till about 1835, the time of his
death, leaving three sons Henry, Thomas and Albert.  Eleanor, the daughter
of the elder Henry, married James Milnor, a lawyer practicing in the
county, but residing in Philadelphia, who subsequently retired from that
profession, took orders, and became rector of St. George's Episcopal Church,
New York.

    Levi Pawling came to Norristown studied law, and an as admitted to the
bar in November, 1795, thus taking his position with William Moore Smith
and Thomas Ross the elder.  He soon attained considerable distinction as a
lawyer.  On the 17th of October, 1804 he married Elizabeth, daughter of
General Joseph Hiester, the ceremony being performed by Rev. Henry A.
Muhlenberg.  The children born to them were three sons and four daughters.
The sons were Joseph H., James M. and Henry DeWitt.  The daughters of Levi
and Elizabeth Pawling were Elizabeth, Rebecca, Ellen and Mary.

    Levi Pawling entered his profession just after the organization of the
county; he was for many years the Nestor of the bar, enjoying a very large
practice and living in the most munificent style of any in the borough.  At
one time and for many years he owned the flourishing saw-mill at the foot of
Swede Street, and ran it in partnership with James Bolton, the father of
General William J. Bolton.  He also, owned a farm, which embraced all the
land north of Airy Street lying between Stony Creek and Saw-Mill Run, and
extending back one-fourth of a mile.  The farmhouse on this land was near
what is now the corner of Green and Chestnut Streets.  For a number of years
before it was cut into town lots it, was called the "Davis Farm."  Mr. Pawling,
at an early date, also erected on Main Street, a little west of Swede, 
perhaps the most stately
double-roomed mansion in Norristown, where he lived till he retired from
business, and which, with the adjacent office, was occupied by his son,
James M., till the latter's death, in 1838.  The building in which Martin
Molony recently died embraces about half the old mansion.  After the death
of the son just named he continued to reside with the daughters, who
occupied part of the old homestead; but for a number of years, when he had
become old and decrepit, he lived with his son, Dr. Pawling, at King of
Prussia.  He, however, finally returned again to Norristown, and died in
1845, at the age of seventy-three years.  His wife, Elizabeth, died in 1826.

    Hon. Levi Pawling filled a great number of public positions during his
long life.  Perhaps the first was that of trustee of the land ceded by the
University of Pennsylvania for a court-house yard or public square.  Of this
he divested himself in favor of the Town Council on the 15th of May 1835.

    Being a Federalist in politics, while, since the time of Jefferson, the
county has always been Democratic, Mr. Pawling did not reach any
legislative office except a seat in Congress, to which he was elected one
term (1817-19) in company with Isaac Darlington, of Chester.  There was
little, however, in the nature of material improvement in town or county
that did not secure his pecuniary help and personal co-operation.

    He was chairman of a public meeting held July 22, 1807, to denounce the
outrageous attack of the British frigate "Leopard" upon the "Chesapeake" in
time of peace, and one of the commissioners in 1811 appointed to sell the
stock of the Reading and Perkiomen Turnpike Road Company.  In April 1814, He
was one of the commissioners named in the law to sell Stock in the Egypt
(Ridge) Turnpike Road Company.  His pursuance of an act passed March 8, 1816,
he was also named at the head of a commission of nine persons to sell stock
in the company organized to make a lock navigation on the Schuylkill.  In
1818 he was elected burgess of the town, a post he filled several times
afterwards.  Shortly after the organization of the Bank of Montgomery County
Mr. Pawling was elected director and made president of the board.

    About the time of his retirement from business his pecuniary affairs had
become deranged, and he lost the extensive property he had owned, the
homestead alone being retained for his use by the assistance of his wealthy
father-in-law, Governor Hiester, who, in his will, left each of the children
of Mr. and Mrs. Pawling a patrimony of about ten thousand dollars.

[FINIS NOTE 35-2.]

507

    "CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN DISTINGUISHED POLITICIANS OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY.

                                       "MONTGOMERY COUNTY, Sept. 15, 1817.

    "Sir: -The committee of correspondence of Montgomery County, desirous of
guarding against the premeditated designs of our secret political enemies,
of which you may not be apprised, have considered it expedient and
advisable again to address you through the medium of a private circular.  On
the 4th of August last we communicated with you in our official capacity,
as well also through motives of personal friendship, owing to many sinister
rumors afloat, relative to the inimical disposition of Nathaniel B. Boileau
to the election of William Findley, the Democratic candidate for Governor,
which, from the confidence we uniformly entertained of his Republican
integrity, we could not imagine was entitled to the slightest credit.  But
in order to remove public impression, and for our individual satisfaction,
we addressed him on the subject, and particularly stated in our
communication the nature of the reports in circulation, and requested of
him, as soon as convenient, an explicit denial.  We received an answer dated
the 20th day of August, and much to our astonishment and surprise it is
fraught with falsehood and disappointment and the most malignant political
turpitude imaginable.  He traduces, in most shameful and dastardly manner,
the private and public character of William Findley, whom he charges with
having obtained his nomination by fraud, peculation, intrigue and
corruption, and has the hardihood and effrontery to pronounce,
comparatively, that the Carlisle caucus was equally Republican with the
delegation composing the Harrisburg Convention.  No expression of opinion
can be considered more authorized, coming from Mr. Boileau, than this,
particularly when he made his selection and suffered his name to be
nominated by the Harrisburg Convention under a perfect understanding that
he, as well as Mr. Findley, would submit to the decision.  But Mr. Boileau,
from his letter in our possessioin, refuses his [?] post to Mr. Fndley because
he did not receive the preference.  Such conduct is at least destitute of
principle and political honesty.  It is traitorously abandoning the Democratic
party, through whom he secured the second station in the commonwealth.  Mr.
Boileau, not content with denouncing the character of Mr. Findley, we are
assured that in order to gratify his disappointed ambition and satiate his
revengeful and malignant heart, secretly supplies our opponents with means to
destroy, with Mr. Findley, the Republican ascendancy in the State.

    Mr. Boileau, since the decision of the arbitrators in the case of Kline vs.
Peacock, has, we understand from respectable authority, been industriously
engaged in writing letters to his friends in Montgomery and Bucks Counties
to oppose Mr. Findley.  But instead of answering his desired object, it has
excited the indignation of those whose political character he attempted to
destroy, and renewed in them double vigilance and exertion in support of
the real Democratic candidate, Mr. Findley.  We have strong grounds of
apprehension, from the information we have received from several sources,
and from the possession of conclusive evidence of the disappointment of
Mr. Boileau and his unjustifiable animosity towards Mr. Findley, that his
mind is prepared to extend his political treachery to every possible length
in Order to prostrate the election of the Democratic candidate.  It is a
matter of infinite importance that we should be on our guard, and
indefatigable in our Republican brethren in the respective counties
throughout the State, to meet with contempt and decided disapprobation any
communication Mr. Boileau may give publicity to under the sanction of his
name previous to the election, in order to secure Mr. Findley.  We shall
answer Mr. Boileau's letter in the course of a few days, in which we shall
refute his charges against Mr. Findley as false, and as the visionary
effusions of a disappointed man, and finally denounce him as an enemy to
Democracy and unworthy the confidance of his former political friends.  We
should be happy to hear from you previous to the election, and your candid
opinions as to the result in your respective counties.  Our majority will
not be less than five hundred.  The Republicans are firm, vigilant and
active with us, and resent, with decision and promptitude, the views and
overtures of disappointed men.

                                   "PHILIP S. MARKLEY [See NOTE 35-3.]
                                   "HENRY SCHMETZ
                                   "BENJAMIN REIFF
                                   "JOHN WENTZ
                                   "JOHN JONES
                                   "PHILIP REED
                                   "PHILIP YOST

                              "Committee of Correspondence appointed by 
                                    the Harrisburg Convention."

[NOTE 35-3.]

    Philip S. Markley was the son of John and Elizabeth (Swenk) Markley.  His
father, John Markley, was one of the most prominent citizens of Norristown,
and was sheriff of the county, 1798.  The son, Philip S., was quite
distinguished as a lawyer, being admitted to the bar November, 1810, and had
a large practice, but soon fell into the whirl of politics.  His father
before him had been a very influential Democrat, and he, walking in his
footsteps, became active in party matters.  So in 1819 he was appointed
deputy State's attorney, probably serving during the whole of Governor
Findley's term of office, or from the spring of 1818 till 1821, though by
the record he was nominated for State Senate and elected in 1819,
continuing there till 1824.  It would seem, therefore, that persons were
then eligible to both offices at the same, time, for we have ascertained to
a certainty that Mr. Markley was deputy State's attorney in 1819 and 1820,
when, as appears; also by it newspaper announcement which lies before us,
of the date of January, 1821, that "Alexander Moore was appointed district
attorney vice Philip S. Markley, removed."  Soon after the conclusion of his
service as State's attorney and Senator, he was taken up by the party for
Congress and elected in 1823, serving during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth
Congress, from 1824 to 1828.  His term in the national House of
Representatives was during the famous rise of what was known its
"Jacksonism," when Hon. Nathaniel B. Boileau and Hon. Jonathan Roberts,
the great early lights and leaders of the party, retired from their places
in disgust at the dawn of what was called "mere military statemanship."

    At the conclusion of his Congressional term, or shortly after, on the l7th
of August, 1829, he was called by Governor Shulze, near the close of his
administration, to fill the post of attorney-general of the state, which he
held one year, till the accession Governor Wolf, in January
1830.  This was the last public office he occupied, but he continued at the
bar till 1834.  While attending an arbitration at Spangs hotel he dropped 
in a fit of apoplexy, and died instantly in his forty-six year.

    It would not be within the possibilities of this work to hunt up his
legislative record, and he has been so many years dead that even his
personal qualities have faded from the memories of most of the living. 
His widow and some of his children reside in Philadelphia, very worthy and
respectable people.

[FINIS NOTE 35-3.]

508

                                               "HATBOROUGH, OCT 9, 1817.

    "Mr. Stiles: There is a certain congeniality of souls, sympathy or fellow-
feeling which attaches men of similar manners, habits and principles
together.  The following will explain in a satisfactory manner why Mr.
Markley, the secretary of the corresponding committee, rallies round the
standard of Mr. Findley, and issues his fulminating anathemas against all
whom oppose him.  The officers of the militia who served on the court-
martial for the trial of delinquents for non-performance of militia duty in
the fall of 1814 employed Dr. Hahn, member of Congress from Montgomery
County, to get from the Treasury of the United States compensation for
their services and gave him power of attorney for that purpose.  About the
month of February last Mr. P. S. Markley went to Washington, and without
any authority from those officers, got the money, amounting to between five
and six thousand dollars.  When the officers heard that he had got the money
they called on him for their pay.  He pretended at first that there was
difficulty in settling the amounts, and that he had not got the money, but
afterwards had to acknowledge that he had made use of it.  Some of the
officers had not been paid in August last, and I shall ascertain in a few
days whether or not there are some yet unpaid.  One of the officers called
on him for settlement, and agreed to throw off fifty dollars if he would
pay him the rest.  Mr. Markley gave him a check for the balance deducted the
fifty dollars, but when the check was presented to the bank, Mr. Markley
had no money there.  He was then obliged to get it discounted at a brokers,
and finally the officer was threatened with a prosecution from the broker
and had to redeem the check himself.

    "One of the brokers says, May 23, 1817, 'he (Mr. Markley) was here on
Wednesday two weeks and requested us to wait until Thursday following.  We
did, but instead of our money we received a letter from him informing us if
we would wait one week longer he would certainly pay us.  Sir, we have shown
a very great degree of forbearance and have manifested a disposition to
accommodate you both, until all hopes of receiving anything from Markley
are at an end.'

    "Again June 14, 1817, 'we received another proof of Esq. Markley's
equivocation, he having written that be would positively pay on Wednesday
following, which we did not believe at the time, yet we have waited till
now.  You cannot expect further indulgence.'  What my you, Colonel Binus, thou
great censor morum at the 'altar of whose conscience' nothing but the pure
incense of truth can be offered up, does not this look like 'two deliberate
falsehoods?'  does it not look like 'setting the date to his own infamy?'
Could Mr. Markley, like his Democratic candidate, have had the treasury to
put his hand into, or a kind brother-in-law Robert to draw notes for him, he
would no doubt have taken up his checks or notes more punctually.  But let
us have his own apology in is own words "I never was so damnably
disappointed in money." 0 ye rocks, and mountains, and hills ! cover me from
the awful and final denunciation which still hangs over my devoted head,
and is only suspended by the mercy and forbearance of the honorable
committee.  Citizens of Montgomery County, I do most sincerely ask your
pardon for recommending P. S. Markley to the attorney-general for his
deputy.  I was deceived in the man, and shall in the course of a few days,
by virtue of the power and authority to me given, by nobody to proscribe
any man who differs from me in opinion, 'denounce him' unworthy of the
confidence of any honest man.  I put my name to this paper and pledge myself
to Mr. Markley and the public to prove, if required, the truth of the facts
stated.  I would, with all due respect to Mr. Markley, beg leave to suggest
that when he prepares his indictment against me for a libel against Mr.
Findley, he would please to add this as count to the bill, and we will make
one job of it.
                                            "N. B. Boileau. [See NOTE 35-4.]

    P. S.  -I have now before me the correspondence between the officer,
Markley and the broker, and a written statement from the officers, which 
I will attest on oath if necessary."

[NOTE 35-4.]

    Nathaniel Brittan Boileau, who was eight sessions a member of the lower
House of Assembly, elected Speaker of that body, and thence made secretary
of the commonwealth for three terms by Governor Snyder, was in many
respects the greatest man Montgomery County ever produced.  His equal and
compeer at the time was Hon. Jonathan Roberts who, with him, were the
ruling spirits of young Montgomery during the first twenty years of the
present century.

    He was the son of Isaac and Rachel Brittan Boileau.  The father of Isaac
Boileau was a Frenchman, driven from France among other Huguenots, and
exiled on the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which gave toleration to
Protestants.  Along with a shipload of other refugees, he landed in Staten
Island about 1675.  After remaining there some time, during which Isaac
Boileau was born, many of them, he of the number, emigrated to Bucks County
and to the neighborhood of Philadelphia.  The father of Nathaniel B. came to
Moreland township and purchased a farm of eighty acres, land now owned by
Mr. Lewis R. Willard, about two miles northeast of the present borough of
Hatboro'.  Here Nathaniel B. Boileau was born in 1763 and also two sisters. 
When Nathaniel B. was thirty-three years old, in 1766 his father sold to
him his farm just referred to, and at the same time a tract of twenty acres
in Bucks County for five hundred and fifty pounds, the deed for both being
certified "before Robert Loller, one of the Judges of the Court of Commons
Pleas."  This property, or the first part of it, he exchanged same time after
for a farm of two hundred acres on the southern limit of the borough, land
now owned by Judge W. H. Yerkes and the Bates family.

    Isaac Boileau was a well-to-do farmer, and gave his only son the best
education possible, sending him to Princeton College, where he graduated. 
His mother must have been advanced in life at his birth, for persons still
living remember her residing at Hatboro' as late as 1812, when she was
well-nigh a hundred years old.  We do not know when Mr. Boileau graduated at
college, but it must have been previous to 1788, when he was twenty-five
years of age, for he had married Hester Leech in 1795, who bore him one
son, Thomas Leech Boileau, she dying in her thirtieth year, in 1797.  Of the
event, of his life from the time he graduated till he began to figure as a
politician, in 1797, we have no record beyond the fact that he was
interested in Fitch's efforts to perfect his boat to run by steam.  Mr.
Boileau himself was an ingenious man, accustomed to the use of tools,
though but a farmer, and constructed one of Fitch's model steamboats. 
During college vacations, as he related in later life, he made the
paddle-wheels of said boats, and assisted the inventor in testing its
capacity on some of the ponds near his father's residence.  In this period
of eight or ten years, it is presumed, he was dividing the time between
farm labor and studies, preparatory to the active public life he afterwards
led.  He was undoubtedly conversant with all the writings of the political
fathers of our young Republic, and it is safe to say that few men of his
time more heartily drank in the "spirit of seventy-six" than Nathaniel B.
Boileau.  Public documents and political papers from his pen, found in the
newspaper files of the first quarter of the present century, abundantly 
show this.

    Some time after he made the exchange of properties he divided (in 1801)
the large farm on the York road, and built a very fine mansion on one part
of it for his own use, which at that time was the finest residences in the
county.  The remainder of the property, with the old homestead, about thirty-
five years after he sold to Joseph B Yerkes, Esq.  The stone for building
his fine house was quarried with his own hands and he also dug the cellar. 
This dwelling, adjoining Loller Academy, he occupied many years, till
compelled by losses in his old age to part with it also.

    At before stated, Mr. Boileau was elected to the General Assembly in 1797,
at the bottom of the legislative ticket, along with Cadwallader Evans, 
Benjamin Brooke and Peter Muhleberg.

    This was before the division of voters into Federals and Republicans, for
all the others were afterwards Federals, as Boileau was subsequently known as 
an active Republican.  Mr. Boileau was thus returned three times, making four
sessions he attended continuously.  In 1802 he was left at home, but the
session of 1803-4 he was sent back again, as also that of 1806-7-8. 
He stands alone on the records of the county as having represented it in the
Lower House for eight years.   During his last session, in 1808, he was
elected Speaker on the 19th of January .  But we must go back and detail his
legislative acts in their order, as they are recorded in the newspaper
files consulted.

    During the years, 1803-4-5-6 he was paymaster of the county volunteer militia.
On December 17, 1804, Mr. Boileau obtained by appropriation two thousand dollars
for the endowment of the Norristown Academy and in 1805 had charge of the
articles of impeachment against Judge Edward Shippen, Jasper Yates and Thomas Smith. 
He made a very able and elaborate report and argument against them before the Senate
and behalf of the House, but the former body acquitted the accused by
thirteen to eleven- not a two-thirds vote.  At this time party spirit began
to run very high, Republicans charging Federalists with sympathy for England,
and the latter stigmatizing their opponents with the name of Jacobins, and
with being in favor of "French atheists."  In 1806, Mr. Boileau, as

509

the leader of the House of Representatives, moved a committee to draw up an
address to President Jefferson, urging him to suffer his name to be used as
a candidate for a third term.  The House adopted the motion, and Mr. Boileau
presented a very able paper, which was passed by both Houses (in the House
by fifty-six to nineteen) and sent to Washington.  During this year politics
were fiercely contested, and a Democratic Republican Association formed, of
which Mr. Boileau was president
Dr. William Smith, vice-president
Jonathan Roberts, Jr., secretary
Stephen Porter, treasurer.

    The year 1807 was a busy one for Mr. Boileau and his name appears
connected with almost every public movement.  On January 1st he, presented a
petition from members of the German Lutheran Church of Barren Hill asking
for "permission to raise three thousand dollars by a lottery for its
benefit."  He also framed the law for the establishment of the Montgomery
County poorhouse, and got it passed.  This year also a bill, adopted by his
agency, authorized the raising of one thousand four hundred dollars by
lottery to build an English school at Sumneytown, and on February 25th,
being chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, he made a report on
State finances, exhibiting the revenue in a healthy condition.

    This year the outrage of the British frigate "Leopard" firing on the
"Chesapeake" in time of peace.  And taking out of the latter some alleged
British seamen produced a profound feeling of exasperation all over the
country.  Public meetings were held in different States to take action upon
it, and prepare the public mind for a becoming vindication of the outrage
or a declaration of war.  Such a meeting of enrolled militia was held in our
county, and Mr. Boileau was appointed chairman of a committee of
correspondence to confer with other such meetings or bodies, with a view of
bringing public sentiment up to the point of resistance.

    On February 13, 1807, Mr. Boileau offered a resolution to appoint a
committee to inquire into the expediency of repealing an act of Assembly,
passed in 1777, making the common law of England the law of Pennsylvania,
and to report by bill or otherwise.  This was a time of much anti-English
feeling in the country, and it was alleged impossible for unlearned persons
to know under what laws they were living.

    As before stated, party spirit ran very high, and much dissatisfaction
was felt and expressed in "Republican" circles at the austere and
aristocratic bearing of Governor McKean.  So much opposition was manifested
against his renomination for a third term, in fact, that Simon Snyder came
within a few votes of beating him in the canvass before the legislative
caucus.  Accordingly, a motion was made in the House during the last year of
his third term to "inquire into his official conduct, but it was lost by a
tie vote.  Mr. Boileau recorded in favor of laying the motion on the table,
-that is, in the negative.  In January, 1808, Mr. Boileau moved that "our
Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives be requested,
to support a bill to opening water navigation, by canal, between the
Delaware and Susquehanna," and Mr. Boileau and Mr. Leib called up a bill
which had been previously reported in favor of opening water communication
between the Schuylkill and Susquehanna Rivers.

    As before stated, Mr. Boileau was elected Speaker of the House on
December 8, 1808, and made a pertinent speech on the occasion.  On the 20th
of the same month, however, Simon Snyder, then just elected Governor,
appointed him secretary of the commonwealth, to which office he was
reappointed December 17, 1811, and December 20, 1814.  On his resignation to
accept the secretaryship, Richard T. Leech, probably a relative, was elected
early in 1809 to the vacant seat.

    It is a curious fact that one if the last legislative acts of Mr.
Boileau, as one of the first signed by the new Governor Synder was an
omnibus lottery scheme, entitled an act to raise seven thousand dollars by
that means to enable an association in Montgomery County to promote the
culture of the vine and to pay their debts and accomplish the objects of
their association;" also including two thousand, as before stated to build a
schoolhouse at Sumneytown in which to teach English.

    In the fall of 1808, Colonel or Judge Robert Loller, an eminent and wealthy
neighbor, died, leaving the bulk of his estate, after the death of his
widow which happened in 1810, to build and endow Loller Academy, and Mr.
Boileau was left as executor, a position of great trust and responsibility. 
He was charged in the will with the duty of building and providing for the
seminary according to his own judgment and plans.  This institution Mr.
Boileau erected during 1811-12 on ground adjacent to his property, and
disbursed some eleven thousand dollars, the residue of the estate, with
great wisdom and fidelity.

    The war breaking out in the summer of 1812 greatly increased the duties
and responsibilities of Governor Snyder and his secretary.  Though bred only
a civilian, he had to assume the duty of aid to the Governor, and was so
appointed in May of that year, in company with John B. Gibson and Wilson Smith and
John Bines, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel.  About that time, or soon
after, a draft was, issued for fourteen thousand men for the defense of
the State and nation, and there not being appropriations to fully equip
the troops, Mr. Boileau made advances from his private purse.  In fact, the
first mortgage given on his land was to raise three or four thousand
dollars to procure blankets for the soldiers, and either through the
informality of law or the modest unselfishness of Mr. Boileau, that
money was never repaid him.  This is given on the authority of one who
had it, many years after, from his own lips.  Mr. Boileau and his family
were Republican or Democratic in all their habits and instincts.  Instead,
therefore, of his wife and son removing to Lancaster and Harrisburg, and
living in style, as the manner of most officials now, his family remained at
Hatboro'.

    The eight years of legislative service, and nine as secretary of the
commonwealth under honest Simon Snyder, caused no abatement in the rigid
morality and sterling patriotism of Mr. Boileau.  All the animosities felt
against him, therefore, were purely political, and the able manner in
which he had filled the post of secretary for three terms having the full
confidence of Mr. Snyder, justified the expectation that he would be taken
up for Governor to succeed him.  Nearly the last political or military
appointment he filled was that of acting adjutant general, from May 1816,
to January, 1817.  In March 1817, however, the legislative caucus, or State
Convention, assembled to place a Democratic candidate for Governor before
the people.  William Findley, who had been a representative in Congress
almost from the organization of the government, Isaac Weaver, of our
county, Speaker of the Senate, and the secretary, N. B. Boileau, were
informally nominated.  When it came to a vote, Findley received ninety-nine
to Boileau's fourteen.  Whether personal chagrin at his defeat by Mr.
Findley had anything to do with warping his clear judgment in the matter,
or whether Mr. Boileau's allegations were well-grounded, cannot now be
known, but Mr. Boileau charged the nomination to corrupt influences exerted
by Findley, and he broke with his party by writing a bold letter in which
he made that charge in unmistakable terms.  Mr. Boileau did not hesitate in
that letter to espouse the side of Joseph Heister, Findley's Federal
opponent.  This letter got into the hands of the latter party, which was
used in the canvass, and a crisis in Mr. Boileau's political life was
reached at once.

    The Democratic County Committee, by the nominating State Convention,
consisting, of
Philip S. Markley
Henry Scheetz
Benjamin Reiff
Philip Reed and
Philip Yost, prepared and issued a secret circular just before the election, 
denouncing Mr. Boileau as a traitor for charging that Findley got his nomination
corruptly.  Mr. Boileau retorted briefly, but sharply, charging that Markley
had collected a large sum of bounty money that he had appropriated to his
own use and paraded some documents fastening the charge upon him.

    Except an active advocate of the anti-Masonic movement from 1829 to 1834,
this Hiester and Findley campaign was Mr. Boileau's last appearance in
politics.  In reference to the letter that led to his exit from the
Democratic Party, the editor of the "Norristown Herald," alluding to it, says: 
"We have never been the eulogist of Mr.  Boileau, but his integrity and
probity have never by us been questioned."

    Mr. Boileau joined the anti-Masonic movement with considerable zeal, and
when Joseph Ritner was elected Governor by that party he received the
appointment of register of wills in January 1836, and held it three years,
his son Thomas acting, as his deputy and clerk.  This was the last public
office he filled.

    It only remains further to refer to Mr. Boileau's exalted private life, sum
up his political career and record his peaceful death.  In sterling
integrity, patriotic aims, ingrain Republican Principles and unselfish
benevolence Mr. Boileau has had few, if any, superiors in our county.  One
that knew him best of any says: "He was very benevolent.  The indigent never
went away from his door empty-handed; he gave to the poor as long as he had
anything to give.  He worked in the farm in haying and harvest till past
middle life.  He was very industrious and never idle; was very handy with
tools for working in wood; made nearly all his farm implements, even
wagons, carts, plows, barrows, etc.  He was the most capable and trusty
businessman of the time to settle estates, act on arbitration and the like.

    The most interesting remains of this truly great and good man are two oil
portraits in the possession of Mr. William Sprogel, of Hatboro', one of
them taken early in life and the other when he was secretary of the
commonwealth; and the large Bible containing family records in the bold,
clear handwriting of this eminent man, as also a painted life-size portrait
of Mr. Boileau's first wife, are now in possession of Mr. John Jacobs, of
Norristown, whose wife is a sister of the wife of Thomas L. Boileau,
deceased.

    Thus died in poverty Nathaniel L. Boileau, who was born rich, married two
wealthy wives, was industrious honest, frugal and patriotic.  He outlived all
his early friends and relatives, except his unfortunate son, till he was
nearly left alone in the world, and went up like Lazarus to his reward on
high.  As his life was no sham, so there are neither lies nor fulsome
eulogies on his tombstone, the inscription at which, in Abington
Presbyterian Churchyard, reads as follows:

                      "N.  B.  BOILEAU,
                   DIED MARCH 16TH, 1850,
                In the 88th year of his age."

[FINIS NOTE 35-4.]

    The Democrats carried the county and State electing William Findley
Governor, who three years later was succeeded by his competitor, General
Hiester.  The want of a representative system in making party nominations
led to dissatisfaction amount the rank and file of all parties, and by the
close of James Monroe's second term the people were ripe for political
revolution.  The caucus party nominated William H. Crawford, of Georgia,
Tennessee put up General Andrew Jackson, and the Federal Republicans
advanced the candidacy of John Quincy Adams, while the admirers of Henry
Clay started him upon the race for presidential honors.  The confusion among
leaders naturally confounded their followers.  Many changes occurred among
those who had been prominent in local

510

politics.  A leading editorial in" Herald of July 24, 1821, says
"The Presidential question is now the topic of dispute with the, majority
of the Democratic editors, some of whom, already commenced with that vulgar
abuse which characterized their proceedings in the gubernatorial contest in
1820-23.  The Democratic Press and American Sentinel are the warm supporters
of the caucus candidates, while the Columbian Observer and Franklin
Gazette, in the 4th, day of March last, dismounted their old horse, called
undeviating Democracy, and mounted a more popular steed, called 'Old
Hickory.  It is said that Old Hickory frequently halts and flies from the
Democratic cause and gets in the track of Federalism, a most abominable and
unforgiving offense.  He is followed by John Binns, Walter Lowrie, Jonathan
Roberts [See NOTE 35-5.] and other worthy coadjutors.  .  .  ."

[NOTE 35-5.]

    Jonathan Roberts was invited to stand for the Legislature, an invitation
which, with much reluctance, be accepted.  At that time public attention
became engrossed with the duty of selecting a successor to President
Monroe.  There were several candidates all claiming to be Democrats,

Crawford of Georgia
Adams of Massachusetts
Clay of Kentucky
Jackson of Tennessee
Calhoun of South Carolina,

Each having some show of support.  Mr. Roberts favored the nomination of
Crawford, who was the favorite of the intellect of the Republican or
Democratic Party.  Had not his health failed him the probability is that he
would have proved the strongest candidate.  Supposing that by obtaining a
seat in the Legislature at that time he would thereby promote the chances
of Crawford's election, Mr. Roberts accepted the nomination, and was
elected.  Almost single-handed and alone he stood out against the tide of
Jacksonism that swept through the Pennsylvania Legislature.  In this his
standing as a public man was rendered quite unpopular, notwithstanding he
was once thereafter returned to his seat.  As the last of his legislative
services he took an active land leading put in the great internal
improvement scheme which at that time started the prosperous career which
has since been pursued by the Keystone State.  That great system was not
adopted in the form Mr. Roberts desires, owing to the refusal of the Senate
to incorporate the essential division for a sinking fund to eventually
liquidate the outlay.  He was urged to stand as a candidate for the next
session of the Legislature, but he felt it was time for him to retire and
look more after his private affairs.  One feature of the improvement
enactment was for a canal board to serve without pay, as expedient to get
rid of drones.  This plan was only partially successful, as idle and
incompetent men pressed themselves into even that public position.  Governor
Shultz at length sent it commissions, Mr. Roberts, with the request that he
would accept it.  Being unwilling, to show reluctance to execute a policy
which he had so earnestly supported, and to keep the appointment out of
improper hands, he consented to fill the place, although at great private
sacrifice.  He continued to fulfill the duties of his office for three
years, much to the advantage of the state.  This brought his public services
up to the year 1827, when Jacksonism had acquired control of all the State
affairs in Pennsylvania.  The Republican canal board was obnoxious, to the
predominant Jackson junto in the Legislature, and the members of the former
body were legislated out of office, they having refused to resign the
discharge of their duties, and a new Jackson board was legislated into
office, as they would not trust Governor Schultz to make other appointment.

    From this time forward Mr. Roberts was active in his opportunity to
Jacksonism, and kept the defender, of the hero of New Orleans engaged.  In
an animated discussion of the claims of that impetuous and arbitrary man to
the confidence of the American people.  This drew down upon him the
displeasure of those who were carried away by the military renown of
Jackson.  Mr. Roberts was a warm and able defender of Mr. Adams, who was
made the target for the bitter assaults of men like Samuel D. Ingham and
Timothy Pickering, who sought to advance Jackson's interest by erecting
popular prejudice against President Adams, who as well as Jackson and Clay
had been Democrats, up to the time of his election.  In this purpose these
adversaries of Mr. Adams were successful and in 1828, Jackson was elevated
to Presidency by popular vote.

     In his opposition to General Jackson, Mr. Roberts was governed solely by
patriotic and impersonal motives.  He felt and knew he was engaged in an
unpopular cause, and the public controversy was most distasteful to him;
but he fearlessly breasted the storm and looked forward to the time when it
was to spend its force.  That time came with the expiration of President
Jackson last term.  It is true Van Buren succeeded him, but the unnatural
coalition which had constituted the Jackson party melted away under the
administration of his more politic but less then willful predecessor.

[FINIS NOTE 35-5.]

    The following conclusion of the editor is certainly frank, and 
illustrates the unsettled condition of the public mind at that date:

    "When we sent down to pen the above paragraph we had it intended to be
quite difference; from what it turned out to be.  It is uncommon thing for
us editors to frequently commence an editorial paragraph with great
reluctance.  Yet as many of our patrons are in the common practice of first
turning to the "Norristown" head to see what comes from the editor whether
it be good, bad or indifferent, we are not willing that our readers shall
always, be disappointed.  We wish once more to inform our readers who may be
Jacksonites, Crawfordites, Adamites, Clayites or whatever other kind of
'ites' they may choose to be, that we are as yet the advocate of none of
them.  We hold ourselves free sovereign and independent and we intend so to
be until we can make a better choice.  But our column shall be open to any
well written article on the subject of the Presidential canvass, believing
it to be right that the merits and demerits of each should be fully
canvassed, that the people may be better able to judge of the most suitable
person, and then make, their choice accordingly."

    Subsequently the same paper sums up the result of the October election,
1824, as follows:

    "Perhaps there never as so much, political indifference and apathy among the
people as the last election.  We have already mentioned that there was no
opposition to the Democratic, ticket in this county."

The following, ticket was elected:

Congress, Philip S. Markley

ASSEMBLY. 

Jonathan Roberts
John B. Sterigere
Michael Cope
Robert E. Hobart

Commissioner, James Sands
Director, Peter Fritz
Auditor, Samuel E. Leech.

The highest vote polled at this election was for Michael Cope, being 1873. 
In the Presidential election of the same year the following votes were
polled in Montgomery County the several candidates in the field, all of
whom were designated by writers and public speakers of that campaign as 
"Democrats" or "Democratic Republicans".

Andrew Jackson       1497
John Quincy Adams      28
William H. Crawford   445
Henry Clay             27
TOTAL                1997.

  The population being at this date 35,793, as shown by the census of 1820,
and the estimated or possible

511

vote about 7000, the want of general interest seems unprecedented, and the
number of "stay-at-homes" nowhere finds a parallel in the political annals
of the county.  There was no popular choice for President, and the election
devolved upon the national House of Representatives.  The contest was
animated and bitter among the leaders, and provoked a much more general
interest in the result than had been previously manifested in the canvass
of the several candidates.  The following was the electoral vote in the
United States, certified to in the official count:

Jackson, 99
Adams, 84
Crawford, 41
Clay, 37 
TOTAL, 261.

    A choice of Mr. Adams by the House of Representative was commented on
as follows by the editor of the "Herald," under date of February 16, 1825:

    "Contrary to the wishes and expectations of a very large portion of the
citizens of the United States, John Quincy Adams has been elected by the
House of Representatives on the first ballot.  We have nothing to offer in
congratulation to those who have so long wished for this result.  They have
gained a victory, it is true, over the caucus junto, but we fear over the
majority of the American people also.  To those who have been, after all
their threats and boastings, so suddenly disappointed we tender the
following pleasing consolation: Mr. Adams is perhaps the ablest diplomat
and greatest statesman in America.  He is possessed of all the talents and
experience necessary for the good government of our national affairs, and,
if reports be true, he has had the management of the most important
business for several years, from which we may hope, judging from the very
prosperous situation of the nation, that he will make a good President."

    It is a matter of history that the administration of James Monroe closed
an era of goodwill in national politics, and while the methods of the
ruling party, especially the caucus system, were unsatisfactory, the
general apathy of the period hastened the work of disorganization, as shown
in the several factions and four rival candidates for Presidential honors. 
The following circumstance connected with our county affairs is
confirmatory of the even temper of the political mind of 1824.  There was a
grand Fourth of July celebration at "Hatborough" the year named.  The
celebration took place on Saturday, the 3d, the 4th occurring on Sunday
that year.  It was held in "Bean's Woods."  The report of the affair, which
appears to be published "by particular request" in the "Norristown Herald,"
says:

    "At twelve o'clock the procession formed in the following order:

Dr. John H. Hill, marshal
G. H. Pauling, Esq., aid
Robbart's Troop of Cavalry
Montary's and Hill's Infantry
Standard
Colonel Christian Snyder, president
Orator, Rev. T. B. Montanye

Field Officers

Larzalere
Steel
Hatborough Band

M. V. Booskirk, vice-president
citizens, two-and-two.  

After marching through the village, the organizations and people collected in 
the woods named, where the Declaration of Independence was read and orations were
delivered.  These exercises were followed by a banquet, after which thirteen
regular toasts were proposed and duty responded to by guns and cheers, as
was the custom in those days.  Twenty-six volunteer toasts were proposed,
all of which were reported in full."

    Bearing in mind that four presidential candidates were running at the 
time, each of them having friends and able champions in the county, the
sentiments proposed indicate the general goodwill that must have
characterized the occasion.  The first toast was by the Rev. T. B. Montanye,-

    "The United States, without a King, abounding with materials to grace the
Presidential chair.

    "The finished statesman, William H. Crawford, after the most rigid
scrutiny, found faithful in all the departments he has filled.

    "John Quincy Adams, the father of our navy and defender of our commerce, the
first diplomatic character in the world in who is consecrated wisdom and
prudence.

    "Henry Clay, the undeviating Republican.

    "Andrew Jackson, the hero of New Orleans, the enemy of spies and firm
defender of his country's honor.  May the voice of the people render the
interference of Congress unnecessary by selecting from such a constellation
of worthies one to sit at the head of the most distinguished nation on
earth!"

    One would naturally suppose that the reverend patriot had covered the
ground completely, but he seems to have been repeated by several of those
surrounding the festive board, viz., -by Major James Quinton: "General Andrew
Jackson, the hero of New Orleans.  May he ever conquer his American enemies;"
by Captain John T. Neeley: "The Honorable Henry Clay.  So long as office
shall be considered a reward for distinguished merit, may he never be
without public employment"; by C. Snyder, Jr: "William H. Crawford. May he, on
the 4th of March next, be conducted to the Presidential chair of the United
States."  Andrew Jackson was in favor with the "outs," as the toast of Dr. John
Grigg fully illustrates: "Washington City constipated; Hickory oil a purge." 
The last of the highly-wrought sentiments proposed upon this occasion was offered
"by a lady," but whose name unfortunately does not appear in the report:
"May the American eagle, standing on tiptoe on the watch-tower of Liberty,
gall the red lion with nine cheers, crying 'All's well.'"  The good mothers 
of those days were not wanting in public spirit, and the reporter who
suppressed the name of this characteristic "lady " has denied to the
historian the means and pleasure of preserving it among those whose
excellency of speech and unquestionable patriotism have contributed in
making the day memorable.

    The next decade in the political history of the county carries us forward
to the second term of President Jackson.  The administration of John Quincy
Adams passed into history with satisfaction to the people, during which
time Andrew Jackson became a prominent candidate for the succession.  It was
in his canvass that be gathered up the broken fragments of the National
Republican Party, and crystallized them in name and practice the Democratic
Party.  He had made a distinguished record for himself as an officer in the
war of 1812, and the signal victory over the British at New Orleans gave
him a world-wide and deserving fame.  He had a strong personal following in
Montgomery County, having in his first run polled three times as many votes
as his most popular competitor.  He was elected President in 1828, over John
Quincy Adams, by 178 to 83 electoral votes, and reelected in 1832, by 219
electoral votes to 49 for Henry Clay.  The great issue of President
Jackson's administrations turned upon the financial policy of the country. 
The United States Bank was chartered by Congress and sanctioned by Bank was
chartered by Congress and sanctioned by

512

President Washington, February 1791, and the chattered powers were renewed
by President Madison, 1816.

    The financial operations were largely conducted through this bank, and
the capital used, thirty-five million dollars, was thought by many to be
too centralizing, and therefore dangerous in the hand of a political and
partisan administration.  President Jackson antagonized the bank, alienated
the money power of the country, refused to recharter the bank in 1832, and
removed the government deposits in 1833, producing a crisis in the
agitation that had been somewhat violent for a year or more preceding this
event.  All the political elements descending from the Federalists, and many
of the National Republicans who had supported the financial policy of the
country from the days of Washington to John Quincy Adams, now arrayed
themselves against Jackson, who, willing to part with whatever power the
great bank gave to his administration, went to the people, declaring the
United States Bank to be a dangerous monopoly of privileges that should be
better distributed throughout the States.  The political divisions of men
became marked in every community in the country.  Montgomery County shared
fully in the fierce debate and partisan activity of the period.  There are
many persons still living who recall the campaign of 1834 in Montgomery
County.  The meeting of Democratic delegates was held at the public house of
Arnold Baker, in Norriton township, on the 13th of September of that
year.  Dr. Jones Anderson was chosen chairman, and Dr. John R. Grigg and
William W. Moore secretaries.  John B. Sterigere offered the resolutions,
among which we find the following:

    "Resolved, That our confidence in the political integrity, patriotism and
wisdom of our present chief magistrate remains unimpaired; that his
firmness in supporting measures deemed essential to the preservation of the
liberties of the people and his dignified conduct under the persecutions
and slanders of the bank advocates and his political enemies in the Senate
of the United States are calculated to endear him, still more to his fellow-
citizens."

    Mr. Sterigere was then in the vigor of youth and the seventh of the 
series of resolutions shows the zealous partisanship of the day:

    "That we consider the present contest as involving the dearest and most
important rights of the people, a contest between the aristocracy and
Democracy, which imperiously demands that the friends of the Constitution
and the laws and of Democratic principles and equal rights should rally
around the standard of Democracy in opposition to modern Whigism (the ghost
of Revolutionary Toryism), under which Standard are arrayed the descendants
of the Tories of '76, advocates of Alien and Sedition Laws of '98, Hartford
Conventionists, Aristocrats, Bankites, Anti-Masons, National Republicans
and Nullifiers.

    The eleventh and last of the resolutions leaves no open ground for the 
"kicker," if such a character were known to the Jackson Democracy of old
Montgomery:

    "That every person whose name may be presented for nomination shall be
required to pledge himself to support the ticket which may be formed by
this meeting, and that he will not be a candidate for any affair at the
ensuing election unless he shall be nominated by this meeting, and no votes
shall be received for any person shall refuse to pledge himself as
aforesaid."

    The language used in the pledge referred to does not appear on record. 
We are unable to say whether it was written and subscribed to or only verbal. 
The idea of pledging the disappointed candidates not to permit the use of
their names for office during the same campaign seems to have been
Jacksonian, and appears to have become obsolete in the usages of modern
Democracy.  The following ticket was placed in nomination at the meeting
referred to:

Congress, Jacob Fry, Jr.

Assembly
John H. Jones
Joseph Fornance, Esq.
Henry Schnieder

Sheriff, John Todd

Commissioner, Francis C. Burnside

Directors of the Poor
John Getty
Frederick R. Smith (the latter in place of George Hillegas, deceased)

Auditor, Jacob H. Geyer

Coroner, Thomas W. Potts.

Adam Slemmer
James Wells
John Scheetz
Colonel William Powel
Enos Benner
David Jacoby
were appointed a committee to have tickets printed and distributed to the
several committees designated to receive them for use on Election Day.

The Federal or Anti-Jackson county ticket for the same year was as follows:

Congress, Joseph Royer

Assembly

James Paul
Nathaniel P. Hobart
Benjamin Frick

Directors of the Poor
Anthony Vanderslice
Samuel H. Bartolet (the latter in place of George Hillegas, deceased);

Auditor, Alan W. Corson
Coroner, Stephen Rush

No nomination was made for sheriff the Whigs or Federalists.  Mr. Walter W.
Paxon, a hotel-keeper of Norristown, ran as an independent candidate,
polling the party vote, as shown in the official report, aggregating 6813
votes.

              CONGRESS

Jacob Fry Jr.*                  3766
Joseph Royer                    3047


             ASSEMBLY

John M. Jones*                  3542
Joseph Fornance*                3542
Henry Schneider*                3542
N. P. Hobart                    3133
James Paul                      3173
Benjamin Frick                  3186

             SHERIFF

John Todd*                      3799
Walter W. Paxton                3011

          COMMISIONER

Francis C. Burnside*            3741
Robert Stinson                  3007

           DIRECTOR

Frederick R. Smith*             3543
Samuel H. Bartolet              3154

           AUDITOR

Jacob H. Geyer*                 3640
Alan W. Corson                  3043

           CORONER

James W. Potts*                 3718
Stephen Rush                    2730

The names of the Democratic Republican candidates are in Italics. [Indicated with * here.]

 -"Norristown Register", October 22, 1834.


End Part I