Northampton County PA Archives History - Books .....The Indian Treaties 1920 ************************************************ Copyright. All rights reserved. http://www.usgwarchives.net/copyright.htm http://www.usgwarchives.net/pa/pafiles.htm ************************************************ File contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by: Joy Fisher http://www.genrecords.net/emailregistry/vols/00001.html#0000031 November 13, 2008, 2:11 am Book Title: History Of Northampton County CHAPTER IX THE INDIAN TREATIES At the closing of the year 1755 some of the Delaware and Shawnee Indians went on the warpath. They massacred settlers on both sides of the Blue Mountains, from the Hudson to the Susquehanna rivers. There had been built for the protection of the whites, forts and blockhouses; prominent among these were those at Bethlehem, Christian's Springs, Gnadenthal, Nazareth, Friedensthal and the Rose Inns, which had been erected by the Moravian Economy. These fortifications in January, 1756, accommodated five hundred and fifty-six refugees from the northern settlements. Besides these there was the Deshler's Fort, near Egypt; Brown's Fort, in the Irish Settlement; one at Slatington; another near Point Phillips. To the eastward of these was Dietz's blockhouse, near the Wind Gap; Martin's Fort, the old stone-mill at Martin's creek. The Jersey side of the Delaware river was protected by a line of forts, the first being Fort Reading at Belvidere; eighteen miles north was a fort at Colonel Van Campen's; six miles above this, at the Walpack bend of the river, was Fort Walpack. Above this six miles was the largest fort, known as Headquarters, and eight miles from this point was Fort Nominick; four miles beyond was Fort Shipcoon; and eight miles further north was Coles Fort. There was also inland from the Delaware river Fort Gardner. North of the Blue Mountains on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware river, the first on its banks was Fort Hynshaw, which was situated near the mouth of the Bushkill river. Then above the Water Gap at Shawnee was Depieu's Fort; at Stroudsburg was Fort Hamilton; near Brodheadville was Fort Norris; and at Weissport, on the Lehigh river, was Fort Allen. From the latter place, at certain distances apart, was a continuation of these forts reaching the Susquehanna river. There was no apparent cause assigned for the Indian outbreak, and early in the spring of 1756 Governor Morris sent messengers to the northern Indians requesting a conference and calling for a cessation of hostilities for thirty days. Unfortunately, after the governor's proclamation announcing the cessation of hostilities, war was proclaimed by the New Jersey authorities against the same Indians, and a company of men were sent against Wyoming, one of their towns. This news was brought to Bethlehem as the governor's messengers were making their departure. They therefore waited till they received word that the Jersey party had been to Wyoming, found a deserted town which they destroyed by fire, and returned home. The governor's messengers then proceeded on their way and met Teedyuscung at Diahoge, in the province of New York. This noted warrior was holding a conference with the deputies of the Six Nations and a treaty was consummated in which the independence of the Delawares was acknowledged and the authority of Teedyuscung over Four Nations, the Lenapi and Wanami, two Delaware nations, the Munseys and Mohicans, was recognized. He was, however, requested not to act independently for his people, but to advise with the Six Nations that by uniting their councils and strength they might better promote the general interests of the Indians. They impressed him with the fact that the English and French were fighting for their land and desired his aid and co-operation to defend their rights. Teedyuscung then received from the deputies of the Six Nations a large belt with several figures wrought on it. "In the middle was a square, meaning the lands of the Indians; at one end was a figure of a man. indicating the English; at the other end another, meaning the French; both these, they said, covet their lands, but let us join together to defend our lands against both, and you shall be the partaker with us of our lands." To Teedyuscung this proposal was too advantageous not to be accepted; he therefore agreed to it and concerted a plan with the Six Nations to bring about peace with the English, and for securing their lands. He immediately dispatched Nutimus, a former king of one of the Delaware tribes, to Otsaningo to meet Sir William Johnson, while he himself prepared to meet the governor of Pennsylvania. The latter was the most hazardous enterprise, as he was obliged to go into the inhabited part of the country and amongst settlers who had been incensed against him for the ravages committed by his people; besides, it required the greatest address, as with Pennsylvania government affairs of the greatest importance were to be transacted. The Six Nations empowered him to act as plenipotentiary from them, promising to ratify all his acts. The Delaware embassy to Sir William Johnson was joined by Packsinosa, the old Shawnese king, and met the English official at Onondaga, New York, and from thence went to Fort Johnson, New York, where, on July 10, 1756, a conference was held. Sir William, at the opening of the council, reproached the Indians for their past conduct, painting the murders and devastations they had committed in strong colors, imputing their acts to the artifices of the French. He told them "that by virtue of a power received from his Majesty, if they were sincerely disposed to continue his Majesty's dutiful children and to maintain their fidelity towards him and unbroken peace and friendship towards all his subjects, that their brethren, the English, would exert their unfeigned zeal and best endeavors to reclaim those of their people who had been deluded by the French, and upon these conditions he was ready to renew the covenant chain of peace and friendship." To this Nutimus calmly replied that "he had carefully attended to what was said, that it was pleasing to him, but he could not take upon himself to give a determinate answer, that he would deliver Sir William Johnson's speech to all his nations on his return home, and that their fixed resolutions and positive answer should be returned as soon as possible." On receipt of Nutimus' answer, Sir William summoned a council of those members of the Six Nations that attended the conference, informed them of his reply that he intended to make to the Delaware chief, and told them that he expected their support. The Six Nations Indians said they would speak to the Delaware's, prepare them for what he intended to say, and press them at the same time to declare their real intentions. The following day Sir William again addressed Nutimus, saying "that what he had answered yesterday was somewhat surprising, as his nation had been the aggressors and the English the injured party; that the present state of affairs between the English and his people required a speedy and determinate issue; that he had received accounts that hostilities were still continued by some of the Delawares, and that therefore it was requisite that he should, without delay, explain himself in behalf of his nation in such an explicit and satisfactory manner that his Majesty's injured provinces might know what part it was proper for them to act, and that he might depend upon it they would not continue tamely to bear the bloody injuries which they had for some time past suffered." In reply the Delaware chief made answer "that his people had already ceased from hostilities, that they would follow the example of the Six Nations, that they would take hold of the covenant chain that bound together the English and the Six Nations, that they renounced the friendship of the French, and as Sir William Johnson had used the Mohicans well, he promised to deliver up what English prisoners he held from among his people." With this decision, Sir William Johnson expressed his satisfaction, offered them the hatchet against the French, which they accepted; the Indians sang and danced the war-song and the Shawnese king informed Sir William Johnson that they would inform Teedyuscung of what had been done. It was at this meeting that the invidious name of Petticoat, or Woman, was taken from the Delawares, which had been imposed on them by the Six Nations from the time they conquered them in the name of the King of England. While this conference was taking place, Teedyuscung, having taken precaution to protect himself from danger by leaving parties of his warriors between the settlements of Pennsylvania and the Wyoming, on July 18, 1756, arrived at Bethlehem, where he met the governor's messenger, Captain Newcastle, and informed him that he would be glad to meet the governor at the Forks, and that he was empowered to speak not only in behalf of his own people but also the Six Nations. Captain Newcastle hurried to Philadelphia with the chief's messenger, and, presenting himself before the governor, addressed him as follows: "I have been entrusted by you with matters of the highest concern; I now declare to you that I have used all the abilities I am master of, in the management of them, and that with the greatest cheerfulness I tell you in general, matters look well. I shall not go into particulars; Teedyuscung will do this at the public meeting, which he expects will be soon. The times are dangerous, the sword is drawn and glittering, all around you numbers of Indians on your border. I beseech you, therefore, not to give any delay to this important affair. Say where the council-fire is to be kindled; come to a conclusion immediately; let us not wait a moment lest what has been done should prove ineffectual." To these urgent demands Governor Morris fixed upon Easton as the place of meeting. On the beautiful square in the heart of Easton from July 24-31, 1756. was kindled the first council-fire in the Forks of the Delaware. At a convenient place in the square was erected a booth; here the emissaries of Thomas Penn unsuccessfully waged their master's political game, and an untutored son of the forest compelled the white man's government to bend to his will. There were four factors represented: The Indians seeking justice. The proprietary government representatives were: Lieutenant-Governor Robert Hunter Morris, accompanied by Richard Peters, the secretary of the province, and four members of the governor's council; the Friendly Association, under the leadership of Israel Pemberton, of about thirty Quakers from Philadelphia, the wealthiest men of the province, whose presence, while not official, was in the cause of right and justice, which Penn's representatives dared not resist. The people at large were represented by four members of the Assembly, their duty being in conjunction with the governor in all business relating to the expenditure of public money. Colonel Conrad Weiser served as interpreter for the Six Nations; Benjamin-That-Speaks English, a youth from New Jersey, who had deserted from a military company of that province and cast his lot with the Indians, was interpreter for the Delawares. The Indians were represented by Teedyuscung, chief of the Delawares; the Six Nations by Captain Newcastle—in all about twenty-four Indians. A hearty welcome was extended by Governor Morris to Teedyuscung and his people. The Indian chief informed him he was authorized to speak in behalf of ten nations, as an ambassador from the Six Nations and as chief of four other nations. His duties were to hear what propositions the governor had to offer, and report to those he represented. On the second day of the conference the governor informed the Indians of the steps he had taken after the Delawares had commenced hostilities and the preparations that had been made to carry the war into their country. He had been diverted from further war maneuvers by the Six Nations, who had informed him that the Delawares had laid down the hatchet. He informed them of several messages he had transmitted to them by Captain Newcastle, also other Indian messengers, and of the answers received assuring them that they had acted by his authority. He asserted that both he and his people were disposed to renew the ancient friendship that subsisted between William Penn and the Indians. This he desired to be told to the Six Nations and all Indians near and far, inviting them to meet him at a council-fire, but insisted as an evidence of their sincerity to surrender all of their prisoners, as this was the only terms on which a lasting peace would be concluded. At the close of the governor's speech, Teedyuscung arose and presented the belt he had received from the Six Nations, explaining to the governor that it bound the Six Nations and four other Indian nations under the direction of two chiefs who were really disposed for peace if their lands could be guaranteed to them. If there was no compliance with these terms the Indians were prepared to commence open hostilities. He further said: "Whoever will make peace, let him lay hold of this belt, and the nations around shall see and know it. I wish the same good spirit that possessed William Penn may inspire the people of the province at this time." The governor accepted the belt, declaring he was in hearty sympathy to effect the meaning of it. He gave the Indian another belt, desiring him to show it everywhere and to make known the disposition of the people of the province, also of the treatment he had met with, to his own people. He then joined the two belts, declaring Teedyuscung and Captain Newcastle as agents for the province among the Indians, giving them authority to transact negotiations, and wished them success in their project. The two accredited agents exchanged vows of mutual good friendship and said to the best of their ability they would promote the weighty matters entrusted to them. The governor, during the continuance of the conference, was notified of the declaration of war between England and France. In consideration of the light attendance at the council, further important business was postponed. After the conference, Teedyuscung returned to his country and Captain Newcastle was dispatched by the governor to the Six Nations. On his return trip to Philadelphia he contracted smallpox, which caused his death. Teedyuscung sent messengers to the tribes of Indians under his jurisdiction and to the Six Nations, informing them of the reception he had received at the conference, inviting them to another meeting. While making preparations to attend the second conference, Teedyuscung received a message from Fort Johnson advising him against going to Pennsylvania. To this he paid no attention, receiving, while marching to the meeting, another message stating that a plot was laid to ambuscade the Indians when a considerable number of them had been gathered together. He placed no credence on this message, determining, however, to take all necessary precautions to guard against the worst. Sending back the greater part of his women and children, he proceeded with his own and a few other families, leaving his ablest captains and bravest warriors at proper intervals on the frontiers to receive information how he was received and to act in accordance. Governor Morris had been succeeded by Governor William Denny, and through the interposition of Lord Loudon, then commanding the British forces in America, was placed in a peculiar situation. Lord Loudon had written him, forbidding him or his government to confer or treat with the Indians, further directing that all business in that direction that should arise in the province should be referred to Sir William Johnson, whom his Majesty had appointed sole agent for Indian affairs under his Lordship's direction. On receiving news of Teedyuscung's arrival at Easton, the governor did not know what steps to take, and appealed for advice to the assembly which was then in session. The assembly decided as the negotiations had been commenced before Sir William Johnson's powers were made known, they should not wholly be discontinued, fearing that the Indians might become disgusted and the opportunity lost of a general peace with him and the British colonies. Therefore they advised that the governor should give the Indians an interview, making them customary presents to relieve their necessities on behalf of the government, assure them of their friendship, forgive them their offenses, and make a firm peace with them, subject to the confirmation by Sir William Johnson as his Majesty's representative of Indian affairs in North America. The assembly contended that an interview with the Indians at this time would be of great importance to his Majesty's service and not inconsistent with the intention of Lord Loudon's letter. In the latter part of October, Teedyuscung, with a number of Delawares, Shawnees and Mohicans and some deputies from the Six Nations, arrived at Easton. The second conference was held November 8-15, 1756. There were present Lieutenant-Governor William Denny, William Logan and Richard Peters; Benjamin Franklin, Joseph Fox, William Masters and John Hughes, commissioners: Teedyuscung, four chiefs of the Six Nations, and sixteen Delaware Indians; John Pumpshire, a New Jersey Delaware interpreter; Colonel Conrad Weiser, interpreter; officers of the Royal Americans; and a number of gentlemen and freeholders from Philadelphia and several counties. Great pomp and ceremony were observed; several days were spent in formalities, and little business accomplished. The governor finally sent Colonel Weiser to Teedyuscung, desiring to know whether he intended to speak first, and if so, when. The Indian chief replied that it was the duty of the governor to open the oratorical program of the conference. That afternoon at three o'clock the governor marched from his lodgings, guarded by the Royal Americans and Colonel Weiser's Provincials, with colors flying, drums beating and music playing, to the meeting place of the conference. At the opening of the session Governor Denny spoke, concluding his remarks as follows: "Brother Teedyuscung, what I am now going to say should have been mentioned some time ago. I now desire your strict attention to it. You were pleased to tell me the other day that the League of Friendship made by your Forefathers was yet fresh in your memory; you said that it was made strong, so that a small thing could not easily break it. As we are now met together at a Council Fire kindled by both of us, and have promised on both sides to be free and open to one another, I must ask you how that League of Friendship came to be broken? Have we, the Governor of the People of Pennsylvania, done you any kind of injury? If you think we have, you should be honest and tell us your Hearts. Yon should have made complaints before you struck us, for so it was agreed in our ancient League. However, now the Great Spirit has thus happily brought us once more together, speak your Mind plainly on this head, and tell us, if you have any just cause of complaint, what it is. That I may obtain a full answer to this point, I give you this Belt of wampum." In his answer, Teedyuscung assigned three causes: First, the imprudent conduct of Charles Brodhead; second, the instigations of the French; and lastly, the grievances he and his people suffered from Pennsylvania and Jersey governments. The governor then called upon him to name these grievances. He replied as follows: "I have not far to go for an Instance: this ground that is under me (stamping with his foot) is mine, and has been taken from me by fraud and forgery." The governor asked him what he meant by fraud and forgery. To this he replied: "When one man had formerly Liberty to purchase Lands, and he took a deed from Indians for it, and then dies, if, after his death, his children forge a Deed like the true one with the same Indians' names to it, and thereby take Lands from the Indians which they never sold: This is Fraud. Also when one King has Lands beyond the River, and another has lands on this Side, both bound by Rivers, Creeks and Springs, which cannot be removed, and the Proprietaries, greedy to purchase Lands, buy of one King what belongs to the other: This likewise is Fraud." "Have you," said the governor, "been served so?" "Yes," replied Teedyuscung, "I have been served so on this Province. All the Land extending from Tohiccon over the great Mountain as far as Wyoming is mine, of which some has been taken from me by fraud. For when I agreed to sell the Land to the old Proprietary by the Course of the River, the young Proprietaries came and got it run by a straight course by the Compass, and by that means took in double the quantity intended to be sold." After a nine-day session a treaty of peace was concluded between the Shawnees, Delawares and the English. The commisisoners offered immediate satisfaction for their supposed injuries, whether their claim was just or not. Teedyuscung then informed the governor that the main design of his being present at this conference was to re-establish peace, and at a future meeting he would lay open his grievances, that he was not at this time empowered to receive any satisfaction, that several were absent who were concerned in the hinds, and that he would endeavor to have them present at the next meeting, when the matter might be further considered and settled. On the last day of the conference word was received of the death at Philadelphia, by smallpox, of several Indians of prominence; among them was Captain Newcastle. Teedyuscung, in an address of condolence on Captain Newcastle's death, said: "He was a good man, and had promoted the good work of peace with great care; his death would put him in mind of his duty, as it should all of us." He then took a kind leave of the governor and all present. Messengers were sent by the governor to the various tribes of Indians, requesting them to join the Delawares at the meeting to be held next year at Easton. The governor and George Croghan, deputy Indian agent, requested Sir William Johnson to send a number of the Six Nations to the proposed meeting. Mr. Croghan met the Indians at Harrisburg, March 29, 1757, and was informed that Teedyuscung had gone to the Senecas' country to request the appearance of a number of that tribe. From Harrisburg the party journeyed to Lancaster; here the smallpox broke out among the Indians; messengers were sent to the governor requesting his presence, as Teedyuscung having failed to appear, they were desirous to return home. The governor arrived at Lancaster May 9, 1757, and on the twelfth a meeting was held. He advised them of what had passed between him and the Delawares at the previous conference. He desired that they would advise him what measures could be brought about to procure a lasting peace. The Six Nations' speaker assigned four causes that had given rise to the present quarrel between the English and the Delawares and Shawnees: First, the death of the Delaware chief, Weekwely, who, accidentally killing a man, had been hanged in the Jerseys; second, the imprisonment of some Shawnee warriors in Carolina; third, the dispossessing of the Indians of their lands; fourth, the instigations of the French. The representatives of the Six Nations warmly pressed for the sending of the Senecas. The governor sent a message to Teedyuscung, informing him of the advice of the Six Nations and requesting him to bring as many of the Senecas as was agreeable to him, promising that if it should appear that he had been defrauded of his lands or received any other injuries from the province he would receive satisfaction. Teedyuscung, on receipt of this message, hastened to Easton, arriving about the middle of July, 1757. Governor Denny reached Easton July 20, 1757, and on the following day convened his council, consisting of James Hamilton, Benjamin Chew, Richard Peters, William Logan, Lynford Lardner and John Mifflin. There were also present Isaac Norris, speaker of the assembly; Daniel Roberdean, member of the assembly; William Masters, John Hughes, Joseph Fox and Joseph Galloway, commissioners; Captain Thomas McKee, interpreter for the Crown; Colonel Conrad Weiser, interpreter for the province; John Pumpshire, interpreter for Teedyuscung; and a number of gentlemen from Philadelphia, and other inhabitants of the province. There were present at the beginning of the conference 58 men, 37 women and 64 children, in all 159 of Teedyuscung's party; and 45 men, 35 women and 39 children, in all 119 Senecas and others of the Six Nations. Before the commencement of the public business, Teedyuscung applied to the governor, to allow him the privilege of appointing a person to take down the minutes of the treaty. He was prompted to this act by the exhibition made by Secretary Peters at the previous meeting, when he had thrown down his pen and declared he would not take minutes when complaints were made against the proprietaries. He did not know but the same thing might happen again, as the same complaints were to be repeated. The business to be transacted was of the most important nature, and required to be exactly minuted, which he thought could be done by the method he proposed. The governor informed him at the last conference at Lancaster that it had been agreed between him and Mr. Croghan that no one was to take minutes of the proceedings but the secretary appointed by the latter, which was the constant practice of Sir William Johnson. As his precedent had been established to be observed in future treaties, he did not care to make any alteration in this respect. This refusal of a demand so just and reasonable aroused Teedyuscung's suspicions that advantage was to be taken of his ignorance. He therefore demanded as his right what he asked as a favor. It had been agreed upon in his council at home, and he insisted on its being granted, if the governor persisted he determined not, to treat and he would return home. The commissioners, who were mere spectators of the controversy, seeing that the chief men of the Six Nations were disgusted, wrote a message to Governor Denny, requesting information on certain subjects. The governor, a newiy imported Englishman, in an imperious manner, forcibly expressed the opinion that their official duties did not extend to the conference with the Indians. This brought from the commissioners that famous document of August 1, 3757, which was probably the first outburst of liberty at the Forks of the Delaware. The governor, beset on all sides, finally allowed the Indian's chief a clerk, declaring it was against his judgment but as a fresh proof of his friendship and regard. Four days had been spent in these debates, and the next day Teedyuscung, having nominated Charles Thompson [1] as his clerk, the business of the public treaty began. [1] The Delawares adopted Charles Thompson, whose unofficial minutes were often called for, and, in the opinion of the Indians, were true. In respect to this fact they gave him the appropriate name of Wegh-wu-Iaw-no-end. As secretary of Congress during the Revolutionary war his official reports were always looked over to settle doubtful news and flying reports, the investigatons always saying on such occasions "here comes the truth; here is Charles Thompson." The governor opened the conference by informing Teedyuscung he was glad to meet him once more with his people and some of the Six Nations, according to the agreement made at the last conference. He informed him that George Croghan represented Sir William Johnson, and was present to inquire into every grievance of the Indians which they had suffered, either from their brethren in Pennsylvania, or the neighboring provinces. The Indians were then addressed by Mr. Croghan, he stating that he would do everything in his power to have all differences amicably adjusted. Teedyuscung for four or five days had been kept almost continually drunk, and his remarks as they stand on the minutes appear mystifying and confusing. They also so appeared to the governor, which was supplemented by the fact that his interpreter was saturated with liquor and during the delivery of the Indian chief's speech calmly went to sleep. The Indian king, by the interposition of his council, was restrained from liquor; when sober he called upon Mr. Croghan at the request of the governor, repeated what he had said at the session of the conference, and made the following speech: The complaints I made last Fall I yet continue. I think some lands have been bought by the Proprietary or his Agents from Indians who had not a right to sell, and to whom the lands did not belong. I think also, when some lands have been sold to the Proprietary by some Indians who had a right to sell to a certain place, whether that purchase was to be measured by miles or hours' walk, that the Proprietaries have, contrary to agreement or bargain, taken more lands than they ought to have done, and lands that belonged to others. I therefore now desire you will produce the Writings and Deeds by which you hold the land, and let them read in public and examine these, that it may be fully known from what Indians you have bought the Lands you hold, and how far your Purchases extend, that copies of the whole may be laid before King George and published to all the Provinces under his Government. What is fairly bought and paid for I make no further demands about, but if any Lands have been bought of Indians to whom these lands did not belong, and who had no right to sell them, I expect a satisfaction for these lands. And if the Proprietaries have taken in more than they bought of the true owners, I expect likewise to be paid for that. But as the persons to whom the Proprietaries may have sold these Lands, which of right belonged to me, have made some Settlements, I do not want to disturb them or to force them to leave them, but I expect a full Satisfaction shall be made to the true owners for these Lands tho' the Proprietaries, as I said before, might have bought, them from persons that had no right to sell them. As we intend to settle at Wyoming, we want to have certain Boundaries fixed between you and us, and a certain Tract of Land fixed, which it shall not be lawful for us or our Children ever to sell, nor for you or any of your Children ever to buy. We shall have the boundaries fixed all around agreeable to the Draught we give you (here he drew a Draught with chalk on the Table) that we may not be pressed on any side, but have certain boundaries of a Country fixed for the use of our Children forever. And as we intend to make a Settlement at Wyoming and to build different houses from what we have done hitherto, such as may last not only for a little time, but for our Children after us; we desire you will assist us in making our settlements, and send us persons to instruct us in building houses, and in making such necessaries as shall be needful; and that Persons be sent to instruct us in Christian Religion, which may be for our future Welfare, and to instruct our Children in reading and writing; and a fair trade be established between us, and such persons appointed to conduct and manage these affairs as shall be agreeable to us. The governor in answering Teedyuscung's speech referred the redress of the Indians' grievances to Sir William Johnson. The lands between the Shamokin and Wyoming the proprietaries had never purchased from the Indians, and he was pleased they had made choice of that place for their residence. He said he would use all his power to have these lands settled upon them and their posterity; as to the other requests they were reasonable; he would recommend them to the assembly and they would most cheerfully be complied with. Upon the delivery of the governor's speech the Indian King and his council withdrew to deliberate upon it. They decided they would not go to Sir William Johnson with their grievances; that the reasons of their refusal might appear in full strength, that they had agreed to follow the example of the governor, and have their speech written, examined in council, then read to the governor at the public conference the next day. Teedyuscung then desired that which had been written in the council be accepted, read and recorded as his speech; to this the governor and Mr. Croghan joined in opposing. A debate then ensued; the Indian King, not being granted the privilege that the governor had taken, informed them from memory the substance of what had been agreed to at the council, after making pertinent that the governor had told him that George Croghan was Sir William Johnson's authorized deputy, with full power to act, and he now notified him that he had no power at all. He gave the governor to understand he would not go to Sir William Johnson, as he did not know him, and by deferring matters it might again embroil them in war. He further said that he wanted nothing for his lands that was not just, but that the Indian deeds ought to be produced for examination, copies of them taken and put with minutes of the treaty. This done, he offered to confirm a peace treaty immediately. The land affairs he was willing to have decided by the King of England, and would await his decision. In conclusion he said: "Let copies of the deeds be sent to the king, and let him judge. I want nothing of the lands till the king has sent letters back, and then if any of the lands be found to belong to me, I expect to be paid for it and not before." Teedyuscung remaining firm for copies of the deeds, the governor in appearance resolved to comply with his request. However, it was agreed not to deliver up all of the deeds. Colonel Weiser and Mr. Croghan were privately sent to the Indian King to obtain his consent to a delivery of only those deeds relating to his complaint and late purchases. Two days were spent in this wire-pulling, the Indians in the meantime being plied with liquor. The governor again met the Indians, and told them as they so earnestly desired to see the deeds of the lands mentioned in the last treaty he had brought them with him and would grant Teedyuscung copies of them agreeable to his request. Thereupon some deeds were laid upon the table. When Teedyuscung was convinced the deeds were delivered, he, without examination of them, in the name of ten nations he represented, solemnly concluded peace negotiations. The reading of the deeds was put off to the next day, and upon examination it was found that very few deeds were delivered, and that none of them threw any light upon the matter in dispute. The deed of 1718 referred to in the treaty of 1728 was missing; a paper purporting to be a copy of the last Indian purchase in 1686 was not even attested to as a true copy. Mr. Thompson, as Teedyuscung's secretary, notified the governor by letter that the deed of 1718 was missing. No attention was paid to this communication; it was undoubtedly withheld by the proprietaries' agents because it clearly defined the release of 1737 by virtue of which the Indian walk of 1737 was made, and which included the greater part of the disputed lands taken from the Indians. The non-deliverance of the deed of 1718 led Mr. Thompson to inform Mr. Croghan that if it came to the Indians' ears, that they would consider they were abused, that they might become dissatisfied and break up the conference. The ferment among the Indians, coupled with the resolution to return to their homes in the evening, caused them to blame the delays in the public business to the backwardness of the governor to conclude peace, which was apparent grounds for their fear. The commissioners of the assembly, though sensible that the necessary deeds had not been delivered, hoped, however, that on more mature deliberation the governor would furnish the missing links and forward them to the king and council, for a just determination could not be given while papers and deeds of such importance were withheld. The lives of many of His Majesty's subjects, as well as the alliance of many Indian nations, depended on a just decision, and they could not imagine that the governor would join in deceiving the king and council in a matter of so great importance. The Indians' copies of the deeds and papers were placed in the hands of the Speaker of the Assembly by Teedyuscung, requesting that they might be sent to the King of England with the minutes of the treaty, and he hoped the governor and Mr. Croghan would have no objecion to this. After the conference adjourned on August 4th, the governor entertained Teedyuscung and some of his counselors at an entertainment, which took place at Vernon's tavern. After the banquet, peace was proclaimed in form, a detachment of the Pennsylvania troops fired three volleys, and at night there was a large bonfire and a variety of Indian dances. The conference was in session eighteen days, its final adjournment being Sunday, August 7, 1757. The fourth conference, held at Easton, October 8, 1758, was more largely attended than any of those formerly held at the Forks of the Delaware. The important business which was urged with utmost diligence was to lessen the power of Teedyuscung. Since the last conference Teedyuscung instead of losing had increased his powers, and had established himself at the head of the Five Tribes. The Indians occupying the lands surrounding the lakes consisted of three leagues: The Senecas, Mohawks and Onondagoes, who were called the Fathers, composed the first; the Oneidas, Tuscarawas, Nanyicokes and Conoys (which had united in one tribe) and the Tuteloes, composed the second league; and these two leagues made up what was called the Six Nations. The third league was formed from the Chihohocki (or Delawares), the Wanami, the Munseys, Mawhiccons and Wapingers. From all these nations, with the exception of two or three, the chief sachems were present. The Indians, by the most reliable accounts, numbered five hundred. The governor, attended by his council, six members of the assembly, two commissioners of Indian affairs from the province of New Jersey, a number of freeholders of Pennsylvania and adjoining provinces, and citizens of Philadelphia, chiefly Quakers, arrived at Easton on the evening of October 7, 1758. There were also present George Croghan, Colonel Weiser, as provincial interpreter, Isaac Still, Stephen Calvin, and Moses Tatamy, all Delaware interpreters for that nation; Henry Montour, interpreter for the Six Nations, and Andrew Montour, who acted as His Majesty's interpreter. Later Governor Bernard of New Jersey and Sir William Johnson arrived and took part in the proceedings. On Saturday, October 8th, the governor had his first interview with the Indians. The following Monday and Tuesday, Croghan, who declared himself an Indian, was in close consultation with the Indians, treating them to liquors, the main discussion being whether what Teedyuscung had done should be allowed to stand, or if everything was to begin anew. The great aim of the proprietaries' managers was for Teedyuscung to withdraw his charge of fraud and forgery. In order to gain this point overtures were made to the representatives of the Six Nations to undo what had been done, to establish their own authority, and gain the credit of the peace. Teedyuscung and his people absolutely refused to retract anything that had been said. The debates were warm and determined. It was at length agreed that everything transacted between Teedyuscung and the English should stand. The following morning some of the Quakers assembled the chiefs and old men of the tribes in order to smoke a pipe with them. This meeting was broken up by an invitation from a committee of the assembly and commissioners to meet the governor in conference so that he could submit his speech to the Indians to them for advice, it having been agreed that nothing was to be said to the Indians without the previous knowledge of the Quakers. At four o'clock of that same afternoon the governors met the Indians, and on the arising of Teedyuscung to speak, the governor of New Jersey requested that he might first, in the name of the province, welcome the Indians. At the conclusion of his remarks Teedyuscung arose and addressed the governors, saying that he had assembled his people at their request, that he had already concluded a peace with the governor of Pennsylvania for himself and his people, and that he had nothing to do but to sit and hear, as everything which could be done at present was concluded and agreed upon. The following day Teedyuscung arrived at the conference drunk, demanding of the governor a package containing a speech of the Alleghanians, which had been miscarried by the messengers. This package enclosed a speech to the governor, which the Alleghanians had mislaid when they had met at Philadelphia. On the governor informing them that he expected the package at the conference, they agreed to go to Easton and await his coming, as they had messages for Teedyuscung. They had been informed that the governor had received their speech, and they requested it might be read, as they were eager to return home, and a great deal depended on the answer they were to bring. Teedyuscung was, however, too drunk to attend to business, and the matter was postponed until the next day. Tagashta, the Seneca, and other Indians then addressed the meeting. At the session of the conference held on Friday, the Alleghanies' letter was read, and Nichos, a Mohawk, made a speech, disclaiming Teedyuscung's authority. This Mohawk chief was George Croghan's father-in-law. His speech was delivered to raise a disturbance amongst the Indians, as Croghan had been baffled in attempting to prejudice Teedyuscung and set him against the people of the province. There was a private conference on Sunday, October 15th, but neither Teedyuscung nor any of his people were present. The public conference was continued the next day. When it came to reading the minutes of the day before, the secretary stopped, but at the request of the Six Nation's chief, they' were read. It concerned Teedyuscung; they claimed that he had no authority over the Six Nations, but did not deny his authority over his own nations, as the governor had expressly declared the Six Nations were his superiors, and though he acted as the head of his own four tribes, he acted as messenger for his uncles. The finesse in politics was displayed by the Six Nations, when the governor demanded the cause of the Indian war then pending, and called upon them to declare the causes of it. The chiefs disclaimed concern in it, as it was not by the advice of the public council of the Nations, though they owned that their young warriors had been concerned in it. As counselors they could not undertake to assign the causes of what induced them to strike the English lest it should appear that they had countenanced the war and left the warriors to speak for themselves. The provincial authorities were anxious to have the Six Nations' speaker say he spoke for the Delawares. Teedyuscung, however, maintained his independence. Thomas King, the head of the Six Nations, arose and said that he would speak in behalf of his own people, that there were several causes of uneasiness in the land question, especially the purchase of 1754 at Albany. The Munseys the next day demanded their belt of the Six Nations, and placed their affairs under Teedyuscung's directions. The close of the conference was nothing but confusion; Nichos, the Mohawk, said the governor left everything in the dark; he or neither of his chiefs knew what lands he meant; if he spoke of lands beyond the mountains, they had already confessed to selling them, why were not the deeds produced and shown to their cousins, the Delawares? The deed of 1749 was then produced and shown to Teedyuscung, but he said he could not understand why it was now brought up, as all matters pertaining to lands being, as he thought, referred to the determination of the King of England. The next day Teedyuscung inquired concerning the deed produced the previous day. He said he was satisfied his uncles had sold the lands described therein, that he made no dispute in regard to the deed, and was ready to confirm it. His confirming the deed, however, he stated, did not affect the claim he had formerly made for the lands that he had principally been wronged of, the land between the Tohican and the Kittatinny Hills. Tokahayo, a Cayuga chief, arose, and in a warm speech commended the conduct of Teedyuscung, and severely reprimanded the English. He closed as follows: "If the English knew no better how to manage Indian affairs, they should not call them together; they had invited them down to brighten the chains of peace, but instead of that had spent a fortnight wrangling and disputing about lands." The Indians, though several times pressed hard, deferred in giving answer to the proposal made in behalf of the proprietaries to release back to the Indians the lands of the purchase of 1754 west of the Alleghany Mountains, proyiding the Indians would confirm to them the residue of the purchase. Deeds had been drawn agreeable to this proposition, it only remained for the Indians to sign. At a public entertainment given in the evening the deeds were executed, and in the public council the next day the Indians declared they would confirm no more of the lands than was settled in 1754, for only these they had received consideration, but all the rest they reclaimed. The deed drawn contained twenty times more land than was settled. The English settlements, in 1754, extended but a little way up the Juniata and Sherman's Creek, whereas the new grant reached to the Alleghany Mountains. The fear was entertained that the Indians would disapprove when they learned of the discrepancy. Yet, as luck would have it, no dire results occurred. On the morning of October 23d, one of the Seneca chiefs died; his funeral the same morning was attended by many of the inhabitants. The entire day, October 25, was spent by the Indians in distributing presents among the several tribes. The conference was concluded October 26, with great joy and mutual satisfaction. Teedyuscung, who was influential in forming the conference, acted as speaker for many of the tribes. The Six Nations' chiefs took great umbrage at the impertinence which he assumed, and endeavored to destroy his influence. Notwithstanding he was well plied with liquor, he bore himself with dignity and firmness, refusing to succumb to the Six Nations, and was proof against the wiles of George Croghan and the governor. The business of the conference was shamefully delayed; the time was spent in attempting Teedyuscung's downfall in silencing or contradicting the complaints he had made. He was really, however, more of a politician than any of his opponents; if he could have been kept sober he might have become, in time, emperor of all the neighboring Indian Nations. The fifth conference opened in Easton, August 5. 1761; there were present on the part of the proprietaries Governor James Hamilton and his council, Samuel Weiser, James Sherlock, Isaac Still, and Reverend David Zeisberger, who acted as interpreter. Teedyuscung was present with deputies from nine tribes; in all about four hundred attended. The governor alluded to the death of Colonel Conrad Weiser since the last meeting. The business of this and the meeting in the following year related chiefly to the settlement of land matters in the Wyoming Valley. Presents were distributed and the treaty was concluded August 12, 1761. The conference the following year was held at Easton, in June, 1762. The minutes of the provincial council between June 12th and August 16th are blank. The Archives, however, print a speech of Teedyuscung dated Easton, June 26, 1762, addressed to Governor Hamilton and Sir William Johnson, retracting the charge of forgery and fraud against the proprietaries. To this Governor Hamilton replied from Easton. under the same date, addressing the same to "Brother Teedyuscung and all our Indian Brethren now present," and concluded by saying "And now Brethren, I hope that all heart burnings and animosities are at an end, and be buried so deep in the earth, as never to rise again, and that we and our children may live in perfect peace and friendship together as brethren as long as the sun shines and the rivers run. In confirmation whereof I give you this belt—a belt of twelve rows." On May 8, 1765, a treaty of peace was entered into between the Delaware Indians and Sir William Johnson, the King of England's sole agent and superintendent of Indian affairs in North America, as follows: ARTICLE 1 That in consideration of the Delawares' several promises of future good behavior, of their having delivered up to Colonel Boquel a large number of English who were their prisoners, and of their cheerfully according to subsequent articles and faithfully observing them forever hereafter, His Majesty is graciously pleased to pardon what hath passed, and they shall be once more received into the covenant chain of friendship with the English. ARTICLE 2 That the Delawares of Susquehanna, who fled from their habitations on the approach of the parties of Indians and rangers sent against them last year by Sir William Johnson, be comprised in this treaty and abide by every article contained therein can in any wise relate to them, in consequence of the treaty entered into before him at Niagara last summer with the Senecas, provided they bring in all the English prisoners, deserters, Frenchmen and Negroes within forty days, agreeable to the engagements they have lately entered into for the performance of which they have left two chiefs hostages, that then the Delawares that were taken prisoners last winter and remain at New York shall be discharged, but the rest who were distributed among the several nations must remain where they now are. ARTICLE 3 That the Delawares do immediately open the road of peace throughout every part of their country, giving free permission to all His Majesty's troops, or other his subjects to pass through the same; that they likewise open the rivers, allowing a free and open navigation for boats, canoes, or any other craft to all his Majesty's subject; forever hereafter; that they engage never more to molest them, cither by land or by water, or cause the same to be done by any other nation or tribe of Indians, but that they shall use all their endeavors to prevent any such designs and give the earliest intelligence of them to the English, to whom they, shall afford assistance ii required. ARTICLE 4 That the Delawares do, to the utmost of their powers, immediately open the road to the Illinois, and use every possible endeavor for obtaining the possession thereof, and securing the same to the English, that in case Mr. Croghan, deputy agent for Indian Affairs be not yet sent out for Illinois from Fort Pitt, they shall send proper persons to accompany and assist him, and those who go with him to take possession of the forts and garrisons in that country, ceded by the French to the Crown of England. ARTICLE 5 That they do forthwith use all possible means for bringing the Shawnees to a proper sense of their late conduct, to deliver up all prisoners remaining in their hands without further delay, and send deputies to Sir William Johnson to treat about peace. ARTICLE 6 That they deliver further to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt, those seven English, yet among them, as also all deserters, Frenchmen and negroes, and engaged never to scream, protest, or encourage any such persons for the future, but should any such persons take refuge amongst them, they arc to bring them without delay to the officer commanding at the next garrison, or to the commissary, when such is appointed, who will be empowered to reward them for their trouble. ARTICLE 7 That they do promise and engage never to take revenge for any act committed by individuals of the British Nation but to make due complaint thereof to the next commanding officer or the commissary, when appointed, who will apply to government to whom the delinquent belongs, that he may be brought to trial when they may expect to have strict justice done them. And should any of the Delawares at any time hereafter, rob, murder, or otherwise misuse any of His Majesty's subjects, as the Indians have no established laws for punishing the guilty, they are without excuse or delay to bring such offenders to the nearest garrison, from whence he will he sent to the next province in order to take his trial, at which the chiefs of the Delawares may be present, that they may see the charges are fully proved against him and be sensible of the equity of British laws. ARTICLE 8 That should any dispute or difference arise relative to lands or otherwise, they are by no means to insult the officers commanding posts, or any other of His Majesty's subjects, who cannot be answerable for these matters, but they are to lay their complaints before the deputy agent for that district, who will transmit the same to Sir William Johnson, that they may obtain justice. ARTICLE 9 That many of the traders who were plundered and severely treated by the Delawares in 1763, having represented the great distresses to which they are thereby reduced and prayed relief. The Delawares are therefore to fall immediately on a method for making them some restitution by a grant of lands provided His Majesty shall approve thereof and the Six Nations first give their approbation thereto. ARTICLE 10 That whenever His Majesty shall be pleased to direct that limits should be settled between his subjects and the Indians, with their consent, the Delawares engage to abide by whatever limits shall be agreed upon between the English and the Six Nations, and shall never disturb His Majesty's subjects upon that account. ARTICLE 11 That a trade shall be opened as soon as it conveniently may be with the Delawares, which trade will be at the principal posts, and continue during the good behaviour of that nation; that they do therefore in an especial manner protect the persons and properties of the traders who may be going to or returning from the posts, promising never to take away their horses, or otherwise impede their journeys or molest them on any account, but in case of fraud they are to lay their complaint before the commanding officer at the trading post, until the appointment of commissaries, who will then have the inspection thereof. ARTICLE 12 That the Delawares shall communicate the particulars of the peace they have made to all nations with whom they have any intercourse; that they shall enforce the observance thereof in an especial manner over their people; and lastly, that they shall enter into no engagements with any nation whatsoever, without the knowledge of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs or those duly authorized by the King of Great Britain. The treaty was signed on the part of the English by Daniel Clause, Guy Johnson, deputy agent for Indian Affairs, John Butler, and David Owens, Delaware interpreter. The Indian signers were Killbuck, alias Beminco, and David or Dochschewemint, as deputies for the Delaware Nation; Long Coat, alias Anindamooky, and Squas Cutter, in Delaware Yaghkapoosa, in Six Nations Onossaraquela, chief warrior of the Delawares and Munsies of Susquehanna. The Indian signatures are accompanied with peculiar marks or signs indicative of some fancied trait of character, namely a turtle, a crab, a boat, etc., etc. In the treaty conferences held at Easton, the personality of Teedyuscung looms paramount among his red brethren of the wilderness, the English bred officials representing the proprietaries and the members of the council. This untutored son of the forest, with a dignity and poise of character, while attempting no flight of imagery or oratory, his words hurtled from his tongue like arrows from the bent bow spring. In plain but decided language he, remonstrated against the wrong of the Indians, demanding a just reparation, charging his adversaries not only with corruption, but fraud. Various attempts were made to destroy his prestige and cast reflection on his honesty and integrity among his associates and allies. All, however without avail, and the constant trickery of his enemies in attempting to develop these charges instead of lessening his power and influence over his subjects, only strengthened the Indians in acknowledging him as their leader. Teedyuscung desired peace; his great efforts were extended in attempting to secure a permanent abiding place for his red children of the woods, free from the molestations of the advancing greedy grasp of the incoming white settlers; this and the restitution for lands already illegally seized were his only demands. While he was not of the military spirit and ardor of Pontiac, his compatriot, or later of Tecumseh, he excelled them both in his talent of diplomacy. That he displayed no great ambition as a military chieftain is due to the fact of the times, also a determination on his part to accomplish by peaceful overtures the rights of his people rather than by savage warfare. That he had military ability and strategy there is no doubt; this is fully illustrated, when, on receipt of news on his trip to the second conference that he was menanced with danger, he cleverly left his path of retreat fully guarded and protected by his ablest captains and warriors. Teedyuscung was a Lenni Lenape Indian. His father, Captain Harris, migrated in 1725 from the home of his ancestors, near the Raritan in New Jersey, with others of the Turtle tribe, to the province of Pennsylvania. On arriving at the Forks of the Delaware, finding no white men, they proceeded unmolested to the Pocopo's country north of the Blue Mountains, the land of their kinsmen, the Munscys. Here Captain Harris built a wigwam; becoming aged and infirm, according to the Indian custom, he was left to starve to death. He was twice married, and his eldest son was Teedyuscung, who was born in the first decade of the eighteenth century. He was united, in 1749, with the Moravian Indian mission at Gnadenhuetten, and was baptized by Bishop Cammerhoff, March 12, 1750, receiving the name of Gideon. Owing to injuries received by his countrymen, by the whites and the oppression of the Six Nations, in 1754, he deserted the Moravian mission. Henceforward his name is conspicuous in the provincial history of Pennsylvania. Teedyuscung was also known as Honest John and War Trumpet; his worst enemy was the white man's "firewater." His death occurred April 16, 1763, while asleep in his own house under the influence of liquor. He was burned to death, the incendiary being instigated by his enemies. On the summit of the precipitous Indian Rock overlooking the picturesque Wassahickon near Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia, a handsome bronze statue has been erected to his memory. In designing the statue the full war regalia of the Lenni Lenape tribe has been preserved. The rock, which is known as Council Rock, is where the last council of the Lenape tribe of Indians was held in 1763, just before their departure for the reservation granted them in the Wyoming Valley. There had been, since 1S56, a wooden figure of Teedyuscung on this rock. Here legendary history says that he took his farewell view of the beautiful Wissahikon ravine. Additional Comments: Extracted from: History of Northampton County [PENNSYLVANIA] and The Grand Valley of the Lehigh Under Supervision and Revision of WILLIAM J. HELLER Assisted by AN ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS VOLUME I 1920 THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY HOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO This file has been created by a form at http://www.genrecords.net/pafiles/ File size: 59.8 Kb