Area History: Chapters 6 - 12, Vol II - Watson's Annals of Philadelphia And Pennsylvania, 1857

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                                 ANNALS

                                   of

                     PHILADELPHIA  AND  PENNSYLVANIA,


                               VOL.  II
     
            ______________________________________________


Chapter 6.                   THE  GERMANS

  This hardy, frugal, and industrious portion of our population in
Pennsylvania, so numerous and exclusive in places as to preserve their
manners and language unaltered, are so often the subject of remark in the
early MSS., which I have seen in the Logan collection &c., as to deserve a
separate notice, to wit :
  When the Germans first came into the country, save those who were Friends
and settled in Germantown in 1682-3, it is manifest there was a fear they
would not be acceptable inhabitants, for James Logan, in 1717, remarks, "We
have of late great numbers of Palatines poured in upon us, without any
recommendation or notice, which gives the country some uneasiness, for
foreigners do not so well among us as our own people" -- the English.
  In 1719, Jonathon Dickinson remarks, "We are daily expecting ships from
London which bring over Palatines, in number about six or seven hundred.  We
had a parcel who came about five years ago, who purchased land about
sixty-miles west of Philadelphia, and prove quiet and industrious.  Some few
came from Ireland lately, and more are expected thence.  This is besides our
common supply from Wales and England.  Our friends do increase mightily, and
a great people there is in this wilderness country, which is fast becoming a
fruitful field."
  Kalm, the Swedish traveller, here in 1748, says the Germans all preferred
to settle in Pennsylvania, because they had been ill-treated by the
authorities in New York, whither they first inclined to settle.  Many had
gone to that colony about the year 1709, [say 1711] and made settlements on
their own lands, which were invaded under various pretexts.  They took great
umbrage, and beat some of the persons who were disposed to dispossess them.
Some of their leading men were seized by the government.  The remainder in
disgust left the country, and proceeded to settle in Pennsylvania.  After
that, even those who arrived at New York would not be persuaded to tarry,
but all pushed on to Pennsylvania, where a better protection was granted to
their rights and privileges.  This mortified the New Yorkers, but they could
not remove the first unfavourable impressions.  As  many as twelve thousand
came to Philadelphia in 1749.
  This emigration from New York to Pennsylvania is further incidentally
explained by James Logan, in his MS. letters to the proprietaries.  In
writing to them in the year 1724, he manifests considerable disquietude at
the great numbers coming among them, so numerous that he apprehends the
Germans may even feel disposed to usurp the country for themselves.  He
speaks of the lands to the northward, (meaning Tulpehocken) as overrun by
the unruly Germans -- the same who, in the year 1711, arrived at New York at
the queen's expense, and were invited hither in 1722, (as a state policy) by
Sir William Keith when he was at Albany, for purposes of strengthening his
political influence by favouring them.
  In another letter of 1725, he calls them crowds of bold and indigent
strangers from Germany, many of whom had been soldiers.  All these go into
the best vacant tracts, and seized upon them as places of common spoil.  He
says they rarely approach him on their arrival to propose to purchase; and
when they are sought out and challenged for their rights of occupancy, they
allege it was published in Europe that we wanted and solicited for
colonists, and had a superabundance of land, and therefore they had come
without the means to pay.  The Germans in after time embroiled with the
Indians at Tulpehocken, threatening a serious affair.  [It was at
Tulpehocken, Conrad Weiser, a German, so often employed as Indian
interpreter, was settled and died --- say at present Womelsdorf, where he
had his farm]  In general, those who sat down without titles acquired enough
in a few years to buy them, and so generally they were left unmolested.
Logan speaks of one hundred thousand acres of land so possessed, and
including the Irish squatters also.
                "Bold master-spirits, where they touch'd they gain'd
                 Ascendence -- where they fix'd their foot, they reign'd !"
  The character of the Germans then known to him, he states, are many of
them a surly people -- divers of them Papists -- the men well armed, and as
a body, a warlike, morose race.  In 1727, he states that six thousand
Germans more are expected, and also many from Ireland; and these emigrations
he hopes may be prevented in future by act of parliament, else he fears
these colonies will, in time, be lost to the crown ! -- a future fact.
  In 1729, he speaks of being glad to observe the influx of strangers, as
likely to attract the interference of parliament, for truly, says he, they
have danger to apprehend for a country where not even a militia exists for
government support.  To arrest their arrival in some degree the Assembly
assessed a tax of 20 shillings a head on newly arrived servants.
  In another letter he says, the numbers from Germany at this rate will soon
produce a German colony here, and perhaps such a one as Britain once
received from Saxony in the fifth century.  He even states as among the
apprehended schemes of Sir William Keith, the former governor, that he,
Harland and Gould, have had sinister projects of forming an independent
province in the west, to the westward of the Germans, towards the Ohio --
probably west of the mountains and to be supplied by his friends among the
Palatine and Irish, among whom was his chief popularity at that time.
  In later time, say about the year 1750 to `55, the Germans having become
numerous, and therefore powerful as make weights in the political balance,
were much noticed in the publications of the day.  They were at that period
of time, in general, very hearty co-operators with the Friends, then in
considerable rule in the assembly.  A MS. pamphlet before me, supposed to
have been written by Samuel Wharton in 1755, shows his ideas of the passing
events, saying that the party on the side of Friends derived much of their
influence over the Germans through the aid of C. Sowers, who published a
German paper, in Germantown, from the time of 1739 and which, being much
read by that people, influenced them to the side of the Friends, and hostile
to the governor and council.  Through this man, says he, they have persuaded
them there was a design to enslave them; to enforce their young men [by a
contemplated militia law] to become soldiers, and to load them with taxes
&c.  From such causes, he adds, they came down in shoals to vote, and carry
all before them.  To this I may add, that I have heard from the Norris
family, that their ancestors in the assembly were warmly patronized by the
Germans, in union with Friends.  His alarms at this German influence at the
polls, and his proposed remedies for the then dreaded evils, as they show
the prevalent feelings of his associates in politics, may serve to amuse the
present generation.  He says the bad effects of these successes of the
Germans will probably be felt through many generations !  Instead of a
peaceable, industrious people as before, they are grown now insolent, sullen
and turbulent -- in some counties threatening even the lives of all those
who oppose their views, because they are taught to regard government and
slavery as one and the same thing.  All who are not of their party they call
"governor's men" and themselves they deem strong enough to make the country
their own !  Indeed, they come in, in such force, say upwards of five
thousand in the last year, I see not but they may soon be able to give us
law and language too, or else, by joining the French, eject all the English.
That this may be the case, is too much to be feared, for almost to a man
they refused to bear arms in the time of the late war, and they say it is
all one to them which king gets the country, as their estates will be
equally secure.  Indeed it is clear that the French have turned their hopes
upon this great body of Germans.  They hope to allure them by grants of Ohio
lands.  To this end they send their Jesuitical emissaries among them to
persuade them over to the Popish religion.*  In concert with this, the
French for so many years have encroached on our province, and now are so
near their scheme as to be within two days march of some of our back
settlements -- alluding of course to the state of the western wilds, overrun
by French and Indians just before the arrival of Braddock's forces in
Virginia, in 1755.  * It is true that the Jesuits at an early period founded
a missionary station at Lancaster; and in 1734, Governor Gordon, from the
fear of their being connected with French interests, brought the subject
before the council.  They also founded one at Cusshahoppen, near Summany town.
  The writer imputes their wrong bias in general to their "stubborn genius
and ignorance" which he proposes to soften by education -- a scheme still
suggested as necessary to give the general mass of the inland country
Germans right views of public and individual interests.  To this end, he
proposes that faithful Protestant ministers and schoolmasters should be
supported among them -- a scheme as we shall presently see, which actually
came to pass.  Their children should be taught the English tongue; the
government in the mean time should suspend the right of voting for members
of the assembly; and to incline them the sooner to become English in
education and feeling, we should compel them to make all bonds and other
legal writings in English; and no newspaper or almanac be circulated among
them unless also accompanied by the English thereof.
  Finally, the writer concludes that "without some such measure I see
nothing to prevent this province from falling into the hands of the French
!"  The paper, at length, may be seen in my MS. Annals in the Historical
Society of Pennsylvania, pages 198 to 202.  There may be consulted also, in
the City Library, several pamphlets, pro and con, concerning the Germans and
Quakers, printed in 1747-8 -- one is "Plain Truth" -- "An Answer to Plain
Truth" -- and in 1764 appears "The Plain Dealer" and "An Answer" to it &c.
  The same writer gives a passing notice of a society in England, of
noblemen and gentlemen, to raise funds for some English schools for the
Germans among us; and in 1755, Benjamin Franklin published a book, entitled
"A brief History of the charitable Scheme for instructing poor Germans in
Pennsylvania".  It is the same scheme alluded to in the Pennsylvania Gazette
of 1755, saying therein, that a great society is formed in Europe for the
raising of money for instructing the poor German children, and giving them
ministers &c.  It is patronized in Holland and England by the first nobility
and gentry, and some of our first citizens are made trustees of the charity
-- such as Hamilton, Allen, Franklin, Peters, &c.  The Rev. Mr. Schlatter is
made visiting and travelling inspector and agent, and the Rev. Dr. Smith,
our provost, was charged with the publication of a German newspaper.  The
states of Holland and West Friesland grant 2000 gilders per annum, for five
years.  Much is given in Amsterdam.  The general assembly of Scotland gave
£1200 sterling.  The king of England gave £1000 -- the Princess of Wales
£100 --- the proprietaries also agreed to give annually &c.  The style of
the whole forcibly reminds one of the popular missionary schemes of the
present day.  It is all done in the name of advancing the interests of the
Protestant religion -- giving pious education -- teaching them "to read
their Bible, to sing psalms, to write and cast accounts", and also "to
furnish pious instruction where they have no ministers".  The whole effect
of this formidable array, now that the effervescence has subsided, and the
means have been fully exerted, might tempt a looker-on to suggest 'cui bono' !
  It appears from the Minutes of Council of January 1730, that the first
settlers of Tulpehacka creek, were 33 families of Palatines, who came away
from New York, nigh Albany, in 1713, under the allurement of Sir William
Keith, the governor, headed by their chief, Conrad Weiser.  It appears that
they did not pay the government nor the Indians for their settlement.  In
1728, the Indian chief makes a claim for it of Gov. Hamilton.  The names of
the first families are given on page 89 of the Minutes.
  The emigration of the Palatines direct to Philadelphia, by sea, are
recorded as often as thirty times in one volume !
  Conrad Weiser was an early and respectable interpreter, who lived once at
the present Reading, and also at Tulephocken.  At Womelsdorf, a town in that
district, he lived and died.  It is situate between Reading and Harrisburg.
Himself and father were among the first settlers of Schoharie, New York;
they having gone out from Germany to New York in 1712, with other emigrants,
in a long six months' passage, under a proclamation of Queen Anne of 1709,
to take up land free, and no taxes.  When N. Bayard, the Queen's agent came
afterwards to enrol their names, to record their metes and bounds, they
became alarmed and offered resistance.  Strife and apprehension ensued, so
that, with some encouragement from Governor Keith of Pennsylvania, much of
the population, thirty-three families, set out for Tulpehocken in 1713, by
way of the Susquehanna river, and settled when there at Muehlback, or
Millbrook.  The facts are well known in the early history of Schoharie;
others of the same Germans settled on the German Flats, New York.
  There was, as early as 1732 to 1740, a very remarkable religious sect of
Germans formed at Ephrata, intended to live in a monastic life.  In time it
also included a separate sisterhood.  They formed a considerable town, and
grew in wealth by their industry and rise of value in lands.  At one time
they were many in number, but now have dwindled away.  They were undoubtedly
sincere and exemplary in their religious principles and actions.  Doctor
W.M. Fahnestock, of Harrisburg, who lately united himself to them, and has
probably become one of their preachers, has given a long and interesting
historical sketch of this people, in Hazard's Register of 1835.  They were
remarkable as a community in being fine Latinists -- writing and speaking
Latin as readily as their vernacular tongue.  Men of wealth in Philadelphia,
who sought good classical education for their sons, used to send them there;
and I have known some educated there who used to correspond with some of the
brotherhood in Latin.  But above all, they were peculiar for their superior
music and singing.  It was this last attraction which first allured young
Doctor Fahnestock to their meetings, and when his heart was touched, like
St. Augustin's he readily fell into sympathy with their religion -- a thing
in itself found needful, in some way, for all men who come to think
considerately.
  Their music was so peculiar as to deserve some special mention -- "not as
music for the ear, but as music for the soul".  One of their leaders,
Beissel, was a first-rate musician and composer. [See the Lancaster section
of the "Pennsylvania Inland" chapter earlier in this book.]
  These people, in general principles of religion, have come nearest to the
Tunkers, and have been called Seven-day Baptists.  In their early state they
wore the habits of the Capuchins, or white friars -- a long white gown and
cowl for the men, and a cowl for the women.  The men wore beards.  Their
inmates all assumed new names -- such as Onesimus, Friedsam, &c. -- after
the monastic fashion in Europe.  Their houses were all framed of wood, and
the sides were shingled and covered.  In 1740, the monks were 36 and the
sisters 35 in number.  The whole place is now nearly untenanted, only a few
aged sisters linger about the place of their ancient recollections.  Such of
the society as still continue in the original principles of the first faith
are settled at Snowhill, in Franklin county, where they have "married, and
bring up families" and still try to execute the former enchanting style of
singing and music.

Chapter 7.                    THE  IRISH

  The Irish emigrants did not begin to come into Pennsylvania until about
the year 1719.  Those who did come were generally from the north of Ireland.
Such as came out first generally settled at and near the disputed Maryland
line.  James Logan, writing of them to the proprietaries in 1724, says they
have generally taken up the southern lands [meaning in Lancaster county,
towards the Maryland line] and as they rarely approached him to propose to
purchase, he calls them bold and indigent strangers, saying, as their excuse
when challenged for titles, that we had solicited for colonists and they had
come accordingly.  They were however, understood to be a tolerated class,
exempt from rents by an ordinance of 1720 in consideration of their being a
frontier people, forming a kind of cordon of defence, if needful.  They were
soon called bad neighbours to the Indians, treating them disdainfully, and
finally were the same race who committed the outrage called the Paxton
massacre.  These general ideas of them are found in the Logan MS.
collection.  Some of the data is as follows :
  In 1725, James Logan states that there are as many as 100,000 acres of
land possessed by persons (including Germans) who resolutely set down and
improve it without any right to it, and he is much at a loss to determine
how to dispossess them.
  In 1729, he expresses himself glad to find the parliament is about to take
measures to prevent the too free emigration to this country.  In the mean
time the assembly had laid a restraining tax of twenty shillings a head for
every servant arriving; but even this was evaded in the case of the arrival
of a ship from Dublin, with 100 papists and convicts, by landing them at
Burlington.  It looks, says he, as if Ireland is to send all its inhabitants
hither, for last week not less than six ships arrived, and every day two or
three arrive also.  The common fear is, that if they thus continue to come
they will make themselves proprietors of the province.  It is strange, says
he, that they thus crowd where they are not wanted.  But few besides
convicts are imported thither*.  The Indians themselves are alarmed at the
swarms of strangers, and we are afraid of a breach between them, for the
Irish are very rough to them.  [*Augustus Gun, of Cork, advertised in the
Philadelphia paper, that he had power from the mayor of Cork, for many
years, to procure servants for America.]
  In 1730, he writes and complains of the Scotch-Irish, in an audacious and
disorderly manner possessing themselves about that time of the whole of
Conestoga manor of 15,000 acres, being the best land in the country.  In
doing this by force, they alleged that "it was against the laws of God and
nature, that so much land should be idle while so many Christians wanted it
to labour on, and to raise their bread" &c.  The Paxton boys were all great
sticklers for religion, and for Scripture quotations against "the heathen!"
They were however, dispossessed by the sheriff and his posse, and their
cabins, to the number of thirty were burnt.  This necessary violence was
perhaps remembered with indignation; for only twenty-five years afterwards,
the Paxton massacre began, by killing the Christian, unoffending Indians
found in Conestogoe.  Those Irish were generally settled in Donegal.
  In another letter he writes, saying, I must own, from my own experience in
the land office, that the settlement of five families from Ireland gives me
more trouble than fifty of any other people.  Before we were broken in upon,
ancient Friends and first settlers lived happily, but now the case is quite
altered, by strangers and debauched morals, &c.  All this seems like hard
measure dealt upon these specimens of "the land of generous natures" but we
may be excused for letting him speak out, who was himself from the "Emerald
isle" where he had of course seen a better race.
  His successor, Richard Peters, as secretary to the proprietaries, falls
into similar dissatisfaction with them; for in his letter to them of 1743,
he says he went to Marsh creek in Lancaster county, to warn off and
dispossess the squatters and to measure the manor land.  On that occasion,
the people there, to about the number of seventy, assembled and forbade them
to proceed, and on their persisting, they broke the chain and compelled them
to retire.  He had with him a sheriff and a magistrate.  They were
afterwards indicted -- became subdued, and made their engagements for
leases.  In most cases the leases were so easy that they were enabled to buy
the lands ere they expired.

Chapter 8.               NEGROES  AND  SLAVES

                 He find his fellow guilty --of a skin
                 Not colour'd like his own ! -- For such a cause
                 Dooms and devotes him as his lawful prey.

  In the olden time, dressy blacks and dandy coloured beaux and belles, as
we now see them issuing from their proper churches, were quite unknown.
Their aspirings and little vanities have been rapidly growing since they got
those separate churches, and have received their entire exemption from
slavery.  Once they submitted to the appellation of servants, blacks, or
negroes, but now they require to be called 'coloured people', and among
themselves, their common call of salutation is -- gentlemen and ladies.
Thirty to forty years ago, they were much humbler, more esteemed in their
place, and more useful to themselves and others.  As a whole they show an
overweening fondness for display and vainglory -- fondly imitating the
whites in processions and banners, and in the pomp and pageantry of Masonic
and Washington societies, &c.  With the kindest feelings for their race,
judicious men wish them wiser conduct, and a better use of the benevolent
feelings which induced their emancipation among us.
  We have happily been so long relieved from the curse of slavery, that it
is scarcely known to the younger part of the community how many features we
once possessed of a slave-owning colony.  The following facts in the case
will prove new to many :
  The first negro slaves ever imported into North America were brought in a
Dutch ship in 1620, and sold in Virginia.
  The state of slavery in Pennsylvania was always of a mild character, not
only from the favourable and mild feelings of the Friends in their behalf,
but from the common regard they found in families in general, where their
deportment was commendable.  Hector St. John, Esq., who wrote concerning the
state of slavery in Pennsylvania [Vide his Farmer's Letters] as it was just
before the period of the Revolution, says, "In Pennsylvania they enjoy as
much liberty as their masters -- are as well fed and as well clad; and in
sickness are tenderly taken care of -- for, living under the same roof, they
are in effect a part of the family.  Being the companions of their labours,
and treated as such, they do not work more than ourselves, and think
themselves happier than many of the lower class of whites.  A far happier
race among us, (he adds) than those poor suffering slaves of the south".
  The first efforts ever made in Pennsylvania towards the emancipation of
the blacks proceeded from the Society of Friends in Germantown, the most of
whom, at that period, were emigrants from Germany.  These, in the year 1699
under the auspices of F.D. Pastorius, moved a petition or remonstrance to
the yearly meeting of Friends, saying in effect, it was not Christian-like
to buy and keep negroes.  The meeting forbore then to give any positive
judgment in the case.  But inquiry was created.  Cotemporary with this
period, William Penn himself, whose light or reflections on the case were
not equally awakened, says in his letter of the 4th of 8mo. 1685, to his
steward, James Harrison at Pennsbury, "It were better they were blacks, for
then we might have them for life"  intimating thereby, that his intended
servants there were changed too often.
  In 1693, the separate meeting of Friends under George Keith, assembling at
the house of Philip James in Philadelphia, gave forth a paper declaring
their sense of the duty of emancipation -- "after some reasonable time of
service " -- Vide Gabriel Thomas.
  The large original proprietors of property in Philadelphia and
Pennsylvania called "the Free Society of Traders" of 1682, although as a
corporation they might be said, like others, "to be without souls" conceded
an article very favourable to emancipation, saying "If the society should
receive blacks for servants, they shall make them free at fourteen years'
end, upon condition that they will give unto the society's ware-house
two-thirds of what they are capable of producing on such a parcel of land as
shall be allowed to them by the society, with a stock of necessary tools".
Then comes a proviso of rather singular character, saying "And if they will
not accept of these terms they shall be servants till they will accept of it !"
  I have seen, among the earliest pamphlets extant of Philadelphia
publication, one from the Friends' meeting of Philadelphia, of the 13th of
8mo. 1683, giving "exhortation and caution to Friends concerning buying and
keeping negroes".  The sum of the counsel was, that none should attempt "to
buy except to set free".  This little address contained many of the
arguments now usually set forth against slavery.
  In 1696, the Yearly Meeting of Friends having concerted some measures to
discourage the bringing in of more slaves, and to preserve the morals of
those they had, the subject was renewed in the year 1700 on the arrival of
William Penn, in consideration of his pressing upon the Philadelphia meeting
his wishes concerning the same.  Their sense of the subject was expressed as
follows, to wit :  "Our dear friend and governor, having laid before this
meeting a concern that hath laid upon his mind for some time concerning the
negroes and Indians, that Friends ought to be very careful in discharging a
good conscience towards them in all respects, but more especially for the
good of their souls; upon consideration whereof, this meeting concludes to
appoint a meeting for negroes to be kept once a month, &c."
  At the same time, he introduced a bill into the assembly "for regulating
negroes in their morals and marriages" -- also another "for their trials and
punishments".  The former was defeated by the jealousies then in the house.
>From the same causes an act of more security was substituted in 1705 against
the negroes, entitled "An Act for the Trial and Punishment of Negroes".  It
inflicted lashes for petty offences, and death for crimes of magnitude.
They were not allowed to carry a gun without license, or to be whipped if
they did twenty-one lashes -- nor to meet above four together lest they
might form cabals and riots.  They were to be whipped if found abroad after
nine o'clock at night without a pass &c.  At and before 1705, it had been in
practice to bring Indians as slaves from the Carolinas, to the offence of
the Pennsylvania Indians.  This was prevented by an act.
  In 1715, Mr. Isaac Norris, in one of his letters, speaks thus concerning a
question in meeting respecting slaves :  "Our meeting was large and
comfortable, and our business would have been very well were it not for the
warm pushing by some Friends of Chester chiefly in the business of negroes.
The aim was to obtain a minute that none should buy them for the future.
This was opposed as of dangerous consequence to the peace of the church, for
since they could not tell how to dispose of those we have, and that many
members must still possess them, and then it might fall to their lot in duty
to deal with future offenders, which as it could not in itself be equitable,
such must do it with an ill grace, and at best it would be a foundation for
prejudice and evil speaking one of another, so that it was got over".  The
liberating genius of Benezet has since cast better lights upon this subject,
perplexed as they then deemed it.
  The early efforts made to repress slavery were reiterated and numerous in
our provincial assembly.  As early as the year 1705, a duty was imposed on
their importation; this was renewed in 1710.  In 1711, they struck at the
root of the evil by forbidding their introduction in future; but the privy
council in England scandalized by such liberal policy in so new and so
diminutive a community, whilst their policy was to cherish slavery in so
many other colonies, quashed this act in an instant.  The assembly, not
daunted by such a repulse, again in 1712, upon petition, "signed by many
hands", aimed at the same effect by assessing the large sum of £20 a head.
This was again cancelled by the same Transatlantic policy.  When the
petition for the £20 duty was presented, another was offered in the name of
William Southeby, praying "for the total abolition of slavery in Pennsylvania !"
  Thus early were the minds of our forefathers awake to this manifest
infraction of human rights, and having their consciences and feelings
enlisted in the cause, though often thwarted in their purposes, they still
continued to renew their efforts so that more than one dozen of acts may be
counted upon our statute books, tending directly or indirectly to repress or
abolish slavery prior to our revolution.  Finally, the memorable act of
1780, when we had "set up for ourselves" for ever released us from the
thralldom of "sinews bought and sold !"
  A letter of 4 mo. 1715, from Jonathan Dickinson, a merchant of
Philadelphia and a Friend, to his correspondent in Jamaica, says "I must
entreat you to send me no more negroes for sale, for our people don't care
to buy.  They are generally against any coming into the country.  Few people
care to buy them, except for those who live in other provinces." -- Vide the
Logan MSS.
  Some benevolent individual, as early as the year 1722, advertised in the
Mercury Gazette of Philadelphia, that "a person, lately arrived, freely
offers his services to teach his poor brethern, the male negroes, to read
the Holy Scriptures without any charge".
  The celebrated Whitfield embraced the benevolent scheme of ameliorating
the condition of the blacks he saw in our colonies.  In 1739 he published
his letter to the southern planters, against the practice of slavery, and in
favour of the blacks; at the same time he takes up 5000 acres on the forks
of Delaware, (the same sold to Count Zinzendorf for Bethlehem) in order to
erect a negro school &c.  His choice of Pennsylvania for his negro colony
and settlement, showed thus early his favourable opinion of the good
feelings to that race in Pennsylvania.
  At the same time we may perceive that, as a slave-holding colony, the
odious features of slavery were necessarily to be seen among us -- such as
the public buying and selling -- their arrival and landing from ships, &c.
I give the following facts in illustration of things as they were once among
us, to wit :
  Year 1736 -- William Allen and Joseph Turner, merchants, advertise for
sale some likely negroes from Barbadoes; another about the same time
advertises for sale a likely breeding negro woman and her boy of two years
old.
  Year 1762 -- Messrs. Willing and Morris advertise for sale one hundred and
seventy negroes just arrived from the Gold Coast.
  It was the common incident of the day to vend blacks of both sexes at
public sale, at the old London Coffee-house,  setting up the subject upon
the head of a cask, for display to the purchasers around.
  After better views and feelings had long prevailed, old recollections were
strongly revived in an incident which occurred in the year 1800.  The Ganges
sloop of war captured two vessels engaged in slavery, and brought them into
our Delaware -- one had one hundred and eighteen, and the other sixteen
slaves.  In encamping these at the Lazaretto for the benefit of free air and
health, a husband and wife, separated in the ships, never expecting to meet
again, recognized each other.  Their mutual recognition was passionately
fond and affecting.  The sudden surprise and joy was too powerful for the
wife, and she became a premature mother.  But, through the well directed
kindness of the Abolition Society, she was restored to health and freedom.
  Before the revolution it was a common incident in Philadelphia to send
family servants to the jail to get their dozen lashes, for acts of
insubordination.  This was done at the pleasure of the master, and was
usually executed on receiving a written message from the owners.  An old
gentleman told me of a case which he witnessed : -- A master sent his
servant "Hodge's Cato" with his letter wherein he requested to have him well
whipped.  The black was shrewd, suspected it conveyed some ill to him, and
fell upon a device to shun it.  He stretched himself on the stall at the
market house near the prison, affecting to have been seized with violent
cramps and pains in the bowels.  When he had succeeded to excite the pity of
some bystanders, he begged a black fellow near him to hurry away and deliver
his letter, as it was a matter requiring haste.  The appeal answered the
purpose fully; for, malgre all his remonstrances, he received all the lashes
bespoke for "the bearer !"  {Note -- malgre = despite}
  When slaves were purchased in early times with intention to be taken to
other colonies, there was seen, even in Philadelphia, the odious spectacle
of "the drove" tied two and two, passing through the city towards the
country.  Several of the aged have told me of witnessing such things even in
the gentle city of Penn !
  Many can still remember when the slaves were allowed the last days of the
fairs for their jubilee, which they employed ("light hearted wretch !") in
dancing the whole afternoon in the present Washington square, then a general
burying ground -- the blacks joyful above, while the sleeping dead reposed
below !  In that field could be seen at once more than one thousand of both
sexes, divided into numerous little squads, dancing, and singing "each in
their own tongue" after the customs of their several nations in Africa.
  Finally, a discerning lady, who has witnessed "the former years" and has
seen the comparative happiness of the blacks -- has felt, too, her strong
affections and domestic relations to her family servants -- thus speaks of
her sense of the change produced in family comforts !  "In the olden time
domestic comforts were not every day interrupted by the pride and profligacy
of servants.  The slaves of Philadelphia were a happier class of people than
the free blacks of the present day generally are, who taint the very air by
their vices, and exhibit every sort of wretchedness and profligacy in their
dwellings.  The former felt themselves to be an integral part of the family
to which they belonged.  They experienced in all respects the same
consideration and kindness as white servants, and they were faithful and
contented".  The truth is, in numerous cases where they were freed, they
preferred to remain and receive their wages till their deaths.
  Kalm, the Swedish traveller, speaks of the then only free negroes in
Philadelphia in 1748, as having been manumitted by a Quaker master --
probably referring to Ralph Sandiford, who freed all of his in the year
1733, and probably presenting to us the first instance of the kind known in
our annals.
  There is an ancient charity for the blacks of Philadelphia, founded as
early as the year 1696, and yet, although in actual operation is as much
unknown to the mass of our citizens as if it were in Africa !  It
originated with the Rev. Dr. Bray, American missionary, the Bishop of
London, and Mr. D'Alone, secretary to King William.  Its primary object was
"the conversion of adult negroes, and the education of their children" in
the British plantations.  Its operation with our Philadelphia blacks began
about the year 1760.  And in 1774, the ground rents of a large lot in our
city was set apart for the payment of the expenses of two schools for
blacks, one for each sex, to be educated gratuitously.  "The associates" in
England are perpetual; and from their appointments, three of our citizens,
church men, constantly serve the schools as directors and governors.  Those
lately in service were William Meredith, Thomas Hale, and James S. Smith,
esquires.  Such a charity, supported by foreigners, deserves to be better
known, and especially by those blacks who may become its beneficiaries.

Chapter 9.                  REDEMPTION  SERVANTS

  Numerous persons used to arrive every year from Germany and Ireland, who
engaged themselves for a term of years to pay their passages.  Some of them
turned out frugal and industrious and became in time a part of our wealthy
citizens.  In some few cases they appear to have been convicts from Ireland.
In one case the servant was found to be a lord, and returned home to inherit
his estate.  The general facts are to the following effect, to wit :
  In 1722, the Palatine servants were disposed of at £10 each, for five
years of servitude.  About this time a MS. letter of Jonathan Dickinson says
"Many who have come over under covenants for four years are now masters of
great estates".
  1728 -- An advertisement reads, "Lately imported, and to be sold cheap, a
parcel of likely men and women servants".  These were probably servants from
Europe.
  1729 -- In New Castle government there arrived last year, says the
Gazette, forty-five hundred persons, chiefly from Ireland; and at
Philadelphia, in one year, two hundred and sixty-seven English and Welsh,
forty-three Scotch -- all servants; also, eleven hundred and fifty-five
Irish, and two hundred and forty-three Palatines, of whom none were servants.
  In 1737, an article appears in the Pennsylvania Gazette to the following
effect, to wit : "An errant cheat, detected at Annapolis !  A vessel arrived
there, bringing sixty-six indentures, signed by the mayor of Dublin, and
twenty-two wigs, of such a make as if they were intended for no other use
than to set out the convicts when they should go ashore."  Thus these
convicts were attempted, under fraudulent papers and decent wigs, to be put
off as decent servants, and especially when surmounted with wigs !  Same
time is advertised  "for sale, a parcel of English servants from Bristol".
  In 1741, public information is given to merchants and captains that
Augustus Gun, of Cork, bellman, has power from the mayor there, to procure
servants for America for this many years past.
  Such an advertisement in a Philadelphia paper, was of course an intimation
that the mayor of Cork was willing to get off sundry culprits to the colonies.
  In 1750, some of our good citizens take alarm at the idea of having
criminals, "unwhipped of justice" imposed upon them.  They thought the
offenses of such, when among us, swelled our criminal list.  One writes upon
the subject and says "When we see our papers filled so often with accounts
of the most audacious robberies, the most cruel murders, and other
villanies, perpetrated by convicts from Europe, what will become of our
posterity !  In what could Britain injure us more than emptying her jails on
us ?  What must we think of those merchants, who, for the sake of a little
petty gain, will be concerned in importing and disposing of these abominable
cargoes".  From the tenor of the preceding article it is probable they got
premiums in some cases for taking off such unwelcome guests.  In some cases
the severity of British laws pushed off young men, of good abilities, for
very small offences, who made very capable clerks, storekeepers &c., among
us.  I have knowledge of two or three among us even within my memory, who
rose to riches and credit here, and have left fine families.  One great man,
before my time, had been sold in Maryland, as an offender in Ireland.  While
serving his master as a common servant, he showed much ability unexpectedly,
in managing for him an important lawsuit, for which he instantly gave him
free.  He then came to Philadelphia, and amassed a great fortune in landed
estate, now of great value among his heirs.
  When Kalm was here, in 1748, he speaks of wages of hired people as from 16
to £20 currency.  A servant woman got from 8 to £10 a year, and laid up
money.  About the same rate of wages continued down to the period of the
revolution.  At such wages families were better served than now, and most of
them were accustomed to remain in the same families for years.
  The case of Lord Altham, who came to this country in 1728 when a lad, and
served out his servitude as James Annesley, with a farmer on the Lancaster
road, forms in itself a curious and interesting recital.  The circumstances
has furnished the groundwork for Roderick Random and for the popular novel
of Florence M'Cartey.  The facts are as follows, to wit :
  The facts concerning this singular case are taken from the evidence given
on the trial, and may be depended on as authentic.  Arthur Annesley (Lord
Altham) married Mary Sheffield, natural daughter of the Earl of Buckingham.
By her, in the year 1715, he had a son, James, the subject of this memoir.
In the next year the parents had some differences, which terminated in a
separation.  The father, contrary to the wish of the mother, took exclusive
possession of his son James, and manifested much fondness for him, until the
year 1722, when he formed some intimacy with Miss Gregory; and about the
same time his wife died.  Miss G. expecting now to become his wife, exerted
herself greatly to alienate his affections from his son, by insinuating that
he was not his proper child.  She succeeded to get him placed from home, at
a school in Dublin.  In November 1727, Lord Altham died; and his brother
Richard, wishing to possess the estate and title, took measures to get rid
of his nephew James, by having him enticed on board an American vessel,
which sailed from Dublin in April 1728.  He was landed at Philadelphia, then
in his thirteenth year, sold as a redemptioner !  and actually served out
twelve years in rough labour, until a seeming accident, in the year 1740,
brought him to such acquaintance, as led, in the next year, to his return
home.  The case was this :  two Irishmen, John and William Broders,
travelling the Lancaster road in the year 1740, stopped at the house near
the forty milestone where James was in service with an old German.  These
countrymen entering into conversation, perceived they were severally from
Dumaine in the county of Wexford, and that James Annesley was the son of
Arthur.  The two Broder volunteered to go back to Ireland, and testify to
the discovery they had made, and actually kept their word at the trial which
afterwards occurred.  James subsequently stated his case to Robert Ellis,
Esq., of Philadelphia, who, compassionating his case, procured a passage for
him to Admiral Vernon, then in the West Indies, by whom he was afterwards
landed in England.  But shortly after his arrival at London, James
unfortunately killed a man, for which he had to stand a trial; and then Lord
Altham, the unnatural uncle, exerted himself to have him convicted, but he
was nevertheless acquitted as innocent.  An action was brought against the
uncle, and went to trial in November 1743, and the verdict was given in
favour of James, our redemptioner.  The uncle appealed to the house of
lords; and while the case was pending James died, leaving the uncle in quiet
possession of his ill-gotten estate, showing, however, while he lived, which
was not long, the spectacle of a finished villain, even in an Irish
nobleman.  This Annesley family, is the same by whom the celebrated John
Wesley descended by the mother's side.

Chapter 10.              THE  STAMP  ACT  RESISTED

              "Society, grown weary of the load,
               Shakes her encumber'd lap -- and casts them out."

  The measures of the Stamp Act in England, and the oppositions and
counteractions which ensued in this country, were all so many causes
combining to sever those ties of union, before existing between the parent
and the offspring, and leading the latter to self-government and independence.
  Many who then fell into measures of resistance had little or no conception
of the termination to which it led -- whilst others, as by an eye of
prescience, seemed to penetrate all the hidden mysteries of the future.
Such a mind as the Abbe Raynal's, before the revolution commenced, fairly
wrote out our destiny, calling "the American provinces the asylum of
freedom, the cradle of future nations, and the refuge of distressed Europeans !"
  In November 1765, the Stamp Act was to have taken effect at Philadelphia.
John Hughes, a tradesman of Philadelphia, a friend of Dr. Franklin's who
procured him the appointment, and a member of the assembly, was made the
stamp-master.  He affected to decline the office, but was not deemed
sincere.  Wherefore, when his commission arrived (some blamed Franklin for
it) all the bells were muffled, the colours hoisted half-mast, and great
appearances of mobbing occurred.  Hughes' house was guarded and armed by his
friends, &c.  In the mean time the late Thomas Bradford, from the "committee
of safety" (a self-created society) with his posse, waited on the
stamp-master and compelled him to a voluntary resignation; that is, he had
to say it was such.  [A long letter of his, opposing the views of his
constrainers, to the commissioners of stamps in England, may be seen, with
other proceedings in the case, in the Register of Pennsylvania -- vol. ii,
p.244.
  A newspaper of Bradford's printed the day before the act was to take
effect, was put all in mourning devices -- having a death's head and X
bones, for stamp a coffin, and "Liberty at an end !"
  At the same time all the storekeepers in Philadelphia resolved to import
no British goods, &c.  William Smith opens a store for the sale of
commission domestic goods, where all the patriots are invited to make
purchases.  The community agree to eat no lamb meat, so that the wool might
be the sooner increased for home-made fabrics.  Among other resolves to live
in a more frugal manner suitable to the self-denying times, they determine
to restrain the usual expenses of funerals, formerly conducted with a
censurable "pomp of woe".  In the new mode, B. Price, Esq., was buried in an
oaken coffin and iron handles, and Alderman Plumstead without pall or
mourning dresses.
  In the mean time, feelings of resistance were cherished by some so far as
to exhibit emblems and devices diminishing the former regard to the parent
country.  A paper was sold about the streets called "The Folly of England
and Ruin of America".  In fine, the measures of resistance were so prompt,
energetic and widely diffused through the colonies, that every motive of
prudence urged the mother country to an equally prompt repeal.  In the mean
time she had granted time and occasion for organizing many civic
associations, called "Sons of Liberty" &c., who thus learned, without any
mishap, the hardihood and practice necessary to conduct future social and
civic combinations when needful; in fact, they never fully subsided; and in
the end they revived at the period of the revolution with redoubled vigour
and skill.
  When the news of "Stamp Act repealed" arrived in 1766, the gentlemen at
the coffee-house sent a deputation to Captain Wise, by whose brig the news
came, to invite him up to drink punch, and at the same time to give his
whole crew presents.  All was joy and hilarity.  At the Coffee-house the
punch was made common, and a gold laced hat was presented to the captain as
a token of their gratitude.  The same night every street in the city was
illuminated.  A large quantity of wood was given for bonfires, and many
barrels of beer to the populace.  Next day the governor and mayoralty gave a
great feast for 300 persons, at the State-house gallery.  At the same place
it was unanimously resolved to dress themselves at the approaching birth-day
in new suits of English manufacture, and to give their homespun and
patriotic garments to the poor !
  In June 1766, being the king's birthday, and in homour of the repeal, a
great number of the inhabitants of the Northern Liberties and Southwark met
on the banks of the Schuylkill, then a place of arborescent shade, where 430
persons were dined in a grove.  The Franklin barge, of 40 feet, and the
White Oak barge, of 50 feet, both decorated with many flags, were then used
with much parade.  One was rowed up the Schuylkill, firing her salutes; and
the other was drawn through the streets of the city, also firing her salutes
'en passant'.  Fireworks were exhibited at night.  The whole scene was a
joyous occasion, and the crowds were great.  They rejoiced as well for the
supposed concession as for their personal and national interests.
  Dr. Franklin, who was afraid his countrymen would show too much exultation
and triumph, writes in his letter of the 27th of February 1766, to Charles
Thomson, saying, "I trust the behaviour of the Americans on this occasion
will be so prudent and grateful as that their friends here (in London) will
have no reason to be ashamed; and that our enemies, who predict that the
indulgence will only make us more insolent and ungovernable, may find
themselves false prophets".
  The proprietary, Penn, in his letter to Secretary Peters, says, "It was
given as the softest medicine to the wound.  Our friends give it as matter
of great favour.  Don't exult as at a great victory; but send grateful
thanks, etc. -- else our opposing prophets here will verify their assertion
that the repeal will cause further disobedience".
  Another letter of B. Franklin's to Charles Thomson, of the 11th of July
1765 says, "I did all I could to oppose the act, but the tide was too
strong.  The nation was provoked by American claims of independence, and all
parties joined in resolving by this act to settle the point" &c.  The sequel
proved how fatal was the experiment; while it helped them to feel our pulse,
it also eventuated in the final dismission of the royal rulers.
  The British authorities then in this country affected to neutralize the
apparent exultation and triumphs at the repeal, by joining their names and
persons in the displays and rejoicings.  Thus the governor joined the
feastings in Philadelphia; and at New York, the mansion of General Gage, in
Broad street, was gorgeously illuminated with the royal arms and "Stamp Act
repealed", &c.

Chapter 11.        BRITISH  DUTIES  AND  TEA  ACT  RESISTED

                    "Touch'd by the Midas finger of the state,
                      Seeks gold for ministers to sport away."

  The feelings which had been excited by the Stamp Act were again much
revived, in what were deemed encroachments of the British government, in
their renewed attempts in 1768, to impose duties on glass, paper, &c.
  In September 1768, the traders of Philadelphia, in concert with those of
New York and Boston, resolved to import none of the usual goods from
England, until the Act laying those duties was repealed.
  In July, 1769, a load of malt arrived to Amos Strettell, whereupon all the
brewers and traders held a meeting at the Statehouse, and there resolved
unanimously that they will not purchase nor consume the same.
  The papers of the year 1770, are frequent in their resolutions and appeals
to the people, to adhere to the "non-importation agreement" to be persisted
in until they effect a change of measures at home.  The spirit is very
general, and effigies are made and burnt of any dissenters of note.  The
spirit of liberty, under the name of "Sons of Liberty" is in full
effervescence among some.  Even as the opposition of the church of Rome to
the reformation, then, only served to strike out new light, and to elicit
more system in resistance -- so in politics with us; the more we made
inquiries into British misrule, the more and more we discovered the benefits
of separate interests and the rights of enfranchisement.
  In the year 1770, the inhabitants of New York, altered for a season in
their politics by a new extraordinary electioneering influence, swerved from
their "non-importation agreement", - the only colony in the union which did
it -- in consequence of which the patriots of Philadelphia meet and resolve
to make no purchases of any thing from New York -- calling them at the same
time, "a faction unfriendly to redress of grievances".
  All the goods which came out to Philadelphia on commissions were all
rejected and had to go back, and especially those which were sent to Boston.
  The desire to encourage fabrics gave rise, in 1771, to the erection of a
flint glass manufactory near Lancaster, by which they hoped to save
£15,000.*  At the same time, a piece of the finest broadcloth "ever made in
America" was publicly exhibited at the Coffee-house, from the then first and
only loom existing in the colonies.  [*This long row of wooden houses
afterwards became famous as a sailor's brothel and riot-house on a large
scale.  The former frail were proved an abortive scheme.]
  In December 1773, the tea ships, "with the detested tea" arrived in our
river as far as Gloucester Point, where they were arrested from coming
nearer to the city by a committee from the general town meeting of probably
eight thousand people, assembled at the State-house yard.  They allowed the
captain of the "Polly" to come to town, that he might see the prevalent
spirit of opposition, by which he might determine whether to take the chance
of remaining, or of wisely directing his voyage homeward.  He chose the
latter.  In the mean time, the committee procured the resignations of all
the consignee who had the charge to sell them.
  The conclusion of the measure was, "that they had closed the important
affair by a glorious exertion of virtue and spirit -- by which the intended
tax has been effectually broken, and the foundations of American liberty
(for so they then talked) more deeply laid than ever !"
  Finally in July 1774, the assembly of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia,
resolved, that in consequence of the long subsisting differences with Great
Britain, that it is absolutely necessary to call a congress, which
accordingly met at Philadelphia in September following, and held their
session in the Carpenters' hall.  A congress peculiarly fitted for the
juncture.  A body of greater men never adorned our annals -- of whom Lord
Chatham said to Franklin, they were "the most honourable assembly of men
ever known !"  Their measures, and our subsequent struggles and freedom
under their guidance, "Deo juvante", are on the imperishable pages of our
history, and in the hearts and remembrance of every instructed American!
  A brig called the Grayhound, commanded by Captain Allen, went for Salem
New Jersey, with a load of tea, and landed it at Greenwich, the 22d November
1774, (one year after the Boston destruction) but young Ebenezer Elmer
(afterwards member of congress) and others, destroyed it all by fire.
Actions were afterwards brought for the recovery of its value, but failed.
The whigs had half a dozen of the most eminent lawyers to favour their
escape.  Some were from Philadelphia.

Chapter 12.         THE  GOVERNORS  OF  COLONIAL  DAYS

  The Modern Universal History, in speaking of our colonies in the times of
1731 says, "A government in any of our colonies was scarcely looked upon in
any other light than that of an hospital, where the favourites of the
ministry might be till they recovered their broken fortunes; and oftentimes
they served as asylums from their creditors".
  Secretary Peters in 1756, says "the governors used to get £10,000 currency
a year, and the perquisites, usually £10,000".
  The following present such notices of our governors as I have occasionally
met, to wit :
  In 1707, I saw some reference to facts which went to show that Governor
Evans, who was accused of some levities, was then reproached by his enemies
with lewdness with young Susan H----.  It might have been mere scandal.  The
Indians at Conestoga complained of him, when there, as misbehaving himself
to their women.  He afterwards married John Moore's beautiful and estimable
daughter, with whom he lived awhile at housekeeping at the Fairman house at
the Treaty-tree.  He was but twenty-one years of age, when first appointed
governor.  He moved back to England, where he lived a long life.
  Colonel Gookin, the governor, disappointed Penn and his friends in
consequence of his conduct during a considerable part of his administration.
He was much under the influence of his brother-in-law, Birmingham.  At one
time, says the council, he removed all the justices of New Castle county for
doing their duty in an action against said Birmingham -- thus leaving the
county without a single magistrate for six weeks !  At another time, when
the judges of the supreme court at New Castle would not admit a certain
commission of his to be published in court, he sent for one of the judges
and kicked him.  In truth, his best apology seems to have been that he was
certainly partially deranged.  In fact, he afterwards (in 1717) made his
apology to the council for several of his acts, saying his physician knew
that he had a weakness in his head; wherefore J. Logan remarked to Hannah
Penn, "Be pleased then to consider how fit he was for the commission he so
long wore !"
  1734 -- Nov. -- The mayor exhibited an account, amounting to £9 18s. 6d.,
he had paid to John Newbury, for the entertainment of Colonel Montgomery,
late governor of New York -- ordered paid.
  1736 -- On the death of Governor Gordon, James Logan became president of
the council and ex-officio governor for the province until the arrival of
Governor Thomas, in 1748.  Do any know where Governor Gordon was interred ?
  When Sir William Keith, in 1738, published his history of the colony of
Virginia, and proposed to continue the other colonies, he probably so
purposed to live as an author; but as he proceeded no further, and died at
London in 1749 in poor circumstances, it is inferred he did not write our
history from want of encouragement.
  It may be very little known that he, who moved with so much excitement and
cabal as our governor to the year 1726, should at last fall into such
neglect as to leave his widow among us unnoticed and almost forgotten !  She
lived and died in a small wooden house in Third street, between High street
and Mulberry street -- there, much pinched for subsistence, she eked out her
existence with an old female; and declining all intercourse with society, or
with her neighbours.  The house itself was burnt in 1786.
  Sir William's chief error of administration is said to have been that he
early took his measures to favour the elder branch of the Penn family,
(already sufficiently provided for in the Irish estate) to the prejudice of
the younger branch, who rapidly acquired riches and influence to remove and
to injure him.
  1746 -- Governor Thomas orders a day of public thanksgiving, because of
the news of the pretender's defeat at the battle of Culloden.  There were
great rejoicings in Philadelphia -- all refrained from labour and went
generally to the churches.  The governor himself gave a dinner to two
hundred persons.
  1752 -- Governor Hamilton celebrates the king's birth-day by giving a
great entertainment at his country-seat at Bush hill, and at each loyal
toast it was announced by the Association battery at Wiccacoa !  In the
evening there was a grand ball, surpassing all former ones in brilliancy at
the State-house, and his honour gave a supper there in the long gallery.
  In 1754, Governor R.H. Morris celebrates the king's birth-day, by giving
an entertainment at noon at his house in the city, and in the evening there
was a great ball at the State-house, where one hundred ladies were present,
and a much greater number of gentlemen.  An elegant supper was given there
in the long gallery.
  In 1755, Governor R.H. Morris falls into perpetual strife with the
assembly.  Their correspondence is singular.  They say "his offer was a mere
idle illusion, intended first to impose on the assembly and then on the
people, also to figure at home in the eyes of the ministry; and the governor
is offended that we have not kept his secret".  The retort reads thus :
"Your very tedious message is of such an inflammatory nature, that did not
the duties of my station, and justice to the people, require me to take some
notice, I should deem it beneath my notice as a gentleman".  Their high
altercations were chiefly about the means for raising a defence against the
Indians.  The frontier inhabitants, thinking these controversies might
impede their supplies, came to Philadelphia and surrounded the assembly
room, requiring immediate support.  This was all in the time of Braddock's
defeat.  It seems, on the whole, that the legislature acted with the sense
of the people, for the members were re-elected, and Governor Morris was soon
superseded by Governor Denny.
  In 1756, Governor William Denny arrives, being escorted from Trenton, and
when near the city, by Colonel Benjamin Franklin's and Colonel Jacob Duche's
regiments.  The mayor and corporation give him a dinner at the lodge room,
in Lodge alley -- cost £100 13s. 6d.; and the assembly gave him their dinner
also at the State-house, at which were present the civil and military
officers and clergy of the city.  He took up his residence at the house
called the Governor's house, in south Second street, below the present
Custom-house.  All this looked well and as if something cordial might have
ensued; but ere Governor Denny had fulfilled his year, he thus addresses his
entertainers, saying "Though moderation is most agreeable to me, there might
have been a governor who would have told you the whole tenor of your message
was indecent, frivolous and evasive".  The assemblies always offended by
endeavoring to spare the purses of the people, and the governors always get
provoked because they cannot lavish supplies to the king's service.
  Governor Denny's message of September 1757, contains these rude remarks --
"If detraction and personal abuse of your governor &c. -- but I have been so
accustomed to this kind of treatment, &c.  I have the less reason to regret
such usage, since it is obvious from your conduct to those before me, you
are not so much displeased with the person governing, as impatient of being
governed at all !"  The ground of offence arose from his continually asking
supplies !  supplies !  It is really offensive to see what levies are
perpetually put upon the province to help them out of squabbles generated by
the courts in Europe &c. -- £50,000 for this, and £60,000 for that, and
£100,000 for another.  Supplies follow in such rapid succession as to have
made the people feel the burthens very sensibly, and if there had not been
very considerable of loyalty, it would not have been borne.  In all these
difficulties "Isaac Norris, speaker" gives his name to bear all the brunt of
the conflict !
  1759 -- Nov, -- Governor James Hamilton arrives from abroad, and
supersedes Governor Denny.  He had been before governor, and was a native of
Pennsylvania, and was resident of Bush hill.  Every body is pleased with his
appointment.  A dinner is given to him at the lodge.  Denny's which had
lasted but three years, had had no effect but to vex the people.
  In 1763, John and Richard Penn having arrived, the former as governor, in
the succeeding year gets into squabbles as usual with the assembly.  The
assembly among other things resolve, "That as all hope of any degree of
happiness under the proprietary government is now at an end, this house will
adjourn to consult their constituents, whether or not to petition his
majesty to buy out the Penn's right, and take them under his immediate
government !"  They soon, however, got better reconciled, and Penn made a
very good governor.  It may be seen from a letter of Thomas Penn of 1767,
that he calls this scheme for forcing him to sell out, a measure of B.
Franklin's, to which he shall not accede.
  In 1768, Colonel Morris from New York and his lady, the Duchess of Gordon
[a very homely woman] made a visit to Philadelphia, with several military
gentlemen, and among them General Gage; they leave Philadelphia after a few
days.  Colonel Morris was governor of New York, and was very popular there
-- he soon after died, and was buried there.
  In 1771, John Penn, the governor, returns to England this year, because of
the death of his father, Richard.  James Hamilton, as president of council,
takes his place until he is succeeded by Richard Penn, who arrives in the
same year.  The administration of John Penn, while he stayed for eight
years, was on the whole very acceptable.
  In 1772, Richard Penn, the newly arrived governor, married Miss Polly
Masters, of Philadelphia, and in 1773, he goes back to England to give place
to his brother, John Penn, who after visiting England for the purpose of
settling the concerns of his father, lately deceased, came again to
Philadelphia in the year 1773, and again assumes the government of the province.
  The aged Robert Venables, who died in 1834, aged ninety-eight years,
speaking of the residences of sundry governors, told me the first he knew
was Governor Thomas, who lived where is now the Arcade &c.  Governor James
Hamilton dwelt when first governor at the State-house on Second street;
when, second time governor, (after Denny) he lived at "the Governor's house"
in Second street, where is since Waln's row, below the Custom-house.  There
dwelt Governor Hunter Morris, and Governor Denny.  Governor John Penn, he
said, lived and died at "Stamper's row" in Pine street, between Second and
Third streets.  His funeral there was very great, "making quite a crowd".
Said when he landed, at three o'clock on Sunday, at Chestnut street wharf,
there was a great earthquake.  He (Robert) was a lad at Christ church.  It
made much fright there, and he was afraid to run down the stairs from the
gallery, "they shook so !"

  The following is a List of Governors as they served in succession from the
origin of the province, to wit :

1682  Oct.   William Penn, proprietor, acted as governor till
1684  Aug.   Thomas Lloyd, Esq., president of council till
1688  Dec.   Captain John Blackwell, deputy governor till
1690  Feb.   President and council
1693  Apr. 26  Benjamin Fletcher, governor
------  June 3d  William Markham, Esq., deputy governor
1699  Dec 3d.  William Penn acted again as governor
1701  Nov 1st  Andrew Hamilton, Esq., deputy governor [a Scotsman]
1703  Feb   President of council, Edward Shippen, till
1704  Feb   John Evans, deputy governor till
1709  Feb   Charles Gookin, deputy governor till
1717  Mar   Sir William Keith, Bart., deputy governor till
1726  June  Patrick Gordon, deputy governor till
1736  June  James Logan, president of council till
1738  June  George Thomas, deputy governor till
1747  June  Anthony Palmer, president of council till
1748  June  James Hamilton, deputy governor till June  [an American]
1754  Oct   Robert Hunter Morris, deputy governor till
1756  Aug 19th   William Denny, deputy governor till
1759  Nov  17th  James Hamilton, till
1763  Oct  31st  John Penn, son of Richard, till
1771  May 6th    James Hamilton, president of council till
1771  Oct 16th   Richard Penn succeeded.
1773  Aug   John Penn --- a second time governor till
1776  Sept
1777  Mar  Thomas Wharton, jr. President of the Supreme Executive Council
1778  Oct  Joseph Reed                do.
1781  Nov  William Moore              do.
1782  Nov  John Dickinson             do.
1785  Oct  Benjamin Franklin          do.
1786  Oct  Thomas Mifflin             do.

     Then succeeded the New State Constitution, and the first Governor ---- say

1790  Oct -- was Thomas Mifflin, who served three terms of three years each,
to October, 1799; after which Thomas M'Kean was governor for three
successive terms of three years each.

For the sake of reference, I here add a List of Dutch and Swedish Governors,
in Delaware, viz.:  begun

1623  Cornelius Jacob May  -- Dutch
1624  William Useling  -- Dutch
1630  Peterson de Vries -- Dutch
1631  John Printz -- Swedish
1638  Peter Minuets -- Dutch
1640  William Keift --  Dutch
1643 to 1653  John Printz -- Swedish
1653-4  Papegoia. -- Swedish
1654  Rintzink. --  Swedish
1657  Alricks -- Dutch
1658  John Paul Jaquet.
1659  Beekman --- Dutch.
1664  Robert Carr -- English
1673  Anthony Colve -- Ditto
1674  Sir Edmund Andros -- English -- also governor of N. York.