Area History: Chapters 13- Part I, Vol II - Watson's Annals of Philadelphia And Pennsylvania, 1857

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                                 ANNALS

                                   of

                     PHILADELPHIA  AND  PENNSYLVANIA,


                               VOL.  II
     
            ______________________________________________


Chapter 13-Part I.   OCCURRENCES  OF  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE

               "The deeds of our fathers in times that are gone;
                Their virtues, their prowess, the fields they have won,
                Their struggles for freedom, the toils they endured,
                The rights and the blessings for us they procured."

  With a view to preserve some of our local facts connected with the war of
Independence, expressed in a manner more moving and stirring to our feelings
than those general terms by which our historians have generalized their
facts, I had aimed to collect and preserve such INDIVIDUAL and SPECIAL
incidents, as would bring back the former scenes and doings of our
forefathers to our contemplation.  With this purpose, I had gathered from
several eye witnesses, in graphic delineations, the things they saw and did,
and especially of those occurrences which transpired while Philadelphia was
held under the government and conquest of General Howe and his army.  I had
gathered from the reminiscences of the aged, and the diaries of others of
that day, several curious and unpublished facts; such as would surprise,
stir, and interest the present generation.*  But after all the preparations
on this matter, fully equal to fifty pages, I have found myself obliged to
lay a part of it aside from the present publication.  Such parts of those
facts, as had been communicated to me, may be consulted on page 393 to 430,
in my MS. Annals in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
         *Some of the facts were from the recollections of the late Colonel
A. M'Lane, so enterprising in our "border war" along our lines -- and some
from the diary of a young lady in the midst of the martial-doings, &c. --
all spirited and warm from the heart, with the glow of a "good whig"; some
also from the diary of a widow Friend, foreboding and sad with tory
sympathies and fears.*
  A superficial thinker may, possibly, deem it unimportant to attempt thus
to preserve some of the facts transpiring in Philadelphia, concerning the
war of Independence; and especially that portion of them relative to the
entry and possession of the city by the British army.  Some may think the
incidents so like to those of other captured cities, as to be unworthy of
any special observation.  But to minds of more reflection, many sufficient
reasons will appear for preserving the memorial for posterity; especially in
a book which is to treat of all the past events of the city.  There are
specialties of interest to be told, which no other work has or will embrace.
The interest of them we conceive to be enhanced, by the hopes we all
entertain, that Philadelphia will NEVER again be invaded or possessed by any
conquering foe.  Remote as seems the extremity from us, the desire is more
increased to conceive what were the feelings which agitated the bosoms of
our kindred in that day.  Facts, hereinafter detailed, may serve to gratify
such inquirers.  The general army reports, which we may have heretofore read
on these subjects, have been too generalized to awaken our sympathies or
feelings; but in the present exhibition, the mind will find itself brought
down to single and individual contemplation, in a manner which cannot but
extort its sympathetic emotions and regard.  It is a duty which we owe our
fathers for their rich bequests to us, that we should thus strive to
appreciate their generous services, by entering into the just sense of their
peril and sufferings.
  I call it their generous devotion for us, because I think it probable that
the leaders of the revolution had long cherished the idea of devoting their
lives and fortunes to the eventual INDEPENDENCE OF THEIR SONS.  The time
which has elapsed, since the passions and excitements of the day drove every
mind to extremities, may now be favourable to calm and dispassionate inquiry
-- to such as enables the honest historian to record the truth without
partiality -- "nothing to extenuate, nor aught set down in malice".  It is
not my proper business to pursue this inquiry, but traces enough may be
found to invite and encourage the investigation of professed historians.  It
may sometimes be discovered in the answers to, and conflicts with our
governors, long before the war of the revolution.  It was, indeed, our
policy and interest to disclaim it, and even to conceal it; and therefore,
we may not have much to expose thereon on our records.  But in England at
the time, I suspect, governors' and agents' reports, if we knew them, would
show that they much apprehended such a spirit and purpose in us.  Several
facts to that effect may be seen in the sayings and doings concerning the
Stamp Act proceedings, as given in this book.  The American Whig, begun at
New York in March 1768, has an article in its fifth number, imputed to
William Livingston, Esq., afterwards governor of New Jersey, which shows
such sentiments; it says : "The day dawns, in which the foundation of this
mighty empire is to be laid by the establishment of a regular American
constitution -- before seven years roll over our heads, the first stone must
be laid.  As we conduct now, so will it fare with us and our children
hereafter".  In May 1755, Governor Morris of Pennsylvania, in one of his
angry messages to the assembly says, "They trifle with the king's commands
and interests -- thus to aggrandize themselves, and to promote their scheme
of future independency".
  I have seen a letter from Doctor Franklin, then in London, to the
venerable Charles Thomson, dated 11th July 1765, wherein, speaking of the
Stamp Act, he says "None could be more concerned to oppose it than myself;
but the tide was too strong.  The nation was provoked by American claims of
independence; and all parties (and we had numerous friends too ) joined in
resolving by this act, to settle the point" &c.  And when, on the 27th
September 1766, he writes to the same, concerning the repeal, he says, "He
must leave to a personal interview the causes of repeal; observing however,
that our release was chiefly imputable to what the profane call luck, and
the pious call Providence".  I have indeed my conjecture, that it was the
sense of these facts among other things which I have elsewhere ascribed,
that induced Charles Thomson to destroy his History of the Revolution, to
the performance of which I know he was stimulated by the Hon. John Jay "as
the most competent man in the world for its proper execution". -- [See his
letter from Passy, of 19th July 1783]  A paper of Charles Thomson's which I
have preserved in my collection [see MS., book second, in Historical
Society, p.312] shows that the proceedings of the congress of 1774 and
subsequent -- but preceding the war -- purposely avoided the word 'province'
and assumed the word 'government' &c.  I have seen, too, among the MSS. of
Charles Thomson, the measures, told by me in another place, by which he and
three others of Philadelphia, overruled the people into their measures of
resistance, in 1775.
  Perhaps we felt our maturity; and the law of our nature prompts us, when
so grown up, to cast off our leading strings, and to become parents and
heads of families ourselves.  It is, as Buonaparte, in his characteristic
way, said to Col. Wilkes of us : "The youth must become a man -- the time
must arrive when the child must cease to sleep with its mother !"  I take no
party side in this subject; but I have given the clue to a closer inquiry,
and so I leave it.
  It might, however, afford interest to some, to see at what an early time
the spirit of independence in our countrymen was supposed to be operating.
Although we had sufficient love and loyalty to the king and parent country,
it was natural enough that we should love our own soil, and its apparent
interests still better.  Some scarce works of the olden time, present some
views on these topics, that may be quite new to many readers, to wit :
  Evelyn, in his Memoirs, has declared the fact, that the crown in his day,
was quite jealous of its American possessions, as leaning too much to
independence even before the settlement of Pennsylvania.  To this cause he
imputes the establishment of those well-known state inquisitors called the
lords of trade, that they might take an oversight of their conduct in a
concealed manner, and so stand ready to report the same to the monarch --
and withal be able to check in time the aspirings to independent power.  The
board of trade, says he, had their first meeting on the 26th of May 1671,
and were "to advise and counsel his majesty for the well governing of his
plantations" &c.  "Their first letters to the governors required them to
render us an account of their present state and government; but what we most
insisted on (for he was one of the board, and is of course, first rate
authority in this case) was to know the condition of New England, which
appeared to be very independent as to their regard to Old England, or his
majesty.  Rich and strong as they now were, there were great debates in what
style to write to them, and there were fears of their breaking from all
dependence on this nation.  His majesty, therefore, commended this affair
more expressly.  Some of our counsel were for sending them a menacing
letter, which those who better understood the peevish and touchy humour of
that colony, were utterly against.  We therefore thought fit, in the first
place, to acquaint ourselves as well as we could of the state of that place,
by some [of the crown officers, probably] that were newly come from thence".
The same work contains other similar remarks bearing on this subject.
  P. Heylin's Cosmography, London edition 1703, contains this remark : "This
plantation (New England) has ever pretended to be more free than any of the
rest of our western plantations, and will not be governed by acts of
parliament as the rest are, but have set up a mint of their own, (a two
shilling piece of this coinage is now in my possession) and trade whither
they please in their own ships; and although they reverence (fear) the crown
of England, and so trade not with its enemies, yet they, in the two last
reigns, did scarce acknowledge themselves subjects till the charter was
taken away, and a governor sent to them on whom they wreaked their vengeance
at the revolution".  [This means Sir Edmund Andros, I presume]  "This,
though true of the whole, is mostly applicable to New Boston, which about
twenty years ago had fifty sail of stout merchant ships, and now (in 1692)
are much more in number".  "Till the reign of King James II., they would
never submit to any governor sent from England, but live like any free
state.  But a quo warranto being sent against them in 1683 by his majesty,
they submitted to Henry Canfield, Esq., and in 1686, accepted Sir Edward
Andrews [Andros] as governor."  In another place, he sums us up as a people
"who longed for innovations in church and state" and New England itself,
like old Rome in the eyes of Livy : "ad quae turba omnis ex finitimis
gentibus novarum rerum cupidae confluxit !"
  Joseph Bennet, Esq., in his MS. History of New England, in possession of
I.P. Norris, Esq., written about the year 1740, makes these remarks, to wit
:  "I remember it was talked some years ago, that the people of New England
were grown so rich and powerful, that there was danger of their revolting
from the crown and setting up for themselves".  In another place he says
"The people here affect to talk very big sometimes, when they think
themselves out of danger".  "It has been conjectured by some, that the
dissenters in England had their friends in New England, with whom they
hoped, in case of failing to subvert the ecclesiastical and civil government
at home, they might have fulfilled their darling schemes of independency in
the church, and democracy in the state, and become here the founders of some
new religion as well of a new republic".  This notion he however admits is
"strongly repelled by others as malicious".
  The Swedish traveller, Professor Kalm, has set down his impressions on the
case, as received when at New York 1748 -- See his vol. i. p. 265.  There he
says : "I have been told by Englishmen, either born here or in Europe, that
the English colonies here, in the space of thirty or fifty years [the time
which actually occurred !] would be able to form a state by themselves,
entirely independent of Old England.  But as the country which lies along
the sea is unguarded, and on the land side is harassed by the French, these
are sufficient to prevent the breach from the mother country.  The English
have therefore, sufficient reason to consider the French in North America as
the best means of keeping the colonies in their due submission".  In another
place he says : "There is reason to believe that the king never was in
earnest to expel the French, because they being much fewer in numbers, might
have been (expelled) with little difficulty.  The restrictions of the crown
in its trade, &c., was on purpose to restrain their growth.  These things
[the sense of them] occasioned the colonies to grow less tender for their
mother country; and this coolness is increased by Germans, Dutch and French,
&c., settled among them.
  With a design to elicit from some of our aged citizens their recollections
of incidents occurring while the British held possession of Philadelphia,
from November 1777 to May 1778, I drew up a paper of interrogatories, not
needful to be repeated here, which inquiries will account for some of the
following communications taking the form of answers, to wit :

            The Entry of the Army -- as told by Captain J. C.

  The grenadiers, with Lord Cornwallis at their head, led the van when they
entered the city; their tranquil look and dignified appearance have left an
impression on my mind, that the British grenadiers were inimitable.  As I am
relating the feelings and observations of a boy then only ten years old, I
shall mention many things perhaps not worth relating; for instance, I went
up to the front rank of the grenadiers when they had entered Second street,
when several of them addressed me thus -- "How do you do, young one -- how
are you, my boy" -- in a brotherly tone, that seems still to vibrate on my
ear, then reached out their hands, and severally caught mine and shook it,
not with an exulting shake of conquerors, as I thought, but with a
sympathizing one for the vanquished.  The Hessians composed a part of the
van-guard, and followed in the rear of the grenadiers -- their looks to me
were terrific -- their brass caps -- their mustaches -- their countenances,
by nature morose, and their music, that sounded better English than they
themselves could speak -- plunder -- plunder -- plunder -- gave a
desponding, heart-breaking effect, as I thought, to all; to me it was
dreadful beyond expression.

          Recollections of the Entry of the Army -- by a Lady.

  In answer to my esteemed friend Watson's queries, respecting what I can
remember of the state of things, facts, and the expression of public
opinion, during the memorable years of 1777 and '78, when the hostile army
of Great Britain occupied Philadelphia, I will give my recollections as
briefly and as simply as I can.
  I can well remember the previous gloom spread over the minds of the
inhabitants, from the time it was thought the enemy would advance through
the Jerseys; the very darkest hour of the revolution appearing to me to be
that preceding the capture of the Hessians at Trenton.  The tories who
favoured the government at home (as England was then called) became elated,
and the whigs depressed.  This may account for a good deal of severity that
was used before the constituted authorities of that time left the city, in
visiting the inhabitants, and inspecting what stores of provisions they had,
taking in some instances what they deemed superfluous, especially blankets,
of which our army were in great need.  After the public authorities had left
the city, it was a very gloomy time indeed.  We knew the enemy had landed at
the head of Elk, but of their procedure and movements we had but vague
information; for none were left in the city in public employ, to whom
expresses would be addressed.  The day of the battle of Brandywine was one
of deep anxiety.  We heard the firing, and knew of an engagement between the
armies without expecting immediate information of the result, when towards
night a horseman rode at full speed down Chestnut street, and turned round
Fourth to the Indian Queen public house; many ran to hear what he had to
tell, and as I remember, his account was pretty near the truth.  He told of
La Fayette being wounded.
  We had for a neighbour, and an intimate acquaintance, a very amiable
English gentleman, (H. Gurney) who had been in the British army, and had
left the service upon marrying a rich and excellent lady of Philadelphia
some years before.  He was a person so much liked and esteemed by the
public, that he remained unmolested at a time when the committee of public
safety sent many excellent citizens into banishment without a hearing, upon
the most vague and unfounded suspicion; but contented themselves with only
taking his word of honour, that he would do nothing inimical to the country,
nor furnish the enemy with any information.  He endeavoured to give my
mother confidence that the inhabitants would not be ill-treated.  He advised
that we should be all well dressed, and that we should keep our houses
closed.  The army marched in, and took possession of the town in the
morning.  We were up-stairs, and saw them pass to the State-house; they
looked well, clean, and well clad, and the contrast between them and our own
poor barefooted and ragged troops was very great, and caused a feeling of
despair -- it was a solemn and impressive day -- but I saw no exultation in
the enemy, nor indeed in those who were reckoned favourable to their
success.  Early in the afternoon, Lord Cornwallis' suite arrived and took
possession of my mother's house.  But my mother was appalled by the numerous
train which took possession of her dwelling, and shrank from having such
inmates; for a guard was mounted at the door, and the yard filled with
soldiers and baggage of every description; and I well remember what we
thought of the haughty looks of Lord Rawdon [since the Marquis of Hastings,
and who died at Malta in 1826]  and the other aid-de-camp, as they traversed
the apartments.  My mother desired to speak with Lord Cornwallis, and he
attended her in the front parlour.  She told him of her situation, and how
impossible it would be for her to stay in her own house with such a numerous
train as composed his lordship's establishment.  He behaved with great
politeness to her, said he should be sorry to give trouble, and would have
other quarters looked out for him -- they withdrew that very afternoon, and
he was accommodated at Peter Reeve's in second, near to Spruce street, [now
David Lewis' house, 142 south Second street] and we felt very glad at the
exemption -- but it did not last long -- for directly the quarter-masters
were employed in billeting the troops, and we had to find room for two
officers of artillery, and afterwards, in addition, for two gentlemen,
secretaries of Lord Howe.
  The officers, very generally I believe, behaved with politeness to the
inhabitants, and many of them, upon going away, expressed their satisfaction
that no injury to the city was contemplated by their commander.  They said,
that living among the inhabitants, and speaking the same language, made them
uneasy at the thought of acting as enemies.
   At first, provisions were scarce and dear, and we had to live with much
less abundance than we had been accustomed to.  Hard money was indeed, as
difficult to come at as if it had never been taken from the mines, except
with those who had things to sell for the use of the army.  They had given
certificates to the farmers as they came up through Chester county, of the
amount of stores they had taken, and upon these being presented for payment
at headquarters, they were duly honoured.  My mother received a seasonable
supply in this way, from persons who were in her debt, and had been paid for
what the army had taken.
  Every thing considered, the citizens fared better than could have been
expected, and though it was extremely disagreeable in many places on account
of the dirt, yet the city was healthy.  The enemy appeared to have a great
deal of shipping in the Delaware; I counted sixty vessels that looked of
large size, moored so close to each other that it seemed as if you could not
pass a hand between them, near to where the navy yard now is -- and all the
wharves and places seemed crowded.  There was scarce any thing to sell in
the shops when they came into the town, and the paper money had depreciated
to nothing.  I remember two pieces of silk that I saw on sale a little
before their arrival at 100 dollars per yard.  Tea was fifty and sixty
dollars per pound.
  The day of the battle of Germantown we heard the firing all day, but knew
not the result.  Towards evening they brought in the wounded.  The prisoners
were carried to the state-house lobbies, and the street was presently filled
with women taking lint and bandages, and every refreshment which they
thought their suffering countrymen might want.
  General Howe, during the time he stayed in Philadelphia, seized and kept
for his own use Mary Pemberton's coach and horses, in which he used to ride
about the town.  The old officers appeared to be uneasy at his conduct, and
some of them freely expressed their opinions;-- they said that, before his
promotion to the chief command, he sought for the counsels and company of
officers of experience and merit -- but now, his companions were usually a
set of boys -- the most dissipated fellows in the army.
  Lord Howe was much more sedate and dignified than his brother, really
dignified, for he did not seem to affect any pomp or parade.
  They were exceedingly chagrined and surprised at the capture of Burgoyne,
and at first would not suffer it to be mentioned.  We had received undoubted
intelligence of the fact, in a letter from Charles Thomson, and upon
communicating this circumstance to Henry Gurney, his interrogatories forced
an acknowledgement from some of the superior officers, that it was, as he
said, "alas ! too true !"
  One of my acquaintance, indeed an intimate one, performed the part of a
"nymph of the blended rose" in the splendid festival of the Meschianza, but
I saw no part of the show, not even the decorated hall where the knights and
ladies supped, amidst the "grand Salema" of their turbaned attendants; nor
even the ridotto part, which was gazed at from the wharves and warehouses by
all the uninvited population of the town.
  The streets seemed always well-filled with both officers and soldiers, and
I believe they frequently attended different places of worship, but Friends'
meetings were not much to their tastes.  They had their own chaplains to the
different regiments, which appeared to us a mere mockery of religion.
Parson Badger was chaplain to the artillery, and he was billeted at John
Field's, who with his wife, were very plain Friends in our neighbourhood.
The house was very small, and he had the front room up-stairs, and as he was
a jolly, good-tempered person, he was much liked by the young fellows who
used to call to see him after parades.
  Even whig ladies went to the Meschianza and to balls, but I knew of very
few instances of attachments formed -- nor, with the exception of one
instance, of any want of propriety in behaviour.
  When they left the city, the officers came to take leave of their
acquaintance, and express their good wishes.  It seemed to us, that a
considerable change had taken place in their prospects of success, between
the time of their entry and departure.  They often spoke freely in
conversation on these subjects.
  "The Honourable Cosmo Gordon" stayed all night at his quarters, and lay in
bed so long the next morning, that the family thought it but kind to waken
him, and tell him "his friends, the rebels" were in town.  It was with great
difficulty he procured a boat to put him over the Delaware.  Perhaps he and
his man were the last that embarked.  Many soldiers hid themselves in
cellars and other places, and stayed behind -- (I have heard).  In two hours
after we saw the best of them, our own dragoons gallopped down the street.
  When our own troops took possession of the city, General Arnold, then
flushed with the recent capture of Burgoyne, was appointed to the command of
it, and his quarters (as if we had been conquered from an enemy) appointed
at Henry Gumey's !  They were appalled at the circumstance, but thought it
prudent to make no resistance, when to their agreeable surprise, his
politeness, and that of his aids, Major Franks and Captain Clarkson, made
the imposition set light, and in a few days he removed to Mrs. Master's
house in Market street, that had been occupied as head-quarters by General
Howe, where he entered upon a style of living but ill according with
republican simplicity, giving sumptuous entertainments, that involved him in
expenses and debt, and most probably laid the foundation, in his necessities
and poverty, of his future deception and treason to his country.  He married
our Philadelphia Miss Shippen.

                   Further Facts -- by J. P. N., Esq.

  I recollect seeing the division march down Second street, when Lord
Cornwallis took possession of the city -- the troops were gay and well
clad.  A number of our citizens appeared sad and serious.  When I saw them,
there was no huzzaing.  The artillery were quartered in Chestnut, between
Third and Sixth streets -- the statehouse yard was made use of as a Park --
the 42d Highlanders occupied Chester below Third street -- the 15th regiment
were in quarters in Market street, in and about Fifth street.
  When the enemy were bombarding Fort Mifflin, we could see the path of the
bomb from the top of my old house.  The blowing up of the Augusta was
attended with a shock similar to that of an earthquake.  I immediately
started for Schuylkill point, where the British had a battery, and saw some
firing.  The officers appeared much chagrined at the events of the day.  On
our way down, we met several wagons with wounded soldiers -- many of them in
great pain -- their moans and cries were very distressing.  These men had
been wounded before Red Bank fort.
  I was present when some of the troops were going off for Germantown, the
morning of the battle -- they were in high spirits, and moved in a trot.
  Houses entirely occupied by the soldiery were a good deal injured -- their
conduct, however, was quite as good as could be expected.  The officers of
middle age were in general polite -- the younger ones were more dashing.
Some of them had women with them.  I recollect Colonel Birch of the horse,
and Major Williams of the artillery.  They occupied houses to themselves and
were not quartered on families.  All the regiments paraded morning and evening.
  After the battle of Germantown, the officers who were made prisoners in
that action were confined some days in the long room up-stairs in the
State-house, afterwards Peale's Museum.
  During the winter, prisoners and deserters were frequently brought in, and
carried first to head-quarters.  They were easily distinguished, as the
latter always had their arms, and which they were allowed to dispose of;--
they were almost naked, and generally without shoes -- an old dirty blanket
around them, attached by a leather belt around the waist.
  Deserters from head-quarters were led off to the superintendent,
(Galloway) and officers of the new corps were generally on the look out to
get them to enlist.
  The citizens of Philadelphia were once gratified with the full display of
General Washington's whole army.  It was done on the occasion of raising the
spirits of the whigs, and of proportionably dispiriting the measures of the
tories.  As it was intended for effect, it was of course, in the best array
for our poor means, and had indeed the effect to convince the tories it was
far more formidable than they expected !  This martial entry passed down the
long line of Front street.  There, thousands of our citizens beheld numerous
poor fellows, never to be seen more among the sons of men !  They were on
their march to meet the enemy, landed at the head of Elk.  They encountered
at Brandywine and at Germantown, and besides losing many lives, retained
little of all those implements and equipages which constituted their street
display in our city.
   Among the things connected with the British, while they occupied
Philadelphia, may be set down the following the following incidents:
  Town's Evening Post of 1777, says "The British entered Philadelphia under
the Earl Cornwallis -- marched down Second street, and encamped to the
southward of the town".  The same paper says, "The fine appearance and
strict discipline of the soldiers, and politeness of the officers, soon
dispelled the fears of the inhabitants -- kindled joy in the countenance of
the well-affected".  The same paper derides the attempt of the Delaware
frigate and the row-galleys to annoy the city -- calls it also cruel ! --
She got aground, and had to strike.  They also deride the slight defence to
resist them at Swedes' ford, where they had cast up redoubts, and allege
that the affair of Germantown was ill-managed.  The paper gives the copies
of two letters found on board the Delaware, purporting to be written by
Capt. Alexander, her commander, full of bad spelling !  A quiz or an insult ?
  The following advertisement at Philadelphia, may serve to show the state
of imprudent profligacy of some of the British officials in our country, to
wit : "Wanted to hire with two single gentlemen, a young woman, to act in
the capacity of housekeeper, and who can occasionally put her hand to any
thing.  Extravagant wages will be given, and no character required.  Any
young woman who chooses to offer, may be further informed at the bar of the
City tavern".
   The Evening Post of June '78 says,  "The British army went off on
Thursday morning -- having before transported their stores and most of their
artillery into New Jersey, where they had thrown up some works, and had some
of their regiments encamped".  They crossed at Gloucester point, as being so
narrow.  On Friday, the 19th June, General Arnold took possession of
Philadelphia.  It must have been foreseen by congress, because it passed a
resolve on the 4th June, concerning the city in case of such an event.  Yet
the mass of the citizens had no such foresight.
  While the British were in Philadelphia, the town boys, and boys with the
British army as drummers, &c., with a few tory boys, used to have regular
battles.  The town boys had their head-quarters and fortifications at the
brewhouse of Morris, near the Drawbridge -- a drum boy at last got killed,
and a stop was put by authority.
  General Knyphausen, exalted as he was in rank, used to spread his butter
on his bread with his thumb !  What a fancy !  This was told by one of the
family where he quartered.  In his deportment he was gentle and esteemed.

      I also add the localities occupied by the army and officers as
            something unknown to the present generation, to wit :

  General Howe lived in the house in High street, near Sixth street, where
was afterwards the residence of President Washington.  His brother, Lord
Howe, resided in Chestnut street, in the house now the Farmers and Mechanics
Bank.  General Knyphausen lived in the house now General Cadwallader's, in
south Second street, opposite to Little Dock street.  Lord Cornwallis dwelt
in the house since of David Lewis, in Second above Spruce street.  Colonel
Abercrombie -- afterwards the General, who was killed in Egypt -- dwelt in
the house of Whitehead, in Vine street, second door west of Cable lane.
Major Andre dwelt in Dr. Franklin's mansion in a court back from High street.
  Several of the British troops used to exercise in the large vacant lot
appurtenant to Bingham's mansion.
  The British who were wounded at the battle of Brandywine were put in
Cuthbert and Hood's stores and houses in Penn street.  The Americans were
put into the lobbies of the State-house.  The British wounded at Germantown
were put into the Scotch Presbyterian church in Spruce street.
  While the British remained, they held frequent plays at the old theatre,
the performances by their officers.  The scenes were painted by Major Andre
and Captain Delancy; they had also stated balls.
  They had under their control two tory presses -- one the "True Royal
Gazette" by James Humphreys, and the other the "Royal Pennsylvania Gazette"
by James Robertson.
  Sir William Howe was a fine figure, full six feet high, and well
proportioned -- in appearance not unlike his antagonist, General Washington.
His manners were graceful and dignified, and he was much beloved by his
officers, for his generosity and affability.
  Sir Henry Clinton, his successor in command, was in a good degree a
different man -- he was short and fat, with a full face and prominent nose,
in his intercourse was reserved and not so popular as Howe.
  Lord Cornwallis was short and thick-set, his hair somewhat gray, his face
well formed and agreeable, his manners remarkably easy and affable -- much
beloved by his men.
  General Knyphausen was much of the German in his appearance, always very
polite in bowing to respectable citizens in the streets, not tall, but
slender and straight.  His features sharp and martial, very honourable in
his dealings.
  Colonel Tarleton was rather below the middle size, stout, strong, heavily
made, large muscular legs, and an uncommonly active person; his complexion
dark, and his eye small, black and piercing.

  Among their greatest feats while at Philadelphia, was that of the
celebrated "Meschianza" so called.  The description of which more at length
is given in my Annals in the Philadelphia Library, pages 300 to 305, from
which I extract the present short notice, to wit :

                 The  Meschianza at  Philadelphia.

  This is the appellation of the most splendid pageant ever exhibited in our
country, if we except the great "Federal Procession" of all trades and
professions through the streets of Philadelphia in 1788.  The Meschianza was
chiefly a tilt and tournament with other entertainments, as the term
implies, and was given on Monday the 18th of May 1778, at Wharton's
country-seat in Southwark by the officers of General Sir William Howe's
army, to that officer on his quitting the command to return to England.  A
considerable number of our city 'belles'  were present; which gave
considerable offence afterwards to the whigs; and did not fail to mark the
fair as the "tory ladies".  The ill-nature and the reproach have long since
been forgotten.
  The company began to assemble at three to four o'clock, at Knight's wharf
* at the water edge of Green street in the Northern Liberties, and by half
past four o'clock in the afternoon the whole were embarked, in the pleasant
month of May, in a "grand regatta" of three divisions.  In the front of the
whole were three flat boats, with a band of music in each of them "rowed
regular to harmony".  As this assemblage of vessels progressed, barges rowed
on the flanks, "light skimming, stretch'd their oary wings" to keep off the
multitude of boats that crowded from the city as beholders; and the houses,
balconies and wharves were filled with spectators all along the river side.
*This wharf at that time was the only wharf above Vine street, which ran out
to a good depth of water.  The tickets of admission (one of which I have)
were elegant and curious.  It had a view of the sea, military trophies, the
general's crest, "Vive Vale".
  When arrived at the fort below the Swedes' church they formed a line
through an avenue of grenadiers, and light-horse in the rear.  The company
were thus conducted to a square lawn of one hundred and fifty yards on each
side, and which was also lined with troops.  This area formed the ground for
a 'tilt or tournament'.  On the front seat of each pavilion were placed
seven of the principal young ladies of the country, dressed in Turkish
habits, and wearing in their turbans the articles which they intended to
bestow on their gallant knights.  Soon the trumpets at a distance announced
the approach of the seven white knights, habited in white and red silk, and
mounted on gray chargers, richly caparisoned in similar colours.  [I have in
my MS. Annals an original drawing by Major Andre, showing the style of this
dress.]  These were followed by their several esquires on foot; besides
these there was a herald in his robe.  These all made the circuit of the
square, saluting the ladies as they passed, and then they ranged in line
with their ladies; then their herald, Mr. Beaumont, after a flourish of
trumpets, proclaimed their challenge, in the name of  "the knights of the
blended rose"  declaring that the ladies of their order excel in wit, beauty
and accomplishments those of the whole world, and they are ready to enter
the lists against any knights who will deny the same, according to the laws
of ancient chivalry; at the third repetition of the challenge, a sound of
trumpets announced the entrance of another herald with four trumpeters
dressed in black and orange.  The two heralds held a parley when the black
herald proceeded to proclaim his defiance in the name of "the knights of the
burning mountain".  Then retiring, there soon after entered "the black
knights" with their esquires, preceded by their herald on whose tunic was
represented a mountain sending forth flames, and the motto, "I burn for ever".
  These seven knights, like the former ones, rode round the lists, and made
their obeisance to the ladies, and then drew up fronting the white knights,
and the chief of these having thrown down his gauntlet, the chief of the
black knights directed his esquire to take it up.  Then the knights received
their lances from their esquires, fixed their shields on their left arms,
and making a general salute to each other by a movement of their lances,
turned round to take their career, and encountering in full gallop, shivered
their spears !  In the second and third encounter they discharged their
pistols.  In the fourth they fought with their swords.  {Note : Career =
encounter - charge. Shiver = shatter.}
  From the garden they ascended a flight of steps, covered with carpets,
which led into a spacious hall, the panels of which were painted in
imitation of Sienna marble, enclosing festoons of white marble.  In this
hall and the adjoining apartments, were prepared tea, lemonade &c., to which
the company seated themselves.  At this time the knights came in, and on
their knee received their favours from their respective ladies.  From these
apartments they went up to a ball-room, decorated in a light, elegant style
of painting, and showing many festoons of flowers.  The brilliancy of the
whole was heightened by eighty-five mirrors, decked with ribands and
flowers, and in the intermediate spaces were thirty-four branches.  On the
same floor were four drawing rooms, with sideboards of refreshments,
decorated and lighted in the style of the ball-room.  The ball was opened by
the knights and their ladies; and the dances continued till ten o'clock,
when the windows were thrown open, and a magnificent bouquet of rockets
began the fire-works.  These were planned by Captain Montresor, the chief
engineer, and consisted of twenty different displays in great variety and
beauty, and changing General Howe's arch into a variety of shapes and
devices.  At 12 o'clock, (midnight) supper was announced, and large folding
doors, before concealed, sprung open, and discovered a magnificent saloon of
two hundred and ten feet by forty feet, and twenty-two feet in height, with
three alcoves on each side, which served for sideboards.  The sides were
painted with vine leaves and festoon flowers, and fifty-six large
pier-glasses, ornamented with green silk flowers and ribands.  [All the
mirrors and lustres &c., were borrowed from the citizens, and were all sent
home with all their ornaments attached to them as a compliment for their
use.]  There were also one hundred branches trimmed, and eighteen lustres of
twenty-four lights hung from the ceiling.  There were three hundred wax
tapers on the supper tables, four hundred and thirty covers, and twelve
hundred dishes.  There were twenty-four black slaves in oriental dresses,
with silver collars and bracelets.
  Towards the close of the banquet, the herald with his trumpeters entered
and announced the king and royal family's health, with other toasts.  Each
toast was followed by a flourish of music.  After the supper, the company
returned to the ball-room, and continued to dance until four o'clock in the
morning.
  I omit to describe the two arches, but they were greatly embellished.
They had two fronts, in the Tuscan order.  The pediment of one was adorned
with naval trophies, and the other with military ones.
  Major Andre, who wrote a description of it (althought his name is
concealed) calls it "the most splendid entertainment ever given by an army
to its general".  The whole expense was borne by twenty-two field officers.
The managers were Sir John Wrotlesby, Colonel O'Hara, Majors Gardiner and
Montresor.  This splendid pageant blazed out in one short night !  Next day
the enchantment was dissolved; and in exactly one month, all these knights
and the whole army chose to make their march from the city of Philadelphia !
  When I think of the few survivors of that gay scene who now exist, (of
some whose sprightliness and beauty are gone ! ) I cannot but feel a gloom
succeed the recital of the fete.  I think, for instance, of one who was then
"the queen of the Meschianza" since Mrs. L., now blind and fast waning from
the "things that be".  To her I am indebted for many facts of illustration.
She tells me that the unfortunate Major Andre was the charm of the company.
Lieut. Andre, his esquire, was his brother, a youth of about nineteen,
possessing the promise of an accomplished gentleman.  Major Andre and
Captain Oliver Delancey painted, themselves, the chief of the decorations.
The Sienna marble, for instance, on the apparent side walls, was on canvas,
in the style of stage scene painting.  Andre also painted the scenes used at
the theatre, at which the British officers performed.  The proceeds were
given to the widows and orphans of their soldiers.  The waterfall scene,
drawn by him, was still in the building when it lately burnt.  She assures
me that, of all that was borrowed for the entertainment, nothing was injured
or lost.  They desired to pay double if accidents occurred.  The general
deportment of the officers was very praiseworthy therein.  There were no
ladies of British officers, save Miss Auchmuty, the new bride of Captain
Montresor.  The American young ladies present were not numerous -- not
exceeding fifty.  The others were married ladies.  Most of our ladies had
gone from the city, and what remained were of course in great demand.  The
American gentlemen present were aged non-combatants.  Our young men were
whigs generally, and were absent.
  No offence was offered to the ladies afterwards, for their acceptance of
this instance of an enemy's hospitality.  When the Americans returned, they
got up a great ball, to be given to the officers of the French army, and the
American officers of Washington's command.  When the managers came to invite
their guests, it was made a question whether the ":Meschianza ladies" should
be invited.  It was found they could not make up their company without them;
they were therefore included.  When they came, they looked differently
habited from those who had gone to the country, "they having assumed the
high head-dress &c.," of the British fashion, and so the characters,
unintentionally, were immediately perceived at a glance through the hall. --
[It was in the Masonic hall in Lodge alley.]  But lots being cast for
partners, they were soon fully inter-mixed, and conversation ensued as if
nothing of jealousy had ever existed, and all umbrage was forgotten.
  The same lady was also at a splendid supper and dance given by Captain
Hammond, on board the Roebuck.  The ship was fully illuminated, and one
hundred and seventy-two persons sat down to supper.
  Miss J. C---g, who was also a knight's lady, has kindly given me her
original invitation from Sir Henry Calder (an officer of high rank) and also
an original drawing by Major Andre (see p. 242 of my MS. Annals in the City
Library) of the dress for that fete.  He sketched it to give the ladies an
idea of the garb they should assume.  In reality it was this : -- for the
Blended Rose a white silk called a 'Polonaise', forming a flowing robe, and
open in front on the waist -- the pink sash six inches wide, and filled with
spangles -- the shoes and stockings also spangled -- the head-dress more
towering than the drawing, and filled with a profusion of pearls and jewels.
The veil was spangled and edged with silver lace.  She says the whole scene
was like enchantment to her young mind.
  The ladies of the black knights wore white sashes edged with black, and
black trimmings to white silk Polonaise gowns.  "The ticket" (p. 242 of my
MS. Annals, in the City Library) is surmounted with Sir William Howe's
crest, and the shield represents the sea, which Sir William is about to
cross -- hence "Vive Vale".  The setting glory of the sun, and the Latin
scroll, seem to indicate that although their luminary is thus receding from
them, it shall rise again (resurgum) in another hemisphere.

  Since our former publication on these subjects, we have gathered and here
set down sundry other facts and incidents connected with that momentous and
stirring period.
  "Perseverance in struggle, and self-denial in success, should be the motto
for the banners of a people that would win and wear their liberty !"  Let
AMERICANS think of this !
  The Declaration of Independence was read in the State-house yard, from a
small observatory there, by Captain John Hopkins, then commander of an armed
brig, a part of his father's (Ezekiel Hopkins') squadron of three vessels.  It
was formally read on the 8th July, at noon "in the presence of many thousand
spectators" as Town's Gazette said.
  A British magazine of 1786 says, that there was then a transfer made at
the Bank of England of £471,000 to Mr. Van Otten on account of the Landgrave
of Hesse, for so much due for Hessian soldiers lost in the American war, at
£30 a head -- thus making the total number to be 15,700 men !  This was
"making merchandise of the souls and bodies of men" with a witness.
  We here add sundry extracts made from Town's Evening Post of 1777 &c.,
published in Philadelphia, which we give in consecutive dates, and which go
to show the general notices of the times, and particularly the enterprises
and active state of the privateers and vessels of war, to wit :
  A writer who has just seen "the thousand captives of Hess" describes them
as of sickly, sallow hue, with legible marks of abject slavery upon their
wan countenances.  Another writer says, they were distinguished for their
plundering habits; that at Bordertown they were very oppressive and destructive.
  The American prisoners under Lord and General Howe and their officers,
receive much severity.  Captains, lieutenants, and other officers of private
ships of war, masters, supercargoes, &c., with Indians, mulatto and negro
slaves, all huddled together between decks.  Their provisions are all salt,
and stinted.
  General Hugh Mercer, killed at Princeton, was brought to Philadelphia, and
was buried with military honours on the south side of Christ church yard; and
Captain William Shippen, killed also at Princeton, was buried at St. Peter's.
  Captain Nicholas Biddle of the Randolph frigate, advertises January 21 at
Philadelphia, for "Seven deserters from on board the Randolph, lying at Fort
Island".  At the same time his former vessel, the big Andrew Doria, must
have been at Philadelphia, as her petty officers, seamen and landsmen are
called to their duty on board in ten days.
  The town of Providence has fitted out fifteen privateers since the war,
which has brought into that port above seventy sail.  The continental fleet
under Commodore Hopkins is now there.  His own ship is the Warren, of
thirty-six guns.
  Philadelphia, March 29th.  "The Randolph frigate, Captain Biddle, having
sprung a mast, is put into a 'safe port'."  [This is believed to mean
Charleston] and she had been struck with lightening.  [As we have been informed]
  Boston, April 10th.  The Cabot privateer was lately driven ashore at
Geboge by the Milford frigate, and got off by her.
  A letter from Freehold, June 24th says, "I laid a bait last Saturday to
break up the plundering "Colonel George Taylor" ; it so far succeeded that I
was within an ace of taking the whole; we took two men; whilst the rest were
swimming towards a boat that was coming off, we fired upon them, and killed
one and wounded another".
  The 4th July, being the first anniversary, was celebrated at Philadelphia
with great display and joy.  About noon all the armed ships and galleys were
drawn up before the city, with their gay streamers flying.  At one o'clock,
all the yards being manned, they severally fired thirteen guns.  An elegant
dinner was given to the congress, the civil and military officers, &c.  The
Hessian band played some fine music, and at each toast there was a discharge
of artillery.  Towards evening several troops of horse, a corps of
artillery, and a brigade of North Carolina forces, were drawn up in Second
street, and reviewed by congress and the general officers.  At night there
was ringing of bells, and a grand exhibition of fireworks on the commons,
and an illumination of the houses.  The face of joy and gladness was universal.
  At the watering place at Staten island, there are about three hundred sail
of transports !
  The corps of invalids, under Colonel Nicola, is by resolve of congress of
16th July, to be formed at Philadelphia.
  The capture of Major General Prescott and his aid in July, is announced to
congress by General Washington as a fortunate event, of the particulars of
which he gives in a letter from Major General Spencer, saying "I have to
congratulate your excellency and congress on the late success of Lieut. Col.
Barton, who, with the number of forty, including Captains Adams and
Phillips, and a number of brave officers, last night went on Rhode Island
and brought off General Prescott and his aid, Major Barrington".  Another
account calls him, "Major Adams of the train".
  Charleston, South Carolina, June.  The Marquis de La Fayette, a great
officer; the Baron de Kalb, major general, and several other French officers
of distinction, are arrived here in a vessel belonging to the marquis, on a
visit to our continent, and with an intention of entering into the American
service.
  For a considerable time there had been no court proceedings -- every thing
like regular law was suspended, until a constitution &c., could be regularly
adopted; in the mean time the chief authority seemed to vest in the
executive council, and in the committee of safety.
  Colonel Fanning's regiment near King's bridge, consists of four hundred
and sixty men of the British army.  He was an American.
  August 23d, Philadelphia.  "To-morrow morning the continental army will
march through this city.  To proceed along Front street and up Chestnut
street".  They were headed by General Washington, and said to amount to ten
thousand, and immediately passed over the Schuylkill.  Thence to the
Brandywine battle.
  September 23d.  It is ordered by Colonel Lewis Nicola, a Frenchman of the
invalid corps, that all vessels in the Delaware go up the Delaware to
Burlington, and down the river to Fort island; and that all smaller craft go
into Timber and Ancocus creeks; all disobeying would be destroyed.  This to
keep them from the British.
  A gentleman arrived at New York who came from Charleston, says that the
crew of the Randolph frigate in September last, being at sea, had a mind to
rise on her and carry her to New York, a majority of her crew being British.
The officers kept treble guards until they got into Charleston; and at
Hobcow, on the 8th of September, she overset and lay full of mud the 5th of
October, when he left there.  There was then little hope of floating her again.
  No persons are to be allowed to appear abroad in the streets from 8 1/2
o'clock to morning, without a lantern. -- (A military law.)
  The wood in the neck is all declared to be for the use of the kings
troops, and to be reserved accordingly. -- None to pass at the Jersey ferry
without a pass.
  Six ten-plate stoves are advertized -- then a new thing !
  Fishkill, October 23d.   Last Thursday, one Taylor, a spy, was hanged at
Hurley, who was detected with a letter to Burgoyne, which he had swallowed
in a silver ball; but by the assistance of tartar emetic he discharged the
same -- a witness against himself.
  Burlington, January 28th, 1778.  On the 19th inst. died Francis Furgler,
the hermit, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, who existed alone
twenty-five years in a thick wood four miles from Burlington, through all
the inclemencies of the season without fire, in a cell made by the side of
an old log, in the form of a small oven, not high or long enough to stand
upright in or lie extended.  It was supposed he intended this mode as a
penance for some evil done in his own country.  He was a German -- a
Catholic, and was buried in the Friends' ground at Mount Holly. -- (There
was a hermit close to Mount Holly -- perhaps the same case.)
  Congress ordered a monument to be erected in North Carolina to the memory
of the amiable and gallant General Nash, killed in Germantown.
  The tender of the Roebuck brings intelligence from the West Indies (of
course a British account) that the Yarmouth, Captain Vincent, fell in with
the rebel frigate Randolph of thirty-six guns, and a large ship of twenty
guns and three long nines, on the night of the 20th of March.  These
mistaking the Yarmouth for a twenty-gun ship, ran alongside and ordered her
to strike; at the same time the Randolph fired a broadside into her, which
wounded twelve and killed five men.  The Yarmouth returned the salute with
seven of her lower tier, on which the Randolph instantly blew up, and every
soul perished excepting five, who were saved on a piece of the wreck, and
picked up by the Yarmouth five days afterwards.  They informed that the
intention of this fleet was to destroy the island of Tobago.
  The Adams and Hancock, vessels of war, have been taken after leaving
France.  The Raleigh has made her escape from the Ariadne.  A small
expedition went to Squam, where they demolished the saltworks.  There were
probably one hundred houses, having each six to ten coppers -- one of the
houses constructed by Congress at a cost of £6000 -- all of which they
destroyed.  {Note : copper = a large boiler for (salt) cooking}
  The Virginia frigate, in going out of the Chesapeake in April, got aground
and was captured by the Emerald and taken to New York.
  An expedition of a brig and four galleys went up to Bordertown, and
captured some stores when the people set fire to the Washington and
Effingham frigates, two fine ships -- two privateers, one large twenty-four
gun ship, and nine other ships, and fourteen or fifteen smaller vessels.  It
met with but little resistance by a hundred men.
  The paper of June 25th, No. 497, contains a long list of names attainted
of high treason; that is to say, Tories gone off with the British.
  Providence, July 4.  Captain Barron, who sailed first lieutenant of the
Boston frigate, we hear was lately killed in France by means of a cannon
accidentally bursting.  He was an experienced and valuable officer, and his
death is much lamented.
  June 24th.  The state ship Defence, of Connecticut, commanded by Captain
Smedley, and ship Volant, Captain Oliver Daniel, sailed from Charleston.
  At Philadelphia, Wednesday the 22d of June, an elegant evening
entertainment was given at the City Tavern, by the officers of the army and
some of the gentlemen of the city, to the young ladies who had manifested
their attachment to the cause of virtue and freedom by sacrificing every
convenience to the love of their country.
  Philadelphia, July 25 1778 -- No. 509.  The melancholy fate of the late
worthy Captain Biddle, of the Randolph frigate, being as yet but little
known, we give the following account of this unfortunate event, received in
a letter from Charleston dated the 29th of March last, to wit : -- "Captain
Hall, of the Notre Dame, one of the fleet commanded by Captain Biddle,
informing him that on the evening of the 8th of March, to the windward of
Barbadoes, the fleet fell in with a large English ship of fifty or
sixty-four guns; that about 8 o'clock the next morning the Randolph engaged,
and handled her so roughly for twelve or fifteen minutes, that the British
ship must shortly have struck, having lost her bowsprit and topmasts, and
being otherwise greatly shattered, while the Randolph had suffered very
little.  But in this moment of glory, as the Randolph was veering to get on
her quarter, she unfortunately blew up, and the whole crew perished. -- One
FANNING, of Connecticut, who arrived prize-master of a sloop taken by the
Randolph, and which was converted into a tender for her, brought the letter,
and confirms the account.  Never was a man more sincerely esteemed or
lamented than Captain Biddle ".  [Simeon Fanning, above, a young midshipman
then, was my uncle, and was soon after killed.  His brother Joshua, was
lieutenant of the Randolph, when she blew up.]
  At a court-martial, Samuel Lyons, lieutenant of the Dickinson galley;
Samuel Ford, lieutenant of the Effingham galley;  John Wilson, lieutenant of
the Ranger galley;  and John Lawrence, gunner of the Dickinson galley, were
convicted of deserting to the enemy, and sentenced to suffer death.  The
execution to be on board the galleys in the river, opposite to Market street
on Wednesday the 3d of September.  The officers to be shot, and John
Lawrence to be hanged. -- [Only the first two suffered; the rest were
reprieved.]
  Young Mr. Bogert, son of Nicholas Bogert of New York, merchant, was
inhumanly killed a few days ago, by the enemy in New Jersey.
  The ship Governor Hancock of Massachusetts, engaged the Levant British
frigate, and the latter blew up.  Captain Hardy, of the former, was killed.
Seventeen of the British, only, were saved.
  In October, the British, five hundred strong, went up the Little Egg
Harbour river on a marauding expedition, but were repulsed by Proctor's
artillery and Pulaski's legion of horse.
  On the 26th of September 1778, Captain John Barry, in the Raleigh, fought
two British ships of war off Massachusetts, and finally to save himself from
capture, succeeded to run her ashore.  He fought a remarkable severe and
unequal fight, taking several broadsides from a sixty-four. -- (See No. 542)
The British got off the frigate.  It was called a noble and daring defence
of Barry's.
  The Black Prince privateer returned to Boston from a cruise, having taken
and manned eight prizes.  The Boston, the Ranger, and another cruising
vessel of the United States, sailed from Nantz the 25th of August.  These
and many prizes are soon expected at Boston.
  Charleston, October 13th.  Captain Newton, in the General Moultrie
privateer, is returned from a cruise with a prize of the Wasp brig of war.
  December 2d, No. 554, contains a list of all the British vessels lost
during the war.
  Lord Byron having sailed with a fleet and transports from New York and
said to be for the West Indies, Count d'Estaing's fleet sailed from Boston
in pursuit.  Dinners and parties were given to him and his officers, and
parties were given on board the Languedoc to the ladies and gentlemen of
Boston.  Gay times, although afflicted with war and its evils.
  La Fayette and other officers return to France from Boston, said by the
British to have been recalled by their sovereign.  But a letter of La
Fayette's (since published) says they returned because they could not get
commissions in our service.

                         Continental  Money

  A gentleman has informed me, that in his youth he saw in Philadelphia, a
stuffed Paddy wholly covered with continental money pinned on it.  He also
stated that a fine large lot, a little north of Lombard street, on which are
since built four or five large houses (probably Barclay's row, in Front
street) was sold for £60 !  The money then had the current name of
"shinplasters" !
  A witty old gentleman who kept an account of its rapid depreciation, used
to say a fast trotting horse could not keep pace with it.  An old merchant,
who has preserved a scale of its depreciation, gave it as follows, to wit :
  Value of 100 dollars in specie in continental money to wit :

     YEARS  1777     1778      1779       1780       1781

January      105      325       742       2934       7400
February     107      357       868       3332       7500
March        109      375      1000       3736     10,000
April        112      400      1104       4000         "
May          115      400      1215       4600         "
June         120      400      1342       6400         "
July         125      425      1477       8900         "
August       150      450      1630       7000         "
September    175      475      1800       7100         "
October      275      500      2030       7200         "
November     300      545      2308       7300         "
December     310      634      2593       7400         "

  I give, from an original bill of my friend, Col. Allen McLane, a purchase
of 1781 -- to wit :
              Capt.  A. McLane,
     January 5, 1781.                                  Bo't of W. Nicoll
          1 pair boots                                    $600
          6 3/4 yds. calico, at $85 per yard               752
          6 yds. chintz, at $150            do.            900
          4 1/2 yds. moreen, at $100    do.                450  50
          4 handkerchiefs, at $100        do.              400
          8 yds, quality binding at $4 per yard             32
          1 skein of silk                                   10
                                                         _____
   If paid in specie, £18  10s.                         $3,144  50
     Received payment in full.                       for Wm. Nicolls
                                                      Jona.  Jones

  I well remember seeing the Hessian prisoners (says an elderly gentlemen)
which had been taken at Trenton.  I stood on the porch of Pemberton's house,
in Chestnut above Third street.  They marched up Chestnut street past the
State-house, where Congress sat.  They made a long line -- all fine, hearty
looking men, and well clad, with large knapsacks, spatterdashes on legs,
their looks were satisfied.  On each side, in a single file, were their
guards, mostly in light summer dress, and some without shoes [in winter] but
stepping light and cheerful.
  Fireworks were exhibited on the Delaware during the war, some on ship
carpenters'  floating stages.  The greatest show remembered was that of
Arnold and the Devil, carried on a wheel carriage along the streets, and
burned by the latter on Market street hill.

       Jacob Ritter's Facts of the Prisoners of the Walnut street Prison.

  " The British Provost" so called in Philadelphia, was the same building
since called the Walnut-street Prison.  It was then newly constructed and
unfinished.  At that place there were about nine hundred Americans held as
prisoners, under the charge of the infamously cruel commissioner, Captain
Cunningham, then a wicked and passionate Irishman of about sixty years of
age -- a florid, full bodied man.  These prisoners were those captured at
the battles of Brandywine and Germantown.  Numbers of them died there of
hunger and cold, and were daily carried out and interred in the Potter's
field, now the Washington square, close by.  It seems strange to me that a
case of such suffering to our countrymen, effected chiefly by the malignity
of such a wretch as Cunningham, should not have been more spoken of by
Philadelphians.  We had often heard of the sufferings of prisoners at the
New York provost under his control, but scarcely a Philadelphian of middle
age has ever heard a word concerning our countrymen's sufferings at
Philadelphia.  This seems strange when compared with what I am now to relate
from facts told me in May 1833, by Mr. Jacob Ritter, aged seventy-six years,
a German by descent, born near Quakertown, Bucks county, who was himself one
of the inmates of that Golgotha and charnel-house in the time above
mentioned -- then a good man and true, and since, a public Friend.
  He had been in the battle of Brandywine, and was found, while sick in a
farm-house, by the Hessians, who beat and kicked him as a "rebeller" and
bore him off to the city.  At this place he and the others were three days
and nights without any food.  He had seen one soldier who had eaten nothing
till his fifth day, when he saw him get a piece of rye bread; and he
actually saw him gently topple off his seat on the prison steps, dead while
he was in the act of eating !
  Mr. Ritter says, he was often wantonly beaten and bruised severely by the
butt-end of Cunningham's whip; and at other times he was affectedly
flattered and caressed, and offered many jingling guineas to join his
majesty's service.  He (Cunningham) did not strike or abuse men's persons in
the presence of other British officers, but on such occasions would content
himself with grossly abusive language.  [Cunningham was made a captain by
General Clinton to save him from merited severity in case of his capture.
He had been only a man of the ranks, and was deemed a kind of bully among
the men when at New York before the war, where he got into a fight in March
1775, at the liberty pole -- he there offending the people.  They made him
and his companion Hill to go down upon their knees and curse the king.  They
exclaimed "God bless him" and they were beaten.  This rankled in his breast
ever after.]
  On one occasion Mr. Ritter saw a poor starving Virginian, who had been
several days without food, looking wistfully at some biscuits which had been
sent to some newly-arrived citizens, prisoners, brought in on suspicion.
Moved by compassion for the distress of the starving man, and almost
forgetting his own similar need, he made out to slip unperceived to where
they lay in a keg, and getting one, he gave it to the man, at same time
cautioning him not to eat it all, but to break it up finely, mix it with
water, and then to make it a prolonged meal by tasting it for a whole day.
He saw this man after his release, then again a soldier, who told him he
owed to his timely interference and advice the preservation of his life.
  As the winter advanced, the prisoners became excessively cold.  They had
no extra coverings for sleeping, and the window panes being much broken,
(shivered to pieces by the blowing up of the Augusta man-of-war at Red Bank)
the snow and cold entered therein freely.  They huddled together for warmth;
but with that they also became common companions of their lice and vermin.
He did not perceive any of our officers on furlough as coming among them as
visiters; and he did not know of any arrangement of any of our citizens as
benefactors.  He had seen soup brought for them, and set down at the prison
door in vessels, which when seen by Cunningham on his visit, have been
kicked over, with a curse on the rebel dogs.  On such an occasion he has
seen the poor, starved prisoners, when near enough to profit by it, fall
upon their knees and hands, and eagerly lap up the wasted liquid !  On such
occasions he has looked upon the monster with painful emotions, and wondered
if indeed the good God would suffer the transgressor to pass to the grave
unwhipped of justice.  At length his retribution day came.  He (Cunningham)
was convicted of forgery in England, and came to an ignominious end.
  Ritter had seen several pick and eat grass-roots, scraps of leather,
chips, pieces of the rotten pump &c., to assuage and abate their hunger.
Those who had any friends in the city got to fare better, after they could
contrive to let them know their wants.  So he was helped by his aunt Kline,
and eventually he got released through the influence of friends pressing
upon Mr. Galloway, the chief British agent acting for the city police &c.
It was a common measure with Cunningham, when visiting them, to carry his
large key and to knock any one on the head with it who chanced to offend
him.  On one such occasion the struck person fell and bled. [often, perhaps,
died]  Those who died, eight to twelve in twenty-four hours, were to be seen
dragged by the legs along the floor to the dead carts.  It was common to see
several watching for the chance of rats from the rat-holes, which, when
captured, were eaten, both for staying hunger, and also to make reprisals
upon an enemy that often disturbed their sleep and otherwise annoyed them.
  At a subsequent conversation with Ritter, he told me in answer to
inquiries, that their supply of provisions never became regular; for
instance, they never had any issue of salt meat.  Occasionally he has seen
what seemed to have been a diseased beef or cow, brought dead in a cart, and
shot down on the ground in all its dung, which was eagerly cut up -- by some
was eaten raw, and by some was cut in strips to dry and cure, as they had no
regular vessels for cooking.  In his own case, after some days, he got an
earthen porringer, in which he made some food by boiling, or simmering, some
musty flour in water; his fire was made of old shoes and bones; (he once saw
a load of chestnut come) -- he thought he never ate any thing so good as it
seemed.  This example was followed by others : many borrowed his porringer.
In one case of their eating the rotten wood and paint from the pump, they
mixed it with pump water.
  Some of them let down little bags or baskets from the prison windows to
the street, to get a little contribution in that way; but it was but little.
They received potato skins in that way, and gladly used them.  Once a
small-headed man got his head out through the bars to beg; and while in the
act and unable to draw his head in again, he was seen by Cunningham, who
fell to whipping him.
  He never saw or knew of any of the citizens of Philadelphia ever visiting
the prisoners to relieve them.  Of all the Friends in the city, he never
knew or heard of but one that ever came there upon benevolence to help them.
He knew of no relief extended to them by the ladies or women.  His old aunt
was a resolute woman, who either came to assist him, or sent relief by her
little son.  The only act of seeming gentleness he ever witnessed from
Cunningham, was upon the winning address of a starving drummer boy.  He
begged him to consider his case of starvation, his youth, and his inability
to do the British any injury.  After some inquiries by Cunningham, he said
he might go if he would kneel down and kiss the prison stone steps.  He did
it instantly and earnestly, and claiming his reward, the persecutor let him
go with a laugh.  None of the American officers ever visited them.  He did
not know of any of the prisoners as driven to enlistment.  There were times
when Cunningham acted with peculiar bursts of passion, in such cases
wantonly whipping, with his horsewhip, whoever came across his way.  He did
so particularly, when he heard of the disaster to Count Donop at Red Bank.
He had his lodging rooms in the prison.  His brother, a serjeant, was a
moderate man.
     ´ In Poulson's paper of the 25th of August 1834, is a confirmation of
the foregoing account of Jacob Ritter, told on the occasion of the death of
Captain Samuel Waples, of Accomac county, Virginia, who, it states, "had
been taken a prisoner, as lieutenant in the ninth Virginia regiment, at the
battle of Germantown, and was confined in the common jail of the city of
Philadelphia, where he suffered many privations, being kept for three days
and nights with out any kind of sustenance".  He soon made his escape
therefrom in the disguise of a Quaker, and succeeded in passing the lines,
and in getting to Washington's camp at Valley Forge.

  The wife of Benedict Arnold was a Philadelphian, a Peggy Shippen, who died
on the 14th February 1836, at Uxbridge, Mass., aged 83 [about the same time
a sister of Major Andre, aged 81, died in England].  It seems a strange
affair, that the wife of such a general should under any circumstances get
back to America -- to get, too, not to her own home with her nearest
relatives in Pennsylvania, but should go to Massachusetts -- the same state
where her first ancestor, Edward Shippen, first mayor of Philadelphia, had
been publicly punished in Boston as a Quaker !  Col. Burr has said that her
pride and ambition perverted her husband's integrity.  Their only son and
daughter (he being a British subaltern) went to reside in the East Indies,
many years ago.  Another account, in the London Spectator, in 1838, says
that two sons are then in England -- say James R. and Wm. F., aged 57 and 44
-- and each receive a pension of £81 a-year.  "Arnold" means, in German, a
maintainer of honour !  In the Museum, at New Haven, Conn., is the identical
sign, once that of General Arnold.  It is thus :

                          B.  Arnold, Druggist,
                    Bookseller, &c., from London.
                              Sibi totique*

   *  For himself, for the whole, or for all.
      The first was his motto -- for himself, indeed !

  He had been in London, but was born in Norwich, Conn., in January 1740,
and had been apprenticed to an apothecary in that city.  He was engaged at
New Haven in the trade of shipping horses and mules to the West Indies.
  It might be further remarked concerning Mrs. Arnold, that she had been a
Philadelphia belle, and the toast of the British officers while their army
was in Philadelphia.  She had been brought up in British affections -- her
own father, Judge Edward Shippen was biased on that side.  Major Andre was
intimate in the family, which led to a friendly correspondence between Miss
Shippen and him.  After General Arnold married her, he of course became
acquainted with that fact, and encouraged its continuance.  It was
continued, until at last Arnold and Andre opened it more directly between
themselves, under the names of Gustavus, for the former, and John Anderson,
for the latter.  The extravagances of Arnold produced the want of money; and
probably the predilections of the wife for what was splendid in the British
army, influenced them both to forfeit home and country for a splendid, but
illusive hope !

     An historical ballad of the proceedings of a town meeting at
        Philadelphia, May 24, 25, 1779, -- by Stansberry

  {Mr. Stansberry, the author of the following satire, was a young
Philadelphian, of the Society of Friends.  He became what was called a tory,
and went off with the British.  After the peace, he settled in New York,
kept a china store, and became secretary of an insurance company there.  He
wrote other pieces of fugitive poetry.  He once kept his china store in
Philadelphia, opposite to Christ church, in Second street.  A daughter of
his married John Stille, merchant, of Philadelphia.  One of his sons settled
in New Jersey, and has a family there.]

           CANTO  FIRST

`Twas on the twenty-fourth of May,
A pleasant, warm, sunshiny day,
        Militia folks paraded,
With colours spread, and cannon too,
Such loud huzzas and martial view,
        I thought the town invaded.

But when, on closer look, I spied
The speaker march with gallant stride,
       I knew myself mistaken.
For HE*, on Trenton's well-fought day,
To Burlington mistook his way,
       And fairly saved his bacon.

*General and Governor Reed -- and we do not mean to endorse the slurs.*

With him, a number more appear'd
Whose names their corp'ral never heard --
        To muster-rolls a stranger.
To save their fines, they bore a gun,
Determined, like the rest, to run
        At any glimpse of danger.

The great Mc Clenachan bestrode
His prancing horse, and fiercely rode,
      And faith, he had good reason ---
For he was told, that to his sorrow,
He, with a number more, to-morrow
      Should be confined in prison.

`Twas said, some speculating job
Of his had so inflamed the mob
        That they were grown unruly; --
And swearing by the "Eternal God",
Such fellows now should feel the rod,
        Resolved to "come on coolly !" **

** The firm of Robert Morris and Blair McClenachan were reproached and
threatened, and had to get into Judge Wilson's house for defence.
Vide "Fort Wilson" in the Annals of Philadelphia.**

The people's majesty of laws,
The proper, and the only cause,
         Now shone in all its glory :
Morris the wise;  Arnold the brave;
The double Mason;  Wistar grave --
         Confounded with the Tory.

Nor age, nor wealth, nor rank, nor birth,
Avail'd with these true sons of earth,
          The offspring of the valley;
For all the lore of ages past,
What cared the statesman with his last,
          Or hero of the Alley ?

At close of day, no tired horse
(Covered with sweat -- with bawling hoarse,)
         More gladly reached home;
Each doff'd his civic oaken crown,
First took a dram, then laid him down,
         And dream'd of joys to come.

            CANTO SECOND

Now Titan raised his flaming head
And drowsy sentinels to bed
      Retired from irksome duty;
For they were placed, as it behooved,
To watch if tory-goods were moved,
      That they might share the booty.

The most tumultuous instantly seize,
With venom'd rage, on whom they please;
       The People cannot err !
Can it be wrong, in Freedon's cause,
To tread down Justice, Order, Laws,
       When all the mob concur ?

But now, through Mitchell's brazen throat,
Faction, with mean, abusive note,
      Proclaims a grand town meeting,
Where printers' devils, barbers' boys,
Apprentice lads, express their joys,
      The council members greeting.

Each vagrant from the whipping-post,
Or stranger stranded on the coast,
       May here reform the State :
And Peter, Mich, and Shad-row Jack,
And, Pompey-like McKean, in black,
       Decide a people's fate.

The trained bands of Germantown
With clubs and bayonets came down,
      And swell'd the motley train;
Resolv'd to change, like him of old,
Old rags and lampblack *** into gold,
     Or chaos bring again.

*** The materials of continental money. ***

And now the State-house yard was full,
And orators, so grave and dull,
       Appear'd upon the stage :
But all was riot, noise, disgrace,
And freedom's sons, o'er all the place,
      In bloody frays engage.

Sagacious Matlack strove in vain
To pour his sense in Dutchman's brain;
      With every art to please ---
Observ'd, that as the money fell,
Like Lucifer, to lowest hell,
       Tho'  swift -- yet by degrees, ---

So should it rise, and goods should fall,
Month after month, till one and all,
       Might buy as cheap as ever ---
That they lost all, who grasp'd so much,
(This Col. Bull * declared in Dutch),
       But fruitless each endeavour.

   * Of Chester county*

With solemn phiz and action slow
Arose the chairman, Roberdeau **
       And made the humane motion,
The Tories, with their brats and wives,
Should flee, to save their wretched lives,
       From Sodom into Goshen.

** A militia general in the war -- also a board merchant.**

He central stood, and all the ground
With people cover'd, him surround --
       And so it came to pass,
That as he spoke with zeal upon it,
He turn'd his face to those in front --
      To those behind, his back.

This gave offence -- his voice was drown'd --
He should have turn'd himself all round,
      Like whirligig in socket;
Or, if this did his art surpass,
At least, he should have took his end
     And put it in his pocket.

Then Hutchison, that bully calf,
(A goose has got more sense by half)
      With croaking, frog-like note,
Approved the motion, and demands
The People's sense, by show of hands,
      Might save or damn the vote.

All raised the hand, with mighty burst
Of loud acclaim, (the case revers'd --
      All lift their hands again,)
Blue Bayard grinn'd, that long-ear'd ass ---
With mobs, he saw it was a farce
      To reason, or explain.

But thoughtful Rush, and artful Gaff ***
And Bryan, (too much vex'd to laugh)
      Were fill'd with grief and pity;
And soon dismiss'd the rabble rout ---
Concluding what they met about
      With choosing a Committee.

 *** A nick-name for T. Matlack.***

Hoping to get them more in tune
Before the 25th of June,
      Which was the chosen day
For them to meet by sound of drum,
Unless the enemy should come,
      And make them run away.

To tell their tale, with haste they speed
To their prime mover, Joseph Reed,
     "The virtuous and sublime;" --
So virtuous, that he cheats his friends,
Sublimely cheats, to gain his ends,
     And glories in the crime.

Ambition is his darling theme,
Integrity an idle dream,
     That vulgar minds may draw.
At home, abroad, with friend, or wife,
In public, and in private life,
     The tyrant's will is law.

Of deep resentments, wicked, bold,
The lust of blood, of power, of gold,
     Possess alternate sway.
And Johnston's bribe* had surely won
Rebellion's pale-faced, matchless son,
     Had mammon ruled that day.

* The British commissioner -- who, it is said, failed to bribe Gov. Reed.*

But time would fail me to rehearse,
In my poor, limping, doggrel verse,
     His character divine :
Suffice it, that in Dunlap's page,
Drawn by himself, from age to age,
     It shall with splendour shine.

         cont......