Area History: Chapter 13 - Part II, Vol II - Watson's Annals of Philadelphia And Pennsylvania, 1857

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                                 ANNALS

                                   of

                     PHILADELPHIA  AND  PENNSYLVANIA,


                               VOL.  II
     
            ______________________________________________



Chapter 13 - Part II    OCCURRENCES  OF  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE

  I have often heard it stated by persons, who went through the trials of
that period, that we, their descendants, have no just conceptions of their
state of suffering and deprivations.  Their clothing was of the coarsest
form -- of home-made -- made by the female's spinning, done in the house;
they also made all the shirting and sheeting, &c.  Where so much was to be
done, it was necessary that all should help; to this cause, I know that two
lads, both afterwards commodores in the United States' navy, were both
taught to be good spinners on the little wheel.  Tea, coffee, chocolate,
sugar, and all kinds of spices, were wholly gone in almost all country
places.  Sage tea and teaberry were used as substitutes.  Salt was greatly
needed and could not be procured.  When sometimes smuggled into the country,
it was done in women's pockets.  Salt pans were settled all along the
seacoast, to make salt at expensive rates.  In many places where the armies
passed, flour was not to be had for bread.  People in Virginia and elsewhere
were obliged to live on pounded corn.  The mills were equally dismantled by
both of the warring parties.  I have known persons, in very respectable and
decent families, that found very great difficulties to keep themselves even
passable clothed.  Women indulged in no fineries or changes then; all
pretence to fashion was wholly out of the question.  Wherever the armies
were to pass and forage, &c., as through New Jersey, and Virginia, and the
Carolinas, the farmers lost nearly all they had that was eatable or movable;
their horses were pressed, and their cows and swine taken; they had no
spirit to sow seed, or to till their grounds.  There was no regular business
in any thing; even apprentices were not safe, for they had to serve their
turns in the several requisitions.  There was, indeed, a mighty spirit of
resistance raised and maintained by the men of that day; but the women felt
the war extremely -- and both men and women were most heartily glad when
they at last saw that their struggles were to have an end.  It was an
occasion of extravagant and universal joy.  It could never have been borne
so long as it was, but that the practice of war then gave long seasons of
respite during the several winters, allowing time to the worn down, to
recruit their strength and spirits, and giving time to resort to new
enterprises, and to new means of recruiting their forces, &c.  Besides all
this, it was almost a universal expectation, that every next campaign would
surely end the contest.  None foresaw or feared a term of seven years !
  In our present repose and consciousness of strength and security, we can
hardly conceive the state of excitement and concern daily felt in the
revolutionary period.  A friend of mine, who was an observant and
intelligent boy, dwelling on a farm near the Yellow springs in Chester
county, has related to me some of the incidents of that time.  Their
ordinary religious Sabbath worship was irregular and broken up; their male
neighbours, every here and there, were absent on militia service.  The talk
and greeting of the neighbours were generally about the absentees; news was
very uncertain, and yet anxiously inquired after.  News "by flood and field"
occasionally came, which stirred and disturbed the whole community;
sometimes it came saddening, of some one or other mishap befallen to some
one of their families.  When the news of the landing of the British at the
head of Elk, and of their advance upon the Brandywine occurred, every family
was put upon the tiptoe of expectation and alarm; besides which, new calls
were made upon the people to go to head-quarters as soldiers, guides, or
wagoners.  In the absence of the males of the families, women and children
were full of apprehension; floors were taken up, and out-houses made into
concealed places for their most valuable articles of portable character.
They had all undefined apprehensions of being plundered and abused.  At and
after the time of the battle of Brandywine, the country could be seen all in
motion, in the rapid coming and going of men on horseback.  In time could be
seen numerous bands and parties of wearied and discomfited soldiers -- none
of them aiming at order, and some few of them without officers or arms.
Some were going to an assigned point on the Schuylkill; but several were
resolved to make their escape to their homes; many of them were beggars for
some refreshments, and all was cheerfully given to them which they could
spare.  For many nights, the family set up all night, from wakeful
apprehension.  The father of the family I describe had been a Quaker, so
strictly trained, that his sister, who was a preacher, would not wear her
caps of any other than brown linen -- white being a condemned refinement --
for dress sake !  Such a man, although averse to war, had by this tine
become so far warlike, that he had gone for the country, and was actually
from home in the ranks, where he took a severe cold from sleeping on the
ground, and died.
  On one of the nights of apprehension, there came to the house a small
company of cavalry.  Their presence was disquieting any how; but when they
took off their military cloaks and displayed the red coats of British
officers, their dread was irrepressible.  The mind said, what shall we do,
and to what is this visit of the enemy to tend !  They saw the dismay, and
soon quieted them by saying they were American officers in disguise, out
upon a tour of recognizance near to the enemy.  Every now and then, after
the winter campaign was deemed closed, and the British were gaily revelling
in Philadelphia, the dread of British foraging parties was felt.  Any thing
of military aspect, and approaching them on horseback, was quickly
interpreted as British assailants, and set the whole family in commotion.
Sometimes they were parties of Americans, half as clamorous for needed
succours as the British themselves would probably have been.  Men acting as
farmers, felt as if they had no security for reaping what they might plant.
The heart was heavy and reluctant at its wonted toil.  Mothers, acting in
the absence of their husbands, looked upon their children, and wondered if
their fathers should ever return to foster and rear them.  Sad forebodings
were but too often true !  Such facts, thus faintly expressed, have been but
too true a picture all over our extended country of united colonies,
wherever the approach of the hostile bands could be apprehended or were
realized.  Those who lived upon the frontiers were kept in Indian alarms;
and those along the Atlantic dreaded British invasion and ravages.  Their
march was always a cause of desolation and anxiety, even where their
discipline was intended to check any individual and family aggressions.

  Among the marvels of the revolution may be mentioned the remarkable fact,
that John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, two of the last three surviving
signers of the Declaration of Independence, should both die on the 4th of
July 1826, at a day and a period peculiarly set apart as the semi-centennial
anniversary !  Jefferson was ill, and expressed a wish to live to that
eventful day !  If Mr. Carroll, the other last survivor, had also died, the
epic story would have been complete.
  When the mind is awakened to the consideration of singularities, it may
find an increase of them :  for instance, the following facts are equally
peculiar respecting the succession of our several presidents :
  John Adams died in his ninety-first year, and was eight years older than
Thomas Jefferson; Thomas Jefferson was eight years older than James Madison;
James Madison was eight years older than James Monroe; and James Monroe was
eight years older than John Quincy Adams.
  It has been calculated, (that Mr. Jefferson at thirty-three, and John
Adams at forty, when they signed the Declaration of Independence) the chance
of their both living fifty years longer, and dying at their expiration, is
only ONE in twelve hundred millions !  Again, James Monroe, having strangely
died on the Independence day of 4th July, 1831, makes up the three chances
to be, by calculation, as 18,268 millions, to one mill !!
  Among other peculiarities of our early presidents, it may be noticed, that
the first five of them -- they being the entire number of the revolutionary
men -- ALL ended their several terms of service in the SIXTY-SIXTH YEAR of
their age !  and John Q. Adams himself, had he been re-elected for a second
term, would have also ended in his sixty-sixth year !  Did he mark the
turning point in our national career ? Nous Verrons !  The facts are these,
viz.:
    Washington, born February 22d, 1732 -- inaugurated 1789; term of service
expired in the sixty-sixth year of his age.
    John Adams, born October 19th, 1735 -- inaugurated 1735; term of service
expired in the sixty-sixth year of his age.
    Thomas Jefferson, born April 2d,  1743 -- inaugurated 1743; term of
service expired in the sixty-sixth year of his age.
    James Madison, born March 4th, 1751 -- inaugurated 1751; term of service
expired in the sixty-sixth year of his age.
    James Monroe,  born  April  2d, 1759  -- inaugurated 1817; term of
service expired in the sixty-sixth year of his age.
  John Adams was on the committee of five who were charged to draft the
Declaration.  He was peculiarly ardent in the cause of independence; and was
considered as the leader therein of the New England delegates whom he held
to his then desperate measures, as they were generally considered.  He
watched their actions, and misgivings, as a shepherd governs the wanderings
of his fold !  In truth, Jefferson gave the Declaration by his proper
hand-writing to the congress; but as truly, Adams gave it to the nation !
The place of writing the Declaration has been differently stated.  Some have
said that it was at Jefferson's chamber, in the Indian Queen inn; but Mrs.
Clymer, with whom Mr. Jefferson boarded, at the south-west corner of Seventh
and High streets, said it was there, and to settle that point, Dr. Mease
wrote to Mr. Jefferson and had it confirmed as at her house.
  It may be mentioned as remarkable, the coincidence of action apparent in
the conduct of those two leading and prominent states of the revolution --
Virginia and Massachusetts.  Both of them have supplied more public officers
than any of the other states.  They might justly claim parentage of the
union.  The great drama of the revolution OPENED in Lexington in one, and
CLOSED at Yorktown in the other.  The first signer of the Declaration of
Independence was from one; the signer of the Constitution of the United
States from the other.  The great leaders of the Federal and Democratic
parties -- Adams and Jefferson -- resided in Massachusetts and Virginia,
each was vice president and each was president; each a signer of the
Declaration of Independence; each a negotiator of his country's treaties in
Europe; and finally, both, after serving their country in their lives, were
gathered to their immortality ON THE SAME DAY in which, fifty years before,
they had together set their names to the freedom of their country.
  I cannot but remember with what deep and stirring interest I used to sit
by and hear the recitals of those who had been actors in, or observers of,
the times and incidents occurring in the revolutionary war.  It all seemed
to me as a time and a drama passed by -- no longer the din and the perils of
war existed -- all around me was peace and smiling plenty.  It seemed to me
like the stillness and repose after the great storm had passed by.  I felt
eager to look upon some of the remains of the desolating epoch; but little
or none remained to the eye; and what I could contemplate and consider, came
home to the feelings through the ear -- by hearing the recitals of those who
had been familiar with the incidents.  What I failed thus to get at closely,
concerning the war and its people concerned, I came at last, in subsequent
years, to see and feel on other objects, seen gliding down the stream of
time, like floating drift-wood, and which it has been my pleasing business,
and useful occupation, to snatch from the ebbing tide, and to warehouse (or
chronicle) as the relics and remains of olden time -- gathering up for my
own contemplation, and for the wonderment of another generation, the passing
and dissolving characteristics of men and things of a passing and a
dissolving age.  "Oh, sweet is a tale of the olden time !"  How grateful to
the mind to have it stored with images, all its own and which others can
only possess by gratefully receiving as a kindness and as a boon !
  They who are now alive, and remember the termination of the last war --
who recollect what joy they felt at its annunciation; and how often they
felt gloomy and foreboding concerning its successful end while in its actual
progress, may have some faint conception of what the peace of 1783 was to
our forefathers.  Fighting with such vast odds against them as they had for
seven long years, it then seemed as if it would never have an end !  They
who had screwed up their courage and their strength, again and again, for
one more, and yet one more still, of exhausted efforts, looked out with
perpetual longings -- "making the soul sick with hope deferred" for some
happy chance, or eventful providence, to bring their hopes and fears to a
close.  When it at last came, it came overwhelming; and was expressed, not
so much in tumultuous joy, as in that comfortable sinking of the soul which
one feels in fainting after one has been struggling for life in the whelming
waters and at last reaches the shore, and then sinks into rest from a sense
of safety and thankfulness.  Many who had heard of the recitals of the
revolutionary war, had secretly "wished that Heaven had made them such a
man" in such a time, only for the sake of seeing and feeling what our
fathers did in so eventful a struggle; and when the second war came, they
were not sorry to have so lively a picture brought home to their bosoms and
interests; but when it came to questions of landings and predatory
invasions, like those at Baltimore, and the threatened renewal of a landing
at Elkton, and a march upon Philadelphia, it became a heart-sickening affair
to many, who held up to their imaginations the successful demonstration upon
Washington city, and its conflagration.  Some stout hearts might sigh for
the trial, in the hopes of their personal renown; but the mass, the great
crowd of society, it might be seen, had sincere desires for a speedy and a
lasting peace -- thus proving that war is not congenial to the mass of
society and business people.  Some of these facts at which I have hinted
should be remembered, as a sedative to any future calls of the people for
military enterprise and glory !  It is a bad business, for the social
system, at all times !

         Incidents of the Revolutionary War, as seen and noted by a widow
           lady of respectable character, of tory feelings and prejudices --
             dwelling at Burlington, New Jersey

  The following facts are taken from a MS. diary of Mrs. M.M. preserved in
her family, and will comprise such selections as seem best calculated for
the public eye.
  December 6th 1776.  Being on a visit at Haddonfield, I heard from a person
from Philadelphia, that the people there were in great commotion -- the
English fleet being approaching in the river, and the inhabitants removing
into the country; that several of good repute had been forming a design to
fire the city, and being summoned before congress, were strictly enjoined to
abandon their purpose.  My heart died within me at the news.  On my journey
home, I was told that the inhabitants of our little town (Burlington) were
hastening away to the country, and that my nearest neighbours were already
gone.  I was ready to faint at the intelligence.  I thought of my lonely
situation, with no husband to cheer with the voice of love my sinking
spirits -- my little flock too, without a father.  A flood of tears alone
came to my relief, and I raised my heart to my God.  Finally, I was favoured
to reach home, and to find my family safe and well.
  December 7th.  A letter from my next neighbour's husband at camp, warned
her to be gone in haste -- news comes from many that the British army is
advancing towards us.
  December 8th.  Every day begins and ends with the same accounts, and we
now hear that the regulars are at Trenton.
  December 10th.  My brother set off, but soon returned, saying he could not
get away, as he heard that the Hessians were entering the town.  A number of
galleys have been lying before the town for two days past.
  December 11th.  A party of our riflemen passed through our town going over
to Bristol, saying they were forced onward before the Hessians.  John
Lawrence and two or three others thought best, for the safety of the town,
to go out and meet them.  The Hessian colonel received them civilly, and
promised safety to the people.  Doctor Odell made himself useful as
interpreter in talking French with the colonel.  The terms were settled,
that they should receive unmolested quarters and refreshments, and that none
should conceal arms or ammunition for sinister purposes.  If any
concealments were discovered in any of the houses, such houses should be
liable to pillage.  The troops remained without the town in their ranks,
while the officers came into town and dined with friend Lawrence, intending
to await there the determination of the commodore of the gondolas, to whom
Captain Moore had been sent from the town to confer with him for orders in
our extremity.  The wind being high, he could not communicate, and presently
the galleys got before the town ready for firing.  Then John Lawrence and
William Dillwyn went down to the wharf and waved their hats, and to their
astonishment, they were fired upon.  This result being reported to the
colonel, he and his officers, and their body guard, went out to make their
observations.  These being occasionally seen from the gondolas, and they
thinking the town was filled with Hessians, they set up a cannonade till
near dark -- sometimes along the main street, and sometimes across it.
Several houses were struck and a little damaged, but not one living creature
was injured !  At night the gondolas fell down a little below the town.
While these things were occurring, we, who lived upon the green bank, went
with our families into the cellars.
  December 12th.  The men of the galleys talk of firing the town -- several
of them landed on our banks and told us so.
  December 13th.  The Hessians have been removed some miles from town, and
the gondola men have been busy ashore, looking, as they say, for tories.
Some of the gentlemen who entertained the foreigners were pointed out, and
two were seized upon, and dragged on board their galley.
  From the 13th to 16th, we had various reports of the advancing and
retiring of the enemy.  Some of the gondola men broke into and pillaged
R.S.'s house, on the bank.  About noon of the 16th, we were alarmed with the
alleged advance of thousands !  My incautious son, in using his spyglass,
was seen from the galleys, which soon brought an armed boat on shore with a
loud knocking at my house, and asking to search for the tory who had been
spying at them.  The captain, a smart little fellow, named Shippen, desired
to be shown the spyglass; this transaction reached the town, and Colonel Cox
was very angry, and ordered the men on board.
  December 17th.  "More news !  Great news !"  "The British troops at Mount
Holly -- guards of militia placed at London and York bridges -- gondola men
parading the streets, and searching for fire-arms and tories !"  But a
friend has made me easy, who has come from Mount Holly, who says no harm is
done to any, and they only spoil the goods of some known to be in actual
rebellion, as they termed it.  The gondola men are all ordered on board, and
not again to land.  So far so good.
  December 19th.  A report prevails that General Putnam, with one thousand
men, is on his march -- this put all into motion at Holly.  The Hessians
retire to Black Horse.
  December 20th.  A snow storm last night has almost stopped the navigation,
and has sent our guarda-costa down the river.  The snow continues the next
day, and much we pity the poor fellows who are out in it.  Much talk now of
making this a neutral island; but it is said that the gentlemen who visited
Count de Nope, (Donop) to concert the measure, found him too much occupied
to speak about it.
  December 22d.  It is said Putnam, with one thousand men is at Mount Holly,
and all the women are removed from the place.  We hear too, that General
Howe is at Trenton, and an engagement may be soon expected.  A man from
Mount Holly tells us, he saw there a great many British troops -- that some
of them went to the magazine there (over by the Courthouse) and took out one
hundred canteens and as many broken fire-arms, and piling them up in the
street, ordered the men in derision to take charge of them.  Several of the
families which went away at the cannonading, are now returning.  `Tis said
that a party of our men, two hundred strong, which marched out of Mount
Holly, met a party of Hessians, and that after a fight, twenty-one of our
men were killed.
  December 23d.  This day twelve gondolas have again visited us.  The news
again from Mount Holly is, that our men again met the Hessians in battle and
lost ten men; and that the Hessians are in possession of the town.  It is
also said, that three thousand of our troops now at Bristol are to cross
over to us to-night, in order to join our routed party at Mount Holly.
  December 24th.  The gondolas are all gone away -- it is said by order of
General Cadwaller, in command at Bristol.  The former news about the fights
is now discredited.  Several of the Hessians are in the town to-day.  We
don't see them, because we on the green bank are considered out of town.  A
pretty heavy firing is heard up the river to-day.
  December 26th.  A great number of flat-bottomed boats have gone up the
river to-day.  General Reed and Count de Nope are said to be negotiating
about the neutrality of our place.
  December 27th.  A letter from General Reed to his brother informs him that
Washington has had an engagement on the 25th, and taken nine hundred
prisoners.  It seems they were surprised while keeping their Christmas
revels.  How unlike Christians, in both revels and war !  This evening about
three thousand of the Pennsylvania militia, and other troops, landed in the
Neck and marched into town, and are quartered on the people.  An officer
spent the evening with us, and was in high spirits.  They went away the next
day, when some snow again sent the gondolas down the river.
  December 29.  Soldiers who came last night and took up their residence in
Colonel Cox's empty house, went off this morning after stopping to thank me
for the food I furnished them.  Soon after, another company took possession.
The inhabitants are much straitened for bread and fuel.
  December 30th.  A number of poor, sick, and wounded soldiers are brought
into town, and lodged in the court-house and private houses.
  January 1st, 1777.  The new-year's day has not been ushered in with the
usual rejoicings.  It forebodes a sorrowful year to many.
  January 3d.  We heard very distinctly today, very heavy firing of cannon
towards Trenton; and at noon upwards of one thousand men came into town in
great confusion, and were quartered on the people.  Several went into my
next neighbour's (Colonel Cox's) house, where I went to see them, and my
heart was melted to see them, lying on the floor fast asleep, although many
were without blankets to cover them.  I had my suspicions that they had fled
the field when they should have remained, and it proved so.  Among them were
several innocent-looking lads, and much I sympathized with their bereaved
mothers.
  January 5th.  I hear that Captain Shippen is killed.  We hear also that
General Mercer is killed and Mifflin is wounded; and that two thousand
New-England men fell in the late engagement.
  January 7th.  This evening all the gondolas went from Bristol down the river.
  January 8th.  All the soldiers are gone from Colonel Cox's house.  Only
one of them came to thank me for my services to them.
  January 9th.  We hear to-day that our troops have driven the British to
New Brunswick.  All the officers went out of town to-day.  The weather is
very cold, and the river is filled with ice.  Several of the sick soldiers
brought here have died.
  January 11th.  Weather very cold, and much I pity the poor soldiers now on
their march.
  January 15th.  I was much affected this evening at seeing the hearse and
body of General Mercer going across the river on the ice.  At the same time
Captain Shippen's body was also carried over -- both to be buried at
Philadelphia.
  February 4th.  To-day eight boats full of soldiers sailed up the river to
join the forces.  They appeared to be merry.
  April 17th.  A number of flat-bottomed boats went up the river and landed
troops at Bristol.  It is said fifteen hundred men are billeted on the
inhabitants there.
  May 7th.  Captain Webb and his family came here, on his way to New York,
he being ordered to leave the state.  As he was going to bed, a captain and
soldiers arrived to examine his papers and to take him to Philadelphia to
the general, to answer to his being a spy.  He was, however, ordered to
Bethlehem. -- [This is the Captain Webb who was, at that time, a Methodist
minister, and was celebrated as such.]  Several persons are named as
suffering imprisonment as tories.
  June 7th.  The reports by expresses make us believe that the English army
are in motion, and intending for Philadelphia.
  June 13th.  The soldiers at Bristol beat to march, and sail up the river.
  June 14th.  Before daylight the alarm guns at Princeton, Trenton,
Bordertown, and Bristol were fired, and answered by those below.  The
gondolas, barges, and flat-bottomed boats pass up the river.  We hear much
firing above, and report says it is a battle.  Some of the sick of the
gondolas came to me for assistance, they being lodged at the governor's
house (on the bank.)  They had the itch fever, and I had the pleasure to see
them all get well.  It was grateful to observe their hearty gratitude for
acts done only in duty.
  Shortly afterwards there came a rough-looking man (a gondola man) to the
house, and cautiously inviting me aside, he caused me at first no little
alarm; but he soon said, "If I had any friends or relatives in Philadelphia,
he would be glad to be the messenger, in consideration of my kindness to him
when sick." -- My heart was rejoiced at the opportunity, and speedily I got
ready a quarter of beef, some veal, fowls, and flour, for my father and
sisters there, which he called for at midnight and took into his boat.  He
left them at R. Hopkins' at the Point, from whence my friends sent and took
them; and two nights after, the stranger returned with a letter, a bushel of
salt, a jug of molasses, a bag of rice, some tea, coffee, and sugar, with
some cloth for my poor boy -- all sent by kind sisters in a truly needed
time.  Then we remembered the poor around us, and soon the salt was
distributed to the joy of many.
  After this, one morning very early, we were surprised to see many hundreds
of boats, filled with British soldiers, going up to Bordertown to burn all
the gondolas.  I felt, of course, alarmed.  While looking at them, R. Sutton
and his son stopped at my door, when the former said, "He was just going to
join a party of soldiers going up to resist them."  Poor fellow !  he was
killed next day.  When the British returned, they fired several cannon near
me at our next neighbour's house, who was a captain in the rebel army.
  A rebel quarter-master who had received some kindness from us, asked me
one day, if I did not wish to see my friends in the city, and said he would
accompany me as far as Frankford.  I readily accepted, and took along my
friend A.O.  We got safely to our friend Abel James' place, and next morning
we had a joyful meeting with my relatives at Kensington.  Our quarter-master
was to call for us; but a skirmish occurring near us, he was hindered, and
we had to get back by ourselves.  In urging our horse over fast to make the
best of it, he broke the swingle-tree in ascending the Red-lion hill, and
our chair began to run back down the hill.  With the help of my ribands and
Nancy's garters we mended the break, and at length succeeded to get over the
ferry, and finally to reach home, where we recounted our adventures to the
great wonderment and grateful thanksgiving of our family friends.
    --->> In conclusion, we presume it will surprise the reader, as it has
ourself, to learn from the preceding how much the peaceful, quiet country
town of Burlington was once stirred and excited by the haps and incidents of
war.  So much said of a place that has never had a mention of any thing in
our revolutionary history, may serve to show how very much has been omitted
by those narrators who have only aimed to speak of great and leading battles
and events -- and yet, herein is preserved a domestic picture of its
vicissitudes and emotions, more touching and graphic than many of far more
consequence.  It is one thing to show the evolutions of battles, and it is
another thing to show how the casualties and excitements of war affect
families and individuals.  Such was our war as seen and felt by a
thoughtful, intelligent and peace-loving lady.

  And now, by way of contrast, we shall add from another manuscript diary,
the thoughts and feelings of a young lady near Washington's camp at
Whitemarsh, full of the zeal of whiggism and the admiration of the gay and
chivalaric spirit of martial life and array -- to wit :

     Incidents of the Revolutionary War, as observed and journalized
         by a young lady of Philadelphia, (S. W.) residing near the
             American camp at Whitemarsh -- to wit :

  North Wales, Sept. 25, 1777.  As I have no means to send letters from this
our retreat to my young friend, D.N., I shall endeavour to journalize for
her future inspection, some of the doings and thoughts and observations
which possess the mind of her young friend, the writer.
  Yesterday, which was the 25th September, two Virginia officers called at
our house, and informed us that the British army had crossed the Schuylkill.
Presently another person stopped and confirmed what they had said, and
besides told us, that Gen. Washington and his army were near Pottsgrove.
Well, thee may be assured we were sadly scared.  However, the road was very
still until evening, when we heard a great noise at the door.  All of us
went out to see.  It was a large number of wagons, with about 300 men of the
Philadelphia militia.  They begged for drink, and several pushed into the
house, where some of them were saucy enough, which caused some of us women
soon to make our escape in much alarm.  But, after a while, perceiving that
the officers were gentlemanly and the soldiers civil, we returned, and when
they left we gave them our good wishes.
  September 25, H. Jones came riding along, and said the British and
Hessians were at Skippack road, and that we should see some of them.  Our
parents discredited it, but we fearful girls allowed ourselves to be much
disturbed.  In the evening, O. Foulke came and told us that Gen. Washington
had come down as far as the Trap, and that Gen. McDougall's brigade was
stationed at Montgomery.  This he had from Doctor Edwards, aid to Lord Stirling.
  September 26.  Cousin Jesse has heard that Gen. Howe's army had moved
towards Philadelphia.  This excited our fears for you.  After a while
somebody came screaming, Sally, Sally !  I ran in a moment, and behold it
was the light horse come indeed !  They rode up to the house, and inquired
if we had horses to sell !  The officer took two glasses of wine, and then
all rode off.  They belonged to Lee's troop.  In the evening we heard very
heavy firing, and we hear that the American army will be within five miles
of us to-night.  Our minds are all engrossed with these things -- we think
and talk of nothing else.  So much for our retreating from the city to avoid
the alarms of war !
  Here passes an interval of several weeks, with nothing particular to
chronicle.
  October 19.  Now for news and uncommon scenes !  Resting in bed this
morning and ruminating, I was aroused by Liddy, and called to hear a great
commotion of drums and rattling wagons.  We dressed and got down stairs
speedily.  The news was that the British had left Philadelphia, and that our
army was marching after to take possession.  We went out to see the army
pass.  I thought it strange to feel so little fear.  Soon after, several
officers called to get some refreshment, but none of consequence until the
afternoon, when two genteel men of the army rode up and made their
salutation, and asked if they could have quarters for Gen. Smallwood.  Aunt
thought she could accommodate them.  Then one of the officers dismounted,
and wrote "Smallwood's quarters" over the door, which saved us from
straggling soldiers.  When left alone, we dressed for effect and adventure !
Soon we had Doctor Gould from Carolina.  While he was yet present, the
general arrived, with his six attendants, and having also a large guard of
soldiers, with horses and baggage-wagons -- quite a family !  Soon there was
much running up and down stairs.  Presently we were introduced to Gen.
Smallwood, Captain Furnival, Major Stoddard, Captain Finley, Mr. Prig, Mr.
Clagen, Col. Wood and Col. Line.  The two latter are Virginians, and
indisposed.  The general and suite are Marylanders.  Some of them supped
with us, the others with Jesse.  What a new situation for us !  I don't,
however feel afraid, although among so many officers and the yard full of
soldiers.  They eat and talk like other folks, and deport themselves with
elegance.
  October 20.  I dare say that thee is impatient to learn my sentiments of
these officers -- so while they are yet sleeping in their chambers, I'll
draw their characteristics for thy contemplation.  General Smallwood is a
tall, portly, well-formed, martial man, having the deportment of a
gentleman, a good understanding, and much humanity of nature.  Col. Wood
seems to be one of the most amiable of men -- tall, genteel, a very
agreeable countenance, and is a married man.  Col. Line is not married, so
let me be temperate in his praise.  He is monstrous tall and brown, is very
sensible, and agreeable in conversation.  Of Capt. Furnival, I may say that
he has one of the finest faces I ever saw -- has a very fine person, light
hair in thick profusion to help his face.  But the glory of the squad is
Major Stoddard, so bashful, so famous, &c.  He should come before the
captain, but never mind.  I at first thought him cross and proud, but I was
mistaken.  He is but about nineteen; is nephew to the general, and acts as
major of brigade.  He can't be called graceful, but his mind is superior.
Finley is wretchedly ugly, and went away last night.  Cols. Wood and Line,
and Doctor Gould dined with us, when I dressed in my chintz, and looked
smart enough.
  October 26.  A very rainy day, which keeps the officers in the house.  In
the afternoon the general and officers took tea with us.  After supper I
went into aunt's, and there saw the general, Col. Line and Major Stoddard.
There the major got upon the notion of having me to sing -- think of that !
He was very facetious and clever -- he has the softest voice, and never
pronounces the R.  [He was afterwards secretary of the navy.]
  To-day arrived Col. Guest and Major Letherberry -- the latter a young
lawyer, who has no lack of tongue.
  October 27.  This evening there came a parson belonging to the army -- how
shall I describe him !  He is near seven feet high, thin and meager -- he
affords no interest.  Yet such as he fell in love with Liddy at sight !  But
he has a better rival in Col. Guest, a charming man and a brave officer.
  November 1.  The army has had orders to march to-day, the regulars first.
The officers are all to dine with us to-day.  In the evening several of them
came to take of our tea.
  November 2.  The militia marches, and the general and his officers leave
us.  I feel sorry to lose their agreeable company.  We saw them turn the
road and go out of sight, and they have our good wishes for their safety and
welfare.
  December 5.  Oh, Debby !  I am all sensitive with fear !  The English have
come out to attack our army.  They are on Chestnut hill, and our army three
miles this side.  What will become of us at only six miles distant !  The
battle of Germantown, and the horrors of that day, are still vivid in my
imagination.
  December 6.  To our surprise, suddenly entered the young Major Stoddard.
He could scarcely walk; poor fellow, he was sick from fatigue and cold; he
looked pale and dejected; he was soon put to bed, and quickly he found rest
in sleep.  Next morning he rose quite renovated.  He was every now and then
listening for firing, and said in that case he must be off.  He remained to
tea, and next day he set off again to the army.  He said he should always be
near us in the event of the enemy's approach.
  I have been reflecting how readily we can get reconciled to perils and
alarms.  Formerly the idea of being within ten miles of a battle ground was
appalling; but now, although within six miles of two large armies, we can be
easy and cheerful.
  December 8.  We have cause of joy -- the British have returned to
Philadelphia without a great fight.
  December 11.  I have made two new acquaintances -- a Captain Lipscom and a
Mr. Tilly -- the former a tall, genteel man, in delicate health, with the
finest head of hair I ever saw -- a light, shining auburn, negligently tied
and waving down his back -- "loose flowed the soft redundance of his hair".
Tilly is a wild, noisy mortal, above the common size, a ruddy face, a great
talker and laugher -- he keeps the house in continual mirth and merriment by
his oddities.  Again we were surprised by the presence of Major Stoddard.
While he was here we got up an admirable joke upon Tilly, by using the fine
effigy of a British grenadier to be placed near his bed chamber, and to give
the alarm of "the British have come !"  The figure looked so real, that when
Tilly saw it, he made off by a by-way, and ran off a great way, to the great
amusement of the family and the three of four officers present.
  December 14.  The officers still here, and full of their jokes on Tilly
for his retreat.  To-day we were visited by Captain Smallwood, a pretty
little fellow, brother to the general.
  December 20.  General Washington's army has gone into winter quarters at
Valley Forge, and we shall now have a solitude before us.
  February 7, `87.  We have passed several weeks without any thing of moment
occurring.  We had a visit from Major Jameson and Captain Howard, both of
the dragoons.  To-day we visited the heights of the Barren hills of
Whitemarsh, and had an extensive prospect of the country, and saw there the
traces of the encampment, and many ragged imitations of chimneys, and many
other objects of ruin -- telling the tale of what had been.
  May 11.  Paper is scarce with us, which restricts my `notitia'.  I had
laid aside my pen; but this evening, when seated at tea, we were aroused by
the approach of light horse, and soon there followed 1600 men, under Gen.
Maxwell.  We thought they would pass; but soon came in the general, with
Col. Brodhead, Major Ogden, and Captain Jones.  The general is a Scotchman,
with little to prepossess.  The colonel is very martial and fierce.  Ogden
is genteel, with a strong nose.  Captain Jones might be called a conqueror,
being tall, elegant and handsome.  Their brigade is to be encamped about
three miles from us, where we have been out to see their encampment, and got
scared by the challenge of the pickets.
  June 2.  Capt. A.S. Dandridge made his appearance here with his troop of
horse.  He is to be called the handsomest of men.
  June 3.  An introduction to Major Clough, Captain Swan, and Mr. Moore, all
of the cavalry -- they had come to dine with Dandridge.  In the evening
Lieut. Watts took tea with us.  Saw several squads of cavalry to-day,
passing off toward Skippack road.  We felt at first afraid they were
British.  They belonged to Col. Sheldon's regiment of dragoons, and one of
the captains (Stoddard) came to see us.
  June 5.  We have a call of a squadron of dragoons, under Major Jameson,
with Captains Call and Nixon.  They said they fully believed that the
British were about to leave Philadelphia.  After breakfast, they all set off
for Valley Forge camp.
  June 19.  We have astonishing news, that the British have really left
Philadelphia.  This is delightful news !  Our army is about six miles off,
on their march to the Jerseys.  I now think of nothing but returning back to
the city, after an exile of twenty months.
  Philadelphia, July, 1778.  It has now pleased kind heaven to restore us
back safely to our home in the city !  My heart danced and my eyes sparkled
with pleasure at this event.  The very noise and rattle of the city was all
music to my senses, so glad was I to be again at home !
     ----->>> It cannot escape the observation of a considerate reader, that
after all we have heard of the deprivations and sufferings of the officers
of the revolutionary army, that we have here a fair representation of a gay
and cheerful set of men, well clad and well fed, &c.  We see, too, by the
facts in their case, how very imposing were their easy manners and gay
military array, upon the feelings and judgments of the female sex.  How it
affects the heart to consider withal, that the then young, gay and sportive
spirits, who then so actively shone in the drama of life, are now, nearly
all, no more !  SIC TRANSIT GLORIA MUNDI !

    VALLEY FORGE CAMP. --- This place having been made memorable in our
history by the sufferings of our army there in the winter of 1777-8, I was
induced to make the place a visit fifty years after, say in July 1828.  As
we approached the towering "camp hills" near the Valley Forge, what emotions
pressed upon the reflecting mind !  On those hills were miserably hutted the
forlorn hope of the country in its day of gloom and peril.  The name and the
actions of the great father of his country, and the weight and burthen of
his public cares at that place and season, pressed upon the recollection !
  On these hills they constructed long rows or lines of log huts for their
winter quarters, placed them on the sun side, made numerous stockades and
bristling pikes for defence along the lines of trenches.  To this purpose,
and for their necessary fuel, they cut off an entire forest of heavy timber,
which now is again covered by another growth of trees in full stature over
the whole site.  Poor sufferers, surrounded as they were by fuel, vain were
their efforts to subdue the freezing cold of that exposed winter.  Their
clothes were scanty, their blankets in rags, and their feet in general
without stockings, and almost shoeless !  Sad are the recitals which
witnesses of the neighbourhood have given of their then comfortless state as
soldiers.  Cases have occurred where sentinels, to keep their feet from
perishing, have stood with their feet in their hats or caps.
  P. S. Duponceau, Esq., who was one of the young officers of the army at
Valley Forge, (aid to Steuben) relates some facts of stirring interest.
They bore, said he, their condition of half naked and half famished men with
fortitude, resignation and patience.  Sometimes you might see soldiers pop
their heads out of their huts, and call out in an under tone, "no bread, no
soldier !" but a single word from their officer would still their complaint.
He has spoken of the Washington family in such picturesque terms as makes us
see the life !  The general, partaking of the hardships of his brave men,
was accustomed to sit down with his invited officers &c., to a scanty piece
of meat, with some hard bread and a few potatoes.  At his house, called
Moore hall, they drank the health and prosperity of the nation in humble
toddy; and the luxurious dessert consisted of a plate of hickory nuts.
There his fortitude and dignity of demeanour always gave new spirits to his
officers.  Even in those scenes, Mrs. Washington, as was her practice in the
winter campaigns, had joined her husband; and possessing always at the head
of his table her mild, dignified countenance.  Grave, yet cheerful, her
countenance and her manner reflected the feelings of the hero whose name she
bore.  Her presence inspired fortitude, and those who came to her with
almost desponding hearts, retired full of hope and confidence.  Baron
Steuben used to tell a story of his cook, who left him at that place saying,
as his justification, that where he had nothing on which to display his art,
it was of no consequence who turned the string ! -- meaning the cord of the
spit.
  The drear of that winter was rendered the more affecting because at that
time no nation in Europe had acknowledged our independence, wherefore all
seemed to rest on the efficiency of this ill-appointed army, suffering as it
was before the face of a superior British force; but, happily for us, then
abandoned in good degree to pleasure and revelry, in luxurious quarters in
Philadelphia, "Their counsels were foolishness" and the "sceptre had
departed" from the sovereign who alarmed us.
  A gentleman, (C. M.) who was an officer at the camp, has told me of some
of their hardships there.  Fresh beef they could scarcely get; of vegetables
they had none, save sometimes some potatoes.  Their table was loose planks,
rough, as split from the tree.  One dish, of wood, or of pewter, sufficed
for a mess.  A horn spoon and tumbler of horn was lent round.  Their knife
was carried in the pocket.  Much of their diet was salted herrings, in such
injured state, that they would not hold together to be drawn out of the cask
singly, but had to be shoveled up 'en masse'.  Sugar, coffee, tea, &c., were
luxuries not seen.  They had only continental money, and it was so
depreciated it would not allure farmers to sell to them.  Yet cheerless as
was such a state, when they drew three months' pay, a number of subaltern
officers sallied out to seek mirth and jollity, and spent a month's pay in
one night of merry revelry !  Sometimes, for pleasantry, you might see a
squad of men and officers affecting to have received a supply of whisky --
of which they were often without -- and passing round the stone jug, as if
filled, when lo ! the eager expectant found it was only water !  The fun
was, that the deceived still kept the secret, in hopes to pass it to another
and another unwary wight.  On one occasion of alarm, the men being marched
out, in several instances were so shoeless as to mark the frozen ground with
blood, when General Conway, who saw it, exclaimed, "My dear fellows, my
heart bleeds with you !"
[NOTE: wight: a living being : Creature , thing , a human being]
  The consequence of such hard fare was, that sickness and death prevailed
greatly.  Then came unavailing sighs for home, for all the lost comforts of
domestic reliefs.  The quietude of the citizen was sighed after.  Parents,
brothers, sisters, or wives and children were remembered but to increase
their regrets.  The dysentery was very prevalent, and long trenches in the
vale below the hill were dug and filled with those "whelm'd in pits, and
forgotten in undistinguished mass".  If such were the calamities of war, and
such the price we pay for self-government, oh, how sedulously should we now
preserve the attainment !

        REVOLUTIONARY  EXPLOITS OF COLONEL  ALLEN McLANE -- Col. Allen
McLane, who died in 1829, at the age of eighty-three years, had been one of
the most remarkable men, as a partisan officer, in the revolutionary war.
While the British occupied Philadelphia and Germantown, he was a captain of
cavalry in the command of the scouting parties, and as such, became known to
every body as the constant hero of enterprise and daring.  Having been
personally acquainted with him in his elder days, I had gathered many facts
of his exploits and services, records of which may be found in pages 439 to
444 in my MS. book in the Historical Society, from which I now here make
some extracts.
  It was the pleasure of himself and his men to make it a matter of frolic
and fun to attack or alarm the enemy, wherever and as often as they could.
  It was an active part of their business to intercept the market people in
the British interest going to the city, and to turn them over to our
suffering army at Valley Forge.  Others he would suffer to pass, on
condition of taking some supplies and with them some   messages to brother
officers, prisoners in the city.  But it was their fun sometimes, when they
could kill a well-fed British horse, to have their "spy butchers" carry in
the choice pieces, and sell it as bullock beef for gold, which might repay
in part, the trouble and hazard of the imposition.
  At one time, in the summer of 1778, going at the break of day into the
upper end of Frankford, he was surprised by an ambuscade of British near the
Rocks.  He quickly discharged his pistol at the nearest, and made good his
retreat in to the woods.  But after gaining the open field, he discovered a
troop of British horse.  Finding no chance of escape, he made his advance to
them as if to surrender.  This put them off their guard; when he suddenly
turned to the road leading to the Oxford church.  Upon this, two of the
troop were detached in his pursuit.  When they overtook him, they took
separate sides of his horse, dropping their swords in their slings, as if he
was already their certain prisoner.  He, no way conquered, shot his pistol
into the breast of one, and in the instant struck the other from his horse
with his empty pistol.  He could have brought off their horses, but the
whole troop were seen not far off and pursued him into the swamp near
Shoemaker's mill, where he eluded them.  A painting of this encounter used
to be exhibited at Peale's Museum.
  About the same time, Captain M'Lane had an appointment to meet a citizen
disguised in women's dress, at daybreak, at the house of one Goodman (now
Maupay's garden) near the Rising Sun.  At the moment he was on his horse, he
was seen by a dozen British horsemen, who immediately urged their horses
onward to his capture.  M'Lane seeing his case was desperate, affected to
have his men behind the house, called out to come on, and dashing up to
their serjeant, fired his pistol in his face, and made his escape.
  In cold weather, when riding abroad in severe nights on the lines, Captain
M'Lane often used the rum in his canteen to pour into his boots, to keep his
feet from freezing.  Ardent spirits was very scarce and dear; and on several
occasions of skirmishing, his men have been more eager to cut off the
canteens of the British soldiers than to seize their persons.
  When the British army entered Philadelphia, it was his business to hover
close on their rear, to cut off stragglers.  He thus secured several
prisoners.  Some of his men were disguised as British cavalry.  With five of
these, he entered Philadelphia in their rear, and on Second street bridge,
then over the Dock creek, he surprised and took off Captain Sandford on
horseback.  At the same time he was very near to seizing the British
adjutant-general, with his papers, in Second near to Chestnut street.
Thence he turned up Walnut street, and on the bridge over Dock creek, he
surprised and took Frederick Varnum, the keeper of the jail under Galloway.
As he went out Walnut street, he met old Isaac Parrish, who told him he had
just seen General Howe and several general officers, out near the
Bettering-house.  He pressed thither -- they had gone-- but he, ascending
his friend Cormer's house close by, got a view of them proceeding down South
street.  He thought he could have seized them all, if he had had a few more
minutes.
  He always avoided to attack the enemy in any town, from a belief that they
might be induced to fire the place.  That was a reason why no attack was
attempted on Philadelphia.
  While the British were indulging in the festivities of the night of the
Meschianza, below the city, McLane was busy with a stratagem to break them
up.  He had one hundred infantry in four squads, supported by Clow's
dragoons.  At ten at night, they had reached the abattis in front of their
redoubts, extending from the Schuylkill to the Globe mill.  These divisions
carried camp-kettles filled with combustibles, with which, at the proper
signal, they fired the whole line of abattis !  The British beat the long
roll, and their alarm guns were fired from river to river, and were answered
from the park in Southwark.  The ladies, however, were so managed by the
officers as to have taken the cannonade for any thing but the fact, and
therefore continued the sports of the night.  But the officers in charge on
the lines, understood the nature of the assailants and gave pursuit and
assault.  He retired to the hills and fastnesses of the Wissahiccon.  After
day-light the British horse were in full force to pursue him, and finally
took his picket and ensign at Barren hill.  McLane was afterwards attacked,
and swam his horse across the Schuylkill when some of Morgan's riflemen
appeared to his protection.  He then turned upon his pursuers, driving them,
in turn, into their lines near the city.
  This kind of warfare, begun without necessity and without orders, from the
love of enterprise and prowess, was the instinctive pleasure of such active
and martial spirits to invent and accomplish.  Such were the impulses which,
on a former occasion, induced McLane to surprise and capture, by night, the
British garrison at Paulus Hook, a circumstance already detailed in history.
  McLane, at the beginning of the war, was a man of property, all of which
he sold, and freely used his money to enlist and clothe a company at his own
charge.  His continental money went down to almost nothing in his hands; but
he cared for none of these things while he could so usefully serve his
country.  Such a man -- so dashing and valorous in his enterprise, lived to
become a grave and religious character.  He was the father of Secretary
McLane, who was also for some time our resident minister at London.

   EXPLOIT of the HYDER  ALI -- The capture of the General Monk by the Hyder
Ali privateer on the 8th of April, 1782, by a number of volunteers of
Philadelphia, was so remarkable a case of gallantry as to deserve some
special notice.
  A number of gentlemen having met in the evening at Crawford and
Donaldson's insurance office, in High street, and conversing together on the
subject of the captures made in the bay by the General Monk, just then
arrived, it was resolved to raise a loan of money by which to fit out a
vessel which might succeed to capture her.
  The money was obtained of the Bank of North America upon the
responsibility of sundry individuals; the Hyder Ali was purchased of John W.
Stanly, and the command given to Captain Barney; a crew of volunteers,
chiefly from the regular service, was engaged and a commission of a
letter-of-marque procured.
  In a week the vessel was ready and sailed.  Captain Barney disguised his
vessel as a merchantman, and gave his orders, that when he should command to
board, they should fire coolly and deliberately; and that when he should
order to fire, then they should board.  When arrived in sight, and
perceiving that he could outsail the other, he hung over his drag anchors to
impede his way and to deceive the adversary.  On being overhauled by the
General Monk, Barney called out to prepare for boarding; the other, deceived
by the call, directed his men to line the sides of his vessel to prevent
them.  The moment they were at their post, Barney cried to his men to board.
His men fired; the captain of the General Monk and several of his officers
fell.  The General Monk returned the fire, but it was too late then to
retrieve; so that when Barney ordered his men to fire, they boarded without
resistance.  There they had a horrid sight -- nearly one hundred killed and
wounded lay upon the deck.  The General Monk carried eighteen nine-pounders,
and one hundred and fifty men; the Hyder Ali carried four nine-pounders and
twelve sixes, and one hundred and twenty landsmen -- four were killed and
fifteen wounded.

    HOWE'S  ARMY -- It has probably been a surprise occurring to most
citizens, that any country so thickly populated as ours on the seaboard,
should have ever feared the force of an army small as was the British among
us.  Judging as peaceful citizens, estranged to the facts of war, we are apt
to conceive that such a male population as Philadelphia afforded, we had
only to turn out 'en masse'  and make a meal of the invading foe !  But it
is wonderful on such occasions, how very few of the whole can be brought out
in any effect as defenders.  I find I am not alone in such reflections on
the case.  Indeed, they are too natural not to have occurred to others.  I
find, therefore, that our Captain Graydon, in his memoirs, has thought of
these things : -- "Why so much caution (says he) against a foe in the very
heart of the country ?  Why not rather turn out en masse, surround, and make
a breakfast of Mr. Howe and his mercenaries ?  Could not a population of two
millions of souls have furnished fighting whigs enough for the purpose !
Where were the multitudes which used to appear in arms in the commons of
Philadelphia !  Where the ardent town meeting hosts !  The tavern declaimers
!  Where the legion of New England men that hemmed-in Gage at Boston !  &c.
Where the famed Pennsylvanian riflemen !  Where the 150,000 men in arms
boasted of in General Lee's letter to Burgoyne !  these things promised well
(on paper) -- they were flattering in the extreme !  Yet, on the day of
trial, the fate of the country and its liberties was always committed to a
handful of mercenaries -- the very things which were the eternal theme of
our scorn and derision.  Would it have been credited, in the year 1775 (when
patriotic ardour first inflamed ) that a British army of 18,000 men could
have marched in perfect security from the Chesapeake to Philadelphia !  That
a much smaller force could have penetrated through the Jerseys !  and that
mere partisan bodies could have traversed the southern states in utter
contempt of the 'long knife' of Virginia !" -- The truth is, the mass of
citizens have little or no enthusiasm in such perils -- they can help on the
war by imposing numbers, at resolves, and at the polls; but when "sacred
lives and fortunes" are needed, "few take the risk, and less the battle
share !"  Howe, as a martial man, knew this, and pushed his way accordingly.

    THINGS DONE IN PHILADELPHIA --- It is not sufficiently known how very
much our common country is indebted to Philadelphia, or rather to a few
leading individuals therein, for those early measures which led eventually
to resistance and to national independence.  the acts of opposition -- begun
in Boston in 1774, to the Port Bill -- was altogether dependent for its
success, as they believed, on the countenance it might receive from the
middle colonies, of which Pennsylvania was deemed the chief.  The spirit of
Virginia was previously known to be favourable to resistance; but
Pennsylvania, and especially Philadelphia, then the metropolis, and a great
commercial city, was regarded as so far under the influence of the Quaker
population and the merchants -- both of whom were averse to a breach with
the mother country -- that little success was expected unless Philadelphia
city could first be made hearty in the cause.  The merchants had at first
gone very cheerfully into non-importation resolutions, but when it was
ascertained how very much it curtailed their business, several began to
swerve.  As it was thus early ascertained that Philadelphia was the fulcrum
which turned a long lever, some leading men there, of closer observation and
steadier resolution, entered into a concerted scheme to produce a great
political change.  These were the Hon. Chas. Thomson, John Dickinson, Esq.,
Governor J. Reed, and Gen. Thomas Mifflin.
  The particulars of these facts I ascertained from the perusal of the
posthumous papers of Chas. Thomson, extracts and copies of which I have
given to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
  At a general meeting, called at the Coffee-house, these gentlemen became
severally speakers.  Mr. Dickinson, who had the confidence of the Friends,
took moderate grounds, but Mr. Thomson was so vehement and zealous for
making a common cause with Boston, that he fainted and was carried out.
>From causes like these, they were allowed to take the rule of unofficial
public measures.  They soon took the expedient of calling a convention of
the committees of self-created county meetings :  by this they could raise a
power to overawe and rule the assembly, which was in effect still too loyal
for their purpose.  Such "a private association, for laudable views" is
spoken of in Mr. Jefferson's letter of March, 1822, to Dr. Morse, saying,
"this perilous engine became necessary to precede the revolution".  It was a
collateral power which no man should wish to see in use again" -- thus
showing in effect the precedent of the Paris and Jacobin clubs.  That we did
better than they is ascribable to our better materials -- men of more
substantial patriotism and virtue -- true sons of that "virtue" which is
made significantly enough to precede in the motto-scroll of our escutcheon
of independence.
  In addition to those city measures, Chas. Thomson, and another of those
speakers, made a tour through the country under the appearance of a summer
tour with their ladies, but in reality to better enlist the feelings of the
back country people and to test their disposition in the event of a revolution.
  In July 1774, the assembly of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia resolved, "that
in consequence of the differences which long have subsisted with Great
Britain, and have been greatly increased by divers late acts, it is
absolutely necessary to hold a congress of deputies from all the colonies,
and that a committee open a correspondence to effect that object.

     CAPTAIN THOMAS FORREST --- In 1775-6, Capt. Thomas Forrest (since
colonel) formed a company, which were dressed in all the style of Indians,
with painted faces, leggings and plumes.  At same time Captain Copperthwaite
formed a company of young Quakers, called the "Quaker Blues".  Capt. John
Cadwallader (afterwards general) formed a company of "Greens" called, in
allusion to the gentility of the members, "the silk stocking company".  They
were afterwards General Washington's guards at New York.

     NEWSPAPERS -- At the early progress of the war, much newspaper
controversy appeared in the Philadelphia papers, pro and con, thus giving
for a time the semblance of free discussion.  "Common Sense" is controverted
in several numbers, by "Cato" who in turn is answered by "the Forester" and
"Cassandra".

     ARNOLD'S EFFIGY -- In September 1780, the populace of the city were
drawn together in great excitement to witness the degradation and burning of
Arnold, the traitor, in effigy.  His figure, in regimentals, was placed on a
cart and drawn through the city to be burnt on High-street hill.  He had two
faces, and a mask in his left hand.  Near him was the devil, in black robes,
holding out to him a purse of money.  Near them were some transparencies of
pictures and letters describing the treachery &c.  The procession began from
the rear of the present Methodist St. George's church, in Fourth street,
headed by several gentlemen in a line -- and by a guard of city infantry.
The accompanying music played the Rogue's March all the way !

    MRS. DARRACH'S CONDUCT -- I have very direct and certain evidence for
saying that Mrs. Lydia Darrach (the wife of William Darrach, a teacher,
dwelling in the house No. 177, South Second street, corner of Little Dock
street) was the cause of saving Washington's army from great disaster, while
it lay at Whitemarsh in 1777.  The case was this -- the adjutant general of
the British army occupied a chamber in that house, and came there by night
to read the orders and plan of General Howe's meditated attack.  She
overheard them, when she was expected to have been asleep in bed, and making
a pretext to go out to Frankford for flour for family use -- under a pass -
she met with Colonel Craig, (who afterwards shot himself) and communicated
the whole to him, who immediately rode off to General Washington to put him
on his guard.  The next night, about midnight, the British army in great
force marched silently out of Philadelphia.  The whole affair terminated in
what was called, I believe, the action of Edgehill, on the 5th December; and
on the 8th following, the British got back to the city fatigued and
disappointed.  Lydia Darrach and her husband were Friends.  She communicated
all the particulars (more than here expressed) to my friend, Mrs. Hannah
Haines and others.  Although she was a small and weakly woman, she walked
the whole distance, going and coming, bringing with her, to save
appearances, twenty-five pounds of flour, borne upon the arms, all the way
from Frankford.  The adjutant general afterwards came to her to inquire if
it had been possible, that any of her family could have been up to listen
and convey intelligence, since the result had been so mysterious to him !

      DOINGS OF LADIES -- I have heard a lady, Mrs. H------speak in lively
animation of the feelings of the ladies during the revolutionary war, when
debarred by the patriotism of the times from the usual use of their beloved
tea.  Although it was proscribed from the tables of all the whigs, it was
even then indulged in by some of the whig ladies.  It was a practice with
some, to avoid observation, by setting a coffee-pot upon the tea-table, even
while they secretly drank their tea as from the water-pot; but if a stranger
came in, the coffee pot was sent out (feignedly) for more coffee !  When tea
was asked for at stores, it was sold in sealed papers, under the name of cut
tobacco and similar disguises !
  I have preserved an original subscription roll [vide MS. book, p.340] of
ladies who joined to contribute money to raise the bounty to the soldiery
under General Washington, and to be forwarded for that purpose to his lady.
This was an answer of the year 1780, to that general appeal of the general
to all the colonies, to fall upon some extra expedient to supply the army.
On that occasion, the Philadelphia ladies set the example; and at the same
time invoked all in the union to do the same.  This fact gave occasion to
this well expressed compliment, to wit : "We cannot appeal in vain for what
is good to that sanctuary where all that is good has its proper home -- the
female bosom !"  The darkest day of our revolutionary struggle was cheered
by the beams of woman's benevolence.  In this city, the ladies were
distinguished for their active benevolence; and it is a part of our annals
of which we are most proud.
  A lady of Philadelphia, writing to an officer of the British army, who had
been intimate in her family before the war, thus expresses to him the
patriotic feelings of her sex.  The copy was found not long since in MS.
among her papers.  I give only a few leading extracts, to wit : "I assure
you, that though we consider you as a public enemy, we regard you as a
private friend, and while we detest the cause you are fighting for, we wish
well to your personal interest and safety.  I will tell you what I have
done.  My only brother I have sent to the camp with my prayers and
blessings; and had I twenty sons and brothers, they should go to emulate the
great examples before them.  I have retrenched every superflous expense in
my table and family.  Tea I have not drunk since last Christmas, nor bought
a new cap or gown since your defeat at Lexington.  I have the pleasure to
assure you that these are the sentiments of all my sister Americans.  They
have sacrificed assemblies, parties, tea-drinkings and finery, to the great
spirit of patriotism. If these are our sentiments, what must be the
resolutions of our husbands but to die or be free !  All ranks of men among
us are in arms.  Nothing is heard in our streets but the trumpet and drum;
and the universal cry is "Americans to arms !!"
  Philadelphia was at one time gratified with the imposing spectacle of a
French army in fine style of military array, consisting of six thousand men.
They came down Front street; passed up Vine street, and encamped on the
commons at the Centre square.  They were fine-looking soldiers, all in clean
white uniform.  They were under command of General Rochambeau, on their way
to Yorktown.
  When the camp fever was so fatal among our soldiery, they were brought
into Philadelphia, and placed in any and all empty houses which could be
found.  In this way, eleven of them were taken to Harbeson's house in High
street near to Second street.  There Mrs. Speakman, out of compassion to
their sufferings, visited and refreshed them daily, and by much attention
recovered the whole of them. They were young men of the Maryland line, and
unbounded in their only means of recompense -- "the blessings of those who
were ready to perish".  I give this instance as a specimen of a frequent
incident of the time.  Some striking facts of the kind, I have connected
with the notices of "Carpenter's mansion".
  The same lady has described to me the awful spectacles she witnessed of
interring the dead soldiery from the same fever, at Pottersfield, now the
Washington square.  They first dug square pits for them along the western
side of that square, but as they died faster, they dug a long trench on the
whole length of the southern side -- vis-a-vis Dr. Watson's church, making
two rows of lengths, interring double length on top of one another, and
casting the earth over them only as fast as the trench was filled up by the
carts bringing the bodies from the various houses of sickness.
  While Mrs. Speakman lived in High street, she saw as many as six of our
vessels of defence float by High street in flames, set on fire by our own
people to avoid the British capture.  As some of their magazines blew up, it
was awful -- such was their "earthquake roar !"  On several occasions their
guns, being loaded, sent off their shot !  Several balls came up High street
as she looked, and then she and her family went into the cellar for greater
safety.  This was before the British occupied Philadelphia.
  Our war, which has been called "a history of temporary devices", was
replete with happy accidents, "such as the pious call providence, and the
profane call luck".  To instance only a few cases of "time and chance" as
they occurred in the person of our financier, Robert Morris, Esq., may
afford some interest.
  At a time when military stores and clothing were exhausted in Washington's
camp, a supply suddenly and unexpectedly arrived in a ship to Robert Morris,
fully laden.  These he generously gave up to the service. -- At another time
when there were no cartridges but those in the men's boxes, and when, if
attacked, defeat seemed inevitable, a most seasonable supply of lead arrived
to Mr. Morris, in the Holkar privateer, as her ballast, all of which he
promptly gave up to the army. -- Finally, when the campaign of the year 1781
was concerted with De Grasse for the investment and capture of New York from
which De Grasse so strangely and provokingly receded, against the will of
Washington, on the pretext that it was dangerous for his heavy ships to act
in New York bay, and that he must therefore seek his harbour in the
Chesapeake, then it was that Mr. Morris gave his impulse to the army, by
raising on his own notes and credit, the means (equal to half a million
dollars) for transporting and supplying the army for its sudden remove to
Yorktown, where the sequel was the capture of the British army, and soon
after the peace !
  I met with an old manuscript letter of Robert Morris to a friend in
England (in the hand of that gentleman) written soon after the peace, saying
that although he suffered much loss of property by the war, that on the
whole he had gone through the crisis "about even".  He said he had lost as
many as one hundred and fifty vessels, and mostly, or all of them without
insurance as he could not get it effected; but as many escaped and made
excellent profits, his losses were made good to him, or nearly so.

      CAPTAIN FITZ -- REFUGEE -- In the time of the revolution, there was a
:British refugee" in Chester county called "Captain Fitz", whose real name
was James Fitz Patrick.  His exploits as a robber and a depredator on the
chattels and persons of the whigs, gave him great renown in his day.  He
kept, while he was unhung, the whole country in peril.  Many parties of
armed men were often in pursuit of him.  He would often encounter some of
them in the most daring manner.  Some he would subdue, and then tie to a
tree and flog them.  My friend, Mr. Lewis, has written a very interesting
memoir of this real Rob Roy of his day.  It might form the basis of a
romance.  A more fearless spirit never lived; and he was generous and humane
on several occasions.  He had been an American soldier, but having received
some lashes, he deserted under excited feelings of lasting hatred, which
ended only with his death.
  On one occasion he appeared in disguise at a public meeting, where
measures were to be concerted for his capture !  A young militia captain
volunteered to take him, and vapoured much.  This vexed Fitz, who whispered
to his accomplice that he would be sure to rob him of his watch before the
company should separate, and that he would do it with an iron candlestick
then seen on the shelf.  He took it down, and invited the militia captain
aside, saying if he would come out a little from the house, he would show
him how he might secure Fitz.  There (it being night) he demanded of him his
watch, and telling him he was Fitz, he snapped the spring of the candlestick
at him, as if it was a pistol -- then tied his hands behind him, and sent
him back to the company.

         THE DOANES OF BUCKS COUNTY - TORIES. -- The Doanes of Bucks county,
near Doylestown were also the terror of their day.  They were quite as
famous in their section of country, and about the Philadelphia lines, as any
hero of the revolution.  Their father was a man of good estate, and he and
his children of good reputation.  When the war came on, they proposed to
remain neutral; but because of their non-attendance on militia draughts,
&c., and refusing to pay fines, they had their property sold occasionally,
and themselves harassed.  They got inflamed with their neighbours and the
revolutionary rulers, and as they found themselves subjected to legal
imposts and penalties, five brothers of them set out to live in highways and
hedges, and to wage a predatory and retaliatory war upon their persecutors.
They were men of fine figures and address -- elegant horsemen -- great
runners, leapers, and excellent at stratagems and escapes.  They were true
counterparts of Captain Fitz.  They delighted to injure public property; but
did no injury to the weak, the poor, or the peaceful.  They were in league
with the British while in Philadelphia, and acted as occasional spies.  They
became of such importance as to have £300 a-piece offered for their heads.
They were generally on horseback -- sometimes separate -- sometimes together
with accomplices.  Once with twenty-five mounted men, they robbed Robert
Hart, the treasurer of Bucks county, of all the public treasure.  Some of
them were occasionally apprehended, but again broke jail.  They were
frequently passing between Bucks county and the British lines, and often
served as guides to tory parties visiting the city.  A part of them being
once in a retired log-house were assailed.  Two of them leaped out of the
window and escaped as the assailants entered.  Moses Doan, who remained,
fired his pistol at Mr. Heart, which striking his pistol, glanced off in to
the back of Major Kennedy, of which he died.  Then R. Gibson, after Doan had
surrendered, shot him so that he died there in Heart's arms.  Isaac Doan had
his lip shot off.  Abraham and Mahlon Doan, having visited West Chester,
were pursued and taken by a sheriff and his posse, after having run down
their horses, and stood a desperate fight on the road.  These two were hung
in Philadelphia.  Abraham was very stout -- has run away from a detachment
of horse by leaping over fences six and seven feet high.  Their valor and
generosity made them respected above ordinary robbers, and many temperate
people in the county expressed or felt great commiseration for them.

     SOLDIERS  URGING  CONGRESS -- In June 1783, Philadelphia city was put
in much excitement by four to five hundred soldiers, who came suddenly upon
congress then in session, to demand their arrear of pay, &c.  About three
hundred of them had been in the barracks in the Northern Liberties, and
these being joined by two companies newly arrived, marched down Fourth
street with martial parade, and up High street to Robert Morris's, the
financiers office, at the northeast corner of Fifth and High streets.  He
being apprized of it, left his office in charge of his secretary, Doctor
Bensell, who told me he treated their sergeants with much kindness, offering
them the insight of all the books and papers, but had no money !!  They grew
good-natured, and thence proceeded to Congress hall.
  Colonel Garden has said, (vide his Anecdotes) that it was his misfortune
to witness this outrage, and to find that too many of the men who had
returned with honour from the south, forsook their officers to join the
disaffected.  The leaders appeared so obstinate, that General Hamilton, who
had gone into the street, endeavoured to conciliate the soldiery, returned
to the hall and calmly advised them "to think of eternity, since he
confidently believed that within the space of an hour not an individual of
them would be left alive !"  The state authorities from some cause did not
think the things so desperate.  They consulted the militia officers about
getting out the militia to put them down, but few or none of them seemed
disposed to try the measure.  The governor of the state, Mr. Dickinson,
seemed resolved to prefer pacific measures as equally likely to attain the
end.  Congress, however, to show their dissent, and perhaps some of insulted
dignity, resolved on a removal to Princeton, and actually went off the same
night.  The Pennsylvania Packet of the day, in noticing the circumstance,
palliates the rough measures of the men, and intimates that congress should
have remained.  The mutineers, however, finding themselves baffled in their
hopes from congress, began to threaten to take the law in their own hands
and to satisfy their claims from the spoils of the bank.  This soon aroused
the general sensibility of the city, and soon force enough appeared to put
them down had they made the attempt.  I have heard that the sequel was, that
they all returned to the barracks, and set down quietly not dreaming of
harm, when they were all quietly surrounded and made prisoners, by a force
under Major General Howe, who had been appointed to that measure by the
congress at Princeton.  This affair in the parlance of the day, assumed the
imposing name of the "Expulsion of the congress from Philadelphia !"

        CORNWALLIS  TAKEN --- The news of "Cornwallis taken !" caused
extreme joy in Philadelphia.  The news came by express at midnight, and the
watchmen in crying the usual hour aroused the inhabitants by adding "and
Cornwallis taken !"  A more cheering serenade was never heard sounding
abroad in midnight air.
  When "the peace" was confirmed the joy was unbounded.  A great flag was
hoisted on a lofty mast, on Market street hill, and the people fastened
their eyes upon it by the hour, transferring to the emblem the veneration
they felt for the achievers of the peace.  Great fireworks were prepared up
High street, and the crowd being immense when the arch took fire and the
rockets flew down the street among the people, a great panic ensued, and
many contusions and accidents.  The houses at night were illumined
generally, save those of the friends, which of course afforded fine sport
for the rabble in breaking in the dark panes.
  A MS. letter from Benjamin Franklin to Charles Thomson, dated Passy, May
13 1784, once in my possession is interesting.  It gives us lasting good
advice &c., saying, "Yesterday evening, Mr. Hartley met Mr. Jay and myself,
when the ratifications of the definitive treaty were exchanged.  Thus the
great and hazardous enterprize is, God be praised, happily completed !  An
event I hardly expected I should live to see !  A few years of peace, well
improved, will restore and increase our strength.  But our future safety
will depend on our union and our virtue.  Britain will be long watching for
advantage to recover what she has lost.  Let us beware of being lulled into
a dangerous security, and of being enervated and impoverished by luxury --
of being weakened by internal contentions and divisions -- of being
shamefully extravagant in contracting private debts, while we are backward
in discharging honorably those of the public -- of neglect in military
exercises and discipline -- and in providing stores of arms and munitions of
war to be ready on occasion.  For all these are circumstances that give
confidence to enemies and diffidence to friends; and the expenses required
to prevent a war are much higher than those that will, if not prevented, be
absolutely necessary to maintain one."
  After the peace of 1783, the first American flag ever displayed in the
Thames, at London, was on board the ship William Penn, (a curious
coincidence of an old name, formerly connected with our infancy and now with
the first token of manhood !) The widow of Captain Josiah, the commander,
has told me of her being present when she there saw the indignation of the
populace at the spectacle.  They saw such excitements among the people, that
they so far feared a mobbing as to have had to keep up a vigilant watch, and
especially at night, to guard against any violence.  Mrs. J. met in company,
where one of the ladies expressed her offence at seeing the flag, and her
wonder at their presumption in displaying it, when she was pertinently
answered, "We win gold and wear it !"

     "Yankee Doodle" -- This tune, so celebrated as a national air of the
revolution, has an origin almost unknown to the mass of the people in the
present day.  An aged and respectable lady, born in New England, told me she
remembered it well, long before the revolution, under another name.  It was
then universally called "Lydia Fisher" and was a favourite New England jig.
It was then the practice with it, as with Yankee Doodle now, to sing it with
various impromptu verses -- such as :

       "Lydia Locket lost her pocket,
        Lydia Fisher found it;
        Not a bit of money in it,
        Only binding round it."

  The British, preceding the war, when disposed to ridicule the simplicity
of Yankee manners and hilarity, were accustomed to sing airs or songs set to
words invented for the passing occasion, having for their object to satirize
and sneer at the New Englanders.  This, as I believe, they called 'Yankee
Doodle', by way of reproach, and as a slur upon their favourite "Lydia
Fisher".  It is remembered that the English officers among us, acting under
civil and military appointments, often felt lordly over us as colonists, and
by countenancing such slurs, they sometimes expressed their
superciliousness.  When the battles of Concord and Lexington began the war,
the English, when advancing in triumph, played along the road, "God save the
King", but when the Americans had made the retreat so disastrous to the
invaders, these then struck up the scouted 'Yankee Doodle', as if to say,
"See what we simple Jonathans can do !"  From that time, the term of
intended derision was assumed throughout all the American colonies, as the
'national air' of the 'sons of liberty'; even as the Methodists -- once
reproachfully so called -- assumed it as their acceptable appellation.  Even
the name of "sons of liberty" which was so popular at the outset, was a name
adopted from the appellation given us in Parliament, by Colonel Barr¸, in
his speech !
  Judge Martin, in his History of North Carolina, has lately given another
reason for the origin of "Yankee Doodle" *  saying, it was first formed at
Albany, in 1755, by a British officer, then there, indulging his pleasantry
on the homely array of the motley Americans, then assembling to join the
expedition of General Johnson and Governor Shirley.  To ascertain the truth
in the premises, both his and my accounts were published in the gazettes, to
elicit if possible, further information, and the additional facts
ascertained, seem to corroborate the foregoing idea. [* Judge Martin's
version of the story is only a reprint of what N.H. Carter had before
published in his Albany statesman.  The word Yankee, we think, is derived
from the Indian name YENGEE, (English) ]   The tune and quaint words, says a
writer in the Columbian Gazette at Washington, were known as early as the
time of Cromwell, and were so applied to him then in a song called "Nankee
Doodle", as ascertained from the collection he had seen of a gentleman at
Cheltenham in England, called "Musical Antiquities of England" to wit :

            "Nankee Doodle came to town
                 Upon a little pony,
             With a feather in his hat,
                 Upon a macaroni, &c."

The term feather &c., alluded to Cromwell's going into Oxford on a small
horse, with his single plume fastened in a sort of knot called a "macaroni".
The idea that such an early origin may have existed seems strengthened by
the fact communicated by an aged gentleman of Massachusetts, who well
remembered that about the time the strife was engendering at Boston, they
sometimes conveyed muskets to the country concealed in their loads of manure
&c.  Then came abroad verses, as if set forth from their military masters,
saying,

            "Yankee Doodle came to town
                  For to buy a firelock;
             We will tar and feather him,
                And so we will John Hancock."

The similarity of the first lines of the above two examples, and the term
"feather" in the third line, seem to mark, in the latter, some knowledge of
the former precedent.  As, however, other writers have confirmed their early
knowledge of "Lydia Locket" such as

              "Lydia Locket lost her pocket,
                    In a rainy shower," &c.

we seem led to the choice of reconciling them severally with each other.  We
conclude therefore, that the cavaliers, when they originally composed
"Nankee Doodle" may have set it to the jig tune of "Lydia Fisher" to make it
the more offensive to the Puritans.  Supposing it, therefore, remembered in
succeeding times as a good hit on them, it was a matter of easy revival in
New England by royalists, against the people there, proverbially called by
themselves "Oliver Cromwell's children" in allusion both to their austere
religion, and their free notions of government.  In this view, it was even
possible for the British officer at Albany in 1755, as a man skilled in
music, to have before heard of the old "Nankee Doodle" and to have renewed
it on that occasion.  That the air was uniformly deemed a good retort on
British royalists, we must be confirmed in, from the fact, that it was
played by us at the battle of Lexington when repelling the foe; again at the
surrender of Burgoyne; and finally, at Yorktown surrender when La Fayette,
who ordered the tune, meant it as a retort on an intended affront. --- Vide
La Vasseur's book, vol. i.  p.191.
  While on this subject, it may be as well to give a passing notice of
another national name just growing into common use -- we mean the term
"Uncle Sam" which first came into use in the time of the last war with
England; but the cause of its origin is still unknown to millions of our
people. -- The name grew out of the letters E.A. -- U.S., marked upon the
army provisions, barrelled up at Troy, for the contractor, Elbert Anderson,
and implied the initials of his name, and U.S. for the United States.  It
happened that these provisions were inspected there by Samuel Wilson,
usually called among his hired men, "Uncle Sam".  One of his workmen, on
being asked the meaning of the letters, E.A. -- U.S., replied, archly, it
meant Elbert Anderson and Uncle Sam -- (Wilson).  The joke went round
merrily among the men, some of whom going afterwards to the frontiers and
there partaking of the very provisions they had assisted to pack and mark,
still adhered to calling it Uncle Sam; and as every thing else of the army
appointments bore also the letters U.S., Uncle Sam became a ready name,
first for all that appertained to the United States, and finally, for the
United States itself -- a cognomen which is as likely to be perpetuated, as
that of John Bull for old England.

       AMUSING INCIDENTS --- Among the amusing and facetious incidents of
the war, which sometimes cheered the heart amidst its abiding gloom, was
that of the celebrated occurrence of "the battle of the kegs" at
Philadelphia.  It began at early morn, a subject of general alarm and
consternation, but at last subsided, in matter of much merry-making among
our  American whigs, and of vexation and disappointment on the part of the
British.  When the alarm of explosion first occurred, the whole city was set
in commotion.  The housekeepers and children ran to their houses generally
for shelter, and the British every where ran from their shelters to their
assigned places of muster.  Horns, drums and trumpets sounded every where to
arms with appalling noise, and cavalry and horsemen dashed to and fro in gay
confusion.
  The kegs which gave this dire alarm were constructed at Bordentown, and
floated down the Delaware for the purpose of destroying the British shipping
which all laid out in the stream, moored in a long line the whole length of
the city.  The kegs were charged with gunpowder, and were to be fired and
exploded by a spring-lock, the moment the kegs should brush against the
vessel's bottom.  The kegs themselves could not be seen -- being under
water; but the buoys which floated them were visible.  It so happened,
however, that at the very time (in January 7, 1778) when the scheme was set
in operation, the British fearing the making of ice, had warped [docked] in
their shipping to the wharves, and so escaped much of the intended mischief.
The crew of a barge attempting to take one of them up, it exploded and
killed four of the hands, and wounded the rest.  Soon all the wharves and
shipping were lined with soldiers.  Conjecture was vague, and imagination
supplied many "phantoms dire".  Some asserted "the kegs were filled with
armed rebels -- that they had seen the points of their bayonets sticking out
of the bung-hole.  Others that they were filled with inveterate
combustibles, which would set the Delaware in flames, and consume all the
shipping.  Others deemed them magic machines which would mount the wharves
and roll all flaming into the city !  Great were the exertions of officers
and men, and incessant were the firings -- so that not a chip or stick
escaped their vigilance !  We are indebted to the facetious muse of Francis
Hopkinson, Esq., for the following 'jeu d'esprit' upon the occasion.  I give
an extract :

       These kegs, I'm told, the rebels hold,
           Pack'd up like pickled herring;
       And they're come down t'attack the town
           In this new way of ferrying.

       The soldier flew, the sailor too,
           And, scared almost to death,sir,
       Wore out their shoes to spread the news,
           And ran till out of breath, sir.

       "Arise, arise !" sir Erskine cries :
          "The rebels, more's the pity,
        Without a boat are all afloat,
            And ranged before the city."

       The royal band now ready stand,
           All ranged in dread array, sir,
       With stomach stout, to see it out,
           And make a bloody day, sir.

       Such feats did they perform that day,
           Against these wicked kegs, sir,
       That years to come, if they get home,
          They'll make their boasts and brags, sir.

  [To the son of the same gentleman we have since been indebted for our two
national songs, "Hail, Columbia" and "Columbians all, the present hour".]

  In gathering up these 'scrapiana', it occurs to the mind to think what
numerous facts could yet be found among the remains of Robert Morris'
office, the great financier.  They have never been explored.  Wherever they
are, they have gone out of the hands of his family.  After his
embarrassments, they fell in to the hands of his friend Mr. West; but where
they repose now I have not learned.  That his papers should now be so hidden
from the public eye, may show the strange mutability of human things.  While
he once filled the mouths of all men, he was a most sedulous preserver of
all manner of papers passing through his hands -- keeping even his own
billets, &c. -- saying, as his motto, to those about him, "No paper is ever
to be lost in my office -- they pay no taxes !"

      THE GAZETTES -- James Humphries, jr., of Philadelphia, being a tory,
made his "Pennsylvania Ledger" with the royal arms at the head of it, into
"The True Royal Gazette".  The whole copy is still extant in the City
Library, No. 304.  It is appropriately enough labelled by the binder, to wit
:  "Publication of the Enemy in Philadelphia".  It appears to have been the
individual copy preserved by Humphreys himself.  It having, with the
gazettes, all the extra handbills and the private marks of the numbers
printed, of all such as were circulated for military or police purposes.
Several of them are for the purpose of alluring our men into the British
army or navy under promise of land &c.  The Gazette contains such facts,
generally prejudicial to ourselves, as we wished to suppress; also
statements of occurrences different from ours.  They often published
intercepted letters ill-spelled, &c., from small officers among us.  A
number of letters are given as from Washington to Lund W., and to Lady W.,
said to be very graphic of our poor affairs &c.  A MS. note to one of them
imputes them to Mr. Randolph, then in London.
  The Gazette of Hall and Sellers was continued by James Robertson, under
the name of "the Royal Pennsylvania Gazette" at $3 per annum.  On the 26th
May 1778 (his last number) he says he must suspend its publication for some
time !  The Gazette, in his hands, frequently announced events occurring in
the "rebel army" and all they state respecting the American incidents, they
called rebel transactions.  "Rebel hills and rebel dales, by rebel bands
surrounded."

END