Area History: Chapter 41 - Part II: Vol II - Watson's Annals of Philadelphia And Pennsylvania, 1857 Contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by EVC. USGENWEB NOTICE: Printing this file by non-commercial individuals and libraries is encouraged, as long as all notices and submitter information is included. Any other use, including copying files to other sites requires permission from the submitters PRIOR to uploading to any other sites. We encourage links to the state and county table of contents. ____________________________________________________________ ANNALS of PHILADELPHIA AND PENNSYLVANIA, VOL. II ______________________________________________ Chapter 41 - Part II APPENDIX "Reminiscences of Philadelphia" We here give an article from the pen of "Lang Syne" (often quoted in this work) as a specimen of his manner and tact in giving subjects of by-gone days. It may serve to show to others, what they may imitate in the way of tales of olden time, from the use of the materials, so abundantly preserved in the foregoing pages. On the present subject he says, to wit : The contemplation, occasionally, by your reminiscent of the astonishing increase in population, wealth and splendour, now exhibiting every where throughout our beloved city; its lengthened pavements and splendid buildings very frequently cause a reversion of the mind back upon the period when, on Monday mornings in particular, he crept lazily to school, stopping here and gazing there upon the "moving panorama" around him. The images of characters then existing in the city, and the situation of things are as palpable as was the "air drawn dagger" of Macbeth, but without the horror. They float upon the memory rather as "Thistle down moving" or the motes (sometimes mingled and convolved) discernible only in the sunbeam. Ere they vanish for ever, as the curling mist, or the flitting ghost at cock-crow, it is intended in this communication to collect a variety of them hastily together, in one groupe, so that those who have a relish for the modern antique, in by-gone days, may see them "Come like shadows, so depart". An elderly domestic in the Pancoast family, who always named himself Me Mo Michael Hans Muckle Weder, although moving in an humble sphere, his person and character were familiar to every inhabitant. When sent on an errand he could scarcely proceed a square in an hour, being continually surrounded by all sorts of people, some viewing him and listening to him, and some asking him over again, the same question which had been asked a thousand times. Whether the question (repeated) came from the child or the man, he was sure to answer them, every one, with an unbroken smile, extending from cheek to cheek (sans teeth) with unwearied patience, idiotic simplicity, and an affectionate tone of voice. To astonish them, he sometimes changed his usual amiable appearance and expression of countenance to a hideous frown and an awful squint; his two eyes gazing at each other and his long tongue hissing like the serpent from between his boneless gums, causing the juvenile spectator to shrink away from the horrid sight, which was but for a moment -- then resuming his usual benevolent smiling look, he would say "that's the way to frighten the Indians, so it is". He claimed as sweethearts, all the fashionable unmarried young belles in the city. He had "fifty hundred, twenty hundred and sixteen" of them; and when any one of them married, he was sure to go the next day after the wedding to claim his forfeit, always cheerfully given to him, which was a half crown, and a glass of punch from the lady's own hand, which said he, was all the same as though I married her myself. A partially deranged, elderly, spectre-looking maiden lady, tall and thin, of the Friends' persuasion, named Leah, was somewhat remarkable from the circumstance, that she used sometimes to pass the night wrapped in a blanket, between the graves of the Potter's field (now Washington square) for the benevolent purpose of frightening away "the doctors". Collector Sharp Delany, in the front part of his family residence, transacted the whole custom house business of the port of Philadelphia at the south-east corner of Walnut and Second streets, at present occupied by the Delaware Insurance Company. George Baynton, a native of the city, was, without controversy, acknowledged to be the most admirable among the fashionable young gentlemen of his day -- being of proper age and height and of the most astonishing beauty. "The beautiful Fatima" as described by Lady Wortley Montague in her letters from Adrianople, and George Baynton, should have been brother and sister. Boys and men would turn and gaze after his splendid personal appearance -- "many a bright eye fell beneath his glance" and followed his receding footsteps with admiration. Fame had assigned to him all the bounties of nature beyond the reach of art -- and every youthful manly grace, accompanied by the fascination of the serpent towards the devoted fluttering bird. He deceased in the fever of 1793. The uptown and the downtown boys, at this time, used to have, according to the streets, their regular night-battles with sticks and stones, making the panes of glass to jingle on the pavement occasionally -- but the appearance of Old Carlisle and the famous West, the constable, would scatter them into all the hiding places, peeping out from hole and corner, when the coast was clear. The sign of the Three Jolly Irishmen, a tavern kept at the northeast corner of Race and Water streets, and whose locality ( `twas said ) was familiar in places across the ocean, used to be notorious throughout the city as a primary resort of the "new comers", and at times one continued scene and sound of daily riot and night brawl, making it dangerous to meddle with them even by course of law. A little old German watchman who stood in his box hard by, his shoulders bending under the pressure of years, and his chin and nose almost in contact -- on being foolishly applied to one night, and questioned why he did not go and quell the riot there, answered as follows -- "Bless my soul, gentlemen -- bless my soul, wass cann I do wid dem". White sand for floors, being at the time an important article of consumption, the old sand man for the northern part of the city, was looked for the same as the milkman. For the amusement of his customers, on being requested so to do, he would send his horse onward, the length of the square, then call after him by his name, causing the horse with the load of white sand to turn about and come to him -- he trolling the song of "White sand, ho ! -- a shilling a bush, soft 'oder' hard money". Turkey carpets were spoken of, and only to be seen upon the floors of the first families for wealth. Parlour floors of very respectable people in business used to be "swept and garnished" every morning with sand sifted through a "sand sieve" and sometimes smoothed with a hair broom, into quaint circles and fancy wreaths, agreeably to the "genius for drawing" possessed by the chambermaid. The Old Loganian Library, a one story brick building shaped gable-end fashion in the front, stood solitary and alone within a post and rail fence on the west side of Sixth street midway between Chestnut and Walnut streets. Behind the house, and on the grass, the scholars belonging to the Quaker Academy in Fourth street, used to have the regular "set to". Sometimes in the grapple, after being "brought to the scratch" the following exclamation might frequently be heard by one of the combatants -- "Don't tear my shirt -- tear my skin -- but don't tear my shirt". The Northern Liberties, about Camptown and Pegg's run, used to be in agitation almost every Saturday night, by the regular- irregular tavern, rough-and-tumble, smash fighting between the ship-carpenters from Kensington, and the butchers from Spring Garden; the public authority not even attempting to hinder them. A bank note at this time, signed by Thomas Willing, president, and countersigned by a long row of hieroglyphic, perpendicular hair-strokes, only discoverable by the close inspection of microscopic power to be the name of Tench Francis, the cashier, was a kind of "caviar to the multitude" and not to be seen, as now-a-days, in the hands of every one. It used to be viewed as a thing totally different from the continental paper money -- as something unfathomable and puzzling to the brains of people in its very nature -- it being considered as so much cash in gold and silver, to be had in a moment. The strength of the paper caused a bet to be made, that in its material it consisted of either silk or Russia sheeting; and that three of the notes twisted together would lift a fifty-six pound weight from the ground. On trial, the notes broke by the weight; a convulsive laughter ensued among the crowd. A consternation seized the owner of the notes, whether or not by having torn them, he would be able to recover their amount from the primitive national bank. There were three banks in the thirteen United States at the time, and the banking system was spoken of as a great mystery, known only to the "great financier" Robert Morris, and the precious few. The number of banks at present distributed throughout the now twenty-four United States, being three hundred and sixty-five, the great mystery has been proportionably unraveled. Persons living towards the Delaware, and speaking of the house, No. 322 Market street (then standing by itself above Ninth street) by way of designating the distance, would say "away out at Marcoe's". Story books for children consisted in Goody Two Shoes, Giles Gingerbread, Tom Thumb, Peter Pippin, and Robinson Crusoe abridged, all printed and published originally in St. Paul's Church Yard, London, by Carrington Bowles, and resold here at sixpence. The people being numbered about this time, the population of the city in round numbers was said to be above 50,000; which act of numbering was supposed by many pious persons -- speaking on the subject, after it had happened -- to be the procuring cause of the judgment of the fever, with which the city was afterwards afflicted. Even they said, as was the judgment of pestilence upon the Israelites, for numbering the people in David's time. Continental Money It may interest many to see a brief notice of the history and progress of our continental money -- because so few of the present generation have ever been rightly informed respecting its operations and details. It is in itself something properly appertaining to an illustration of our chapter of "the War of Independence" and as such we here give it, to wit : In June 1775, was made the first emission of 2,000,000 of dollars. Before the close of that year, 3,000,000 more were issued. In May 1776, 5,000,000 more were issued, in the autumn of that year 5,000,000 more, and in December, 5,000,000 more. Such frequent and large emissions began to reduce their value in the confidence of the people. In the mean time, the power of taxing was virtually denied to the Confederation. They could only recommend the measure to the states. The whole amount issued during the war was 400,000,000 dollars ! but the collections made by the continental government in various ways, cancelled from time to time about one half of it, so that the maximum of valuation at no time exceeded $200,000,000; nor did it reach that sum until its depreciation had compelled congress to take it in, and pay it out at 40 dollars for one of specie. It kept nearly at par for the first year; as it was then but about equal to the amount of specie held in all the colonies. But the quick succession of the increase tended to depreciate it, till it reached 500 for 1, and finally 1000 for 1, -- when it ceased to circulate for any value at all. Congress, after a time, exchanged forty for one, by giving the holders loan office certificates at par, and had offered to redeem the whole in the same way at 1000 to 1 when it was down at that price; but as those loan office certificates had themselves gone down to 2s. 6d. on the pound, or eight dollars for one, very few were found to avail themselves of the offer. That was their misfortune, to have been so distrustful, or so needy ! Public securities of similar character, bearing various names, such as loan office certificates, depreciation certificates, final settlements &c., and thus constituted the public debt at the end of the war. All these were worth but eight for one, until the adoption of the present constitution in 1789 when they were funded and rose to par, and thus made fortunes for many ! The whole revolutionary debt, as estimated on the journal of Congress, the 29th April 1783, not including the paper money, stood thus, viz.: Foreign debt to France and Holland, at 4 per cent -- $7,885,085 Domestic debt in various certificates, as above -- 34,115.290 ----------------- $42,000,375 At four and six per cent. interest, Making an interest of $2,415,958 per annum. To the foregoing the Secretary of the Treasury afterwards added, for claims held by several of the States $21,500,000 and then funded the whole, putting a part on interest at six per cent., postponing another part without interest for ten years, and the remainder bearing an immediate interest at three per cent. The foregoing, with the arrears of six years of interest being added, and with some other unsettled claims, made the whole debt amount to ninety four millions, which soon went up to par ! The statesmen of the Revolution were well disposed to pay their paper obligations, and alleged that they also had the ability to do so; but against these stood the inability of the people to pursue the profitable employments of peaceable times, and therefore their inability to pay taxes, even if the Congress had had the power to impose them. They could only recommend the measure to the States. They had all agreed at one time to exact an impost of 5 per cent. on all imported goods, but Rhode Island resisted the measure to the last, and without unanimity it could not be adopted ! The campaign of 1778 and `79, with an army of thirty to forty thousand men, was sustained by emissions of paper money to the amount of 135,000,000 of dollars. Thus "making it by wagon loads! " In the same time, the amount of specie received into the public Treasury was but 151,666 dollars, a weight but about a ton of coal if all put into a cart for its carriage ! It has been said that so great a sinking of paper money, was not so injuriously felt among the people as might be imagined -- and it has been reasoned that, viz.: The largest sum by which they could have been affected might be estimated at 300,000,000 at 20 for one, which is only half of the rate fixed by Congress. This would give 15,000,000 of sound money; and this, having been a currency for six years, gives an annual average of 2,500,000; which, to a population of 3,000,000 would make, in point of fact, a poll tax of but about one dollar to each; or if they be estimated by families of six persons each, would be an annual loss, to such severally, of but five dollars each ! So easy it is by figures to diminish losses, which we of the present generation have never felt ! Yet it was a painful and onerous loss to our forefathers, now all gone beyond its influence! Those who are minutely curious on this manner may consult, with profit, a late paper in the proceedings of the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, by Samuel Breck, Esq. Fort Allen It was near to Lehighton that the fort once stood, fronting on the Lehigh opposite to the mouth of Mahony creek. There the garrison (while some of them were out skating) was surprised and massacred by Indians. Nothing now remains of it but its deep well. About the same time, Captain Wetherhold, who commanded a scouting party, and who used to make Allentown and Bethlehem his place of rendezvous, was surprised about six miles from the latter place, and himself and whole party shot and scalped. On the same day, a party, with one Henry Jenks, was also surprised and cut off. Indian Settlement --- Inland. The Indian hunter here his shelter found; Here cut his bow and shaped his arrows true, Here built his wigwam, and his bark canoe, Speared the quick salmon leaping up the fall, And slew the deer without the rifle ball. Here the young squaw her cradling tree would choose, Singing her chant, to hush her swart pappoose; Here stain her quills, and string her trinkets rude, And weave her warrior's wampum in the wood. No more shall they thy welcome waters bless, No more their forms thy moonlit banks shall press; No more be heard, from mountain or from grave, His whoops of slaughter, or her song of love. Spinning Wheels and Looms. These wheels are now so out of fashion and use, as hardly to be known by their names, among the modern city belles, as former articles of household thrift. They must, therefore, be told, that the first is the name of an old fashioned piano with one string and one melody -- the other was a big house-organ with but few stops. They sometimes joined their melodies and song, most cheerily, airs of olden time, like these, viz.: "The diligent hand maketh rich". "She provideth both wool and flax". "She stayeth at home", &c. Battle of Germantown -- Incidents Lieutenant Whitman of Reading, was left on the field, supposed to be killed or mortally wounded. After a while, he made out to crawl on hands and knees to the second house, on south side in Washington lane. There he was sheltered by the resident, and was visited by Doctor Witt, who soon pronounced his case incurable; but at the earnest begging of the lieutenant, he continued to try to save his life. He recovered surprisingly for a time, when a British officer coming to hear of him, made him and his host both prisoners. While so held, Lieutenant Whitman found a chance to get to speak with Major Andre, who procured him a release. He then went to live with Mr. Hergesheimer, where he was nursed and fed till the time of the retreat or withdrawal of the British from Germantown. While he was there hiding himself for fear of a second capture, the American horse (division) appeared, when he claimed their help and protection. Just then, they captured a country Friend coming in to sell butter to the British; and as his punishment, they made him take up Lieutenant Whitman, in his chair, to Reading. He lived many years afterwards. Battle of Germantown, as stated by General Wilkinson. General Wayne, who was in the battle and led the first onset along the main street, writes afterwards from White Marsh, on 21st November 1777, to General Gates (vide Wilkinson's Memoirs) and says, "At Germantown fortune smiled on our arms for full three hours; the enemy were broken, dispersed, and flying in all quarters; we were in possession of their whole encampment, together with their artillery park &c. A wind-mill attack was made on a house into which six light companies had thrown themselves to avoid our bayonets; this gave the enemy time to rally; our troops were deceived by the attack, taking it for something formidable, they fell back to assist in what they deemed a serious affair; the enemy finding themselves no further pursued and believing it to be a retreat, followed; confusion ensued, and we ranaway from the arms of victory really open to receive us. We shall be therefore obliged to leave Mr. Howe to his occupancy of easy winter quarters, whilst we shall be reduced to the hard necessity of making a winter campaign in the open field with naked troops. But I do not despair; if our worthy general will but follow his own good judgement, without listening too much to some counsel." General Wilkinson, in his Memoirs, gives his facts concerning the disposition of the troops, vol. 1, page 351. He says ---"When he visited the camp at Whitemarsh, the battle of Germantown was then the prevailing topic and conversation; and there were many versions and opinions of the same, and much too many censures by subalterns, who could not know the facts which governed the conduct of their superiors and themselves. Some charging it to the tardy movements of the left; others to defective vigour on the right; but those who had been most warmly engaged, ascribed it to the halt at Chew's house, which was imputed to the counsellors of the commander-in-chief, among whom I perceived, that General Greene was the most prominent object of jealousy, and yet a gentleman well able to advise and most efficient to act, and positively the first captain of his day, a most worthy pupil of Washington too." He gives General Armstrong's letter to General Gates, from the Trapp, of 9th October 1777, saying ---"The British were encamped chiefly at Germantown, and the foreigners principally betwixt the Falls of Schuylkill and John Van Deering's mill. We could not take off (as was designed) but beat the enemy's pickets, so that the surprise was not total, but partial. We attacked at the head of Germantown with vigour, and drove the British, who frequently rallied, and were drove again and again, about the space of two miles, when some unhappy spirit of infatuation seized our troops almost universally, whereby they began to retreat and fled in wild disorder, without orders from the general and beyond his power to prevent. [Note -- Colonel Forrest told me, it was caused by our drummers striking a beat for a parley at Chew's house, which was understood by the men to mean a retreat, and that nothing could correct it.] So that a glorious victory already eight tenths won, was shamefully and mysteriously lost; for none now can give any good reason for the flight ! The conjectures are these -- the morning was foggy, and so far, unfavourable. It is said our men took the manoeuvres of part of our people for large reinforcements of the enemy, and thereby took fright at themselves or at one another ! Some unhappy officer is said to have called out we are surrounded ! The enemy, in their flight, a part of them took into a church and a large body into Mr. Chew's house, where we made an ill-judged delay. There was a flag sent in and insulted, and the bearer (Lieutenant Smith) was wounded. My destiny was against the foreigners, rather to divert them with the militia than to fight their superior body, which we did, until the general, seeing his men retreat, sent for me with the division. I followed a slow cannonade several miles, but found him not -- then fell in the rear of the enemy, still supposing them a vanquished party and that we had victory. We gave them a brush; but their artillery, well directed, soon obliged us to file off, near two hours after our troops had left the field. I lost but three and nine were wounded." General A. St. Clair writes from Whitemarsh, November 21 1777 to General Gates, saying --- "The battle happened in his absence. There was strange mismanagement, and it has produced infinite court martials, and made us dread the superiority of the British discipline, which gives me much concern. It is melancholy that Congress, lately so august, so truly venerable, should in so short a time be so visibly altered. Certainly we much need reform in these matters !" General Wilkinson gives us sundry facts of the arrangement of the battle, and disposition of the troops, most of which he learned from Colonel Forrest, who confirmed several facts, and with whom he travelled over the localities and made his observations and reflections, at the time he was in Germantown in 1815-16, writing and publishing his Memoirs. They are to this effect, to wit : The main body of the British occupied ground nearly at right angles with the main street. The front line on the school-house lane to the west, and the church lane (its opposite) to the east. The park was in the area, south of the market-house, and fronting the house of David Dreshler [now S.B. Morris'] in which General Howe had his quarters. The second line formed a parallel, at about one-fourth of a mile in the rear, and flanking the road near the old six-mile stone, before the door of H. Conyngham, Esq. The advanced body, consisting of the second battalion of British light infantry, with a field train, occupied the height in front of Beggarstown [Bonsall's place] on the left of the road, and at two miles advance from the main body, with an out-lying picket at Mount Airy. The 40th regiment, commanded by Colonel Musgrave, was in a field, eastward of Chew's house. The Americans marched all night, in a dark atmosphere, having as an advanced patrole, the horse of Captain Allen M'Lane, who attempted to surprise their picket, but fell in with double sentries, whom he killed, with the loss of one man, and soon after routed the guard. The surprise was complete, and Wayne's brigade commenced the action with the British light infantry, who resisted manfully, but were forced to retire, leaving their artillery on the ground; but preserving some order in their retreat and making a scattering fire as they fell back. Colonel Musgrave's regiment, being soon after attacked, retired into Chew's house. In the mean time, General Wayne pressed the retreating light infantry and continued to overthrow every thing in his way. Our men, as is common with raw troops, expended their ammunition lavishly, soon ran short, and sent to the rear for a supply. General Washington, with General Sullivan and the troops who followed Wayne, having reached Chew's house, from which Musgrave was delivering a random fire from the upper windows at the corps passing on the road, who might be heard, but not seen, because of the distance of the house and the density of the fog, called a consultation (as he understood) when it was determined to attack the house, a measure which caused a halt of the centre column; but having no effect on those approaching on the right and left. It was reported that Colonel Laurens, an aid of General Washington's attempted with a party to force the main door, through which the party within shot out many bullets. About same time, Major White, aid to Sullivan, got mortally wounded by a shot from the cellar window in his attempt to fire a window shutter. These attacks being withdrawn because of the severity of the resistance, a parley was ordered to be beaten, when Captain Smith of the Virginia line got shot as he was advancing with a flag to demand a surrender. General Wayne, in the mean time, continued to pursue the retreating enemy. General Armstrong was engaged with the Hessians near the Schuylkill, and a part of General Green's column had reached the church lane, and met the right wing of the enemy's front line. At this time Colonel Stewart, with his regiment, got warmly engaged, though not in concert, and were soon overpowered. Stewart made good his retreat, and Colonel Matthews, with his corps, were made prisoners. During these operations, Lord Cornwallis was advancing rapidly from the city with the grenadiers, and the left wing of the British front line had got in motion, under Generals Gray and Agnew. At this time, the front of the American troops had nearly reached the market-house [midway of the town] when hearing the parley in the rear, and mistaking it for the retreat, some one cried out, "they beat the retreat" -- when the exclamation spread like wild fire -- a sudden panic ensued, and troops which had met with no check, fled in wild disorder, in spite of the exertions of their officers to rally them ! * [*He notices such panics, as occurrences, happening to the best troops, such as those in the battle of Friedlingen under Villars, &c.] The fog still continued heavy, and the left column had become entangled and was falling back, and the right had made no impression. Captain Forrest, then of the artillery, was, before the time of beating the parley, setting off from General Knox to the front, to say the ammunition wagons were at hand, and had nearly got up with the front, when the beat was made, and the consequences followed under his own immediate observation. General Agnew was not killed in the general action, but had come with his brigade from the left wing to give his support, when our troops gave way, and while advancing at the head of his column, he was shot down by one of some lurking party. Finally, had Washington pressed forward with the centre, fatigued, and exhausted of ammunition, he would have come into contact with the main body of the enemy, fresh for action -- against a force of 10,000; and it cannot but be feared, that he must have met with a still greater disaster. On the whole, it must be regarded, evil as it seemed to have been, another manifestation of the Divine Providence in behalf of these states. Adventures of a "Collector" and Reminiscences of the Year 1800 Young persons engaged in commercial trade, have little or no conception of the changes which have been effected in their pursuits, since the short period of forty years. To illustrate something of what we mean, we propose to give some facts of the incidents which usually befell, at the time mentioned, those young clerks and apprentices in the dry-goods trade -- y'clept "collectors". To give the picture of one such, we shall draw from our recollections of one who was our cotemporary. At the beginning of this century (the year 1800) this friend of ours was still "a 'prentice hand" with one of the six or eight only great notables in the city of Philadelphia, in the dry-goods importing way. They consisted of Fries, Chancellor, Wistar, and Ashton, in High street; and of Field, Thompson, Hartshorne, and Large, in Front street. All beside these were comprised in the little world of small dealers below them. At that time, all their remittances from the West came in, in "hard dollars" and were generally carried, after their arrival, to banks for deposit, like the iron money of Lycurgus, in wheelbarrows ! These large dealers had their regular seasons of country collection, in mid-winter and in mid-summer. 'Twas in the former season that my friend once started from Philadelphia to go to Harrisburg and Carlisle to the westward, and round about to Virginia and home, as collector of one of the houses before named. He was mounted on horseback, wrapped up in a great Fearnought over-coat, his legs and feet muffled up in woollen "leggings and over-shoes". It was a mild time for the season, and so mild that the frost was out of the ground, and the roads were bad beyond the conception of the present race of travellers. For instance, we have known it to be a fact that four hours have been consumed in going by the road from Philadelphia to Germantown, the saddle or team-horse sinking to the knees and deeper in many places, before the turnpike was made. At the hill at Germantown, it was much steeper than now and so narrow as to admit but one carriage at a time. It was even the practice of the stage to cause its passengers to get out and walk up the hill; and all wagoners used to stop and unite their teams to draw up loaded wagons, both there, and also at the hill at Norris' place nearer the city. Our collector had been carefully forewarned to keep a good lookout for the ripples at "the fording places" for then, be it remarked, we had few or none of our present good bridges. When he got near to Harrisburg, having forded the Swatara, by the course of its ripple, he met with an old customer in the form of an elderly widow who had just got a young husband in the person of a German musician. The lady was extremely afraid of fording, and as our young traveller had now acquired some skill therein, he offered to lead the way, if they would follow in their old fashioned chair. The offer was accepted, and they went on very well until about the middle of the stream, when lo ! the horse which had been imperfectly tied at the collar, actually walked out of his gears, drawing out the wedded groom by the reins into the water, and letting down the shafts ! thus leaving the lonely lady screaming with fright, with her feet under the water in her chair ! In the mean time the big trunk of merchandise, which had been set up in the forepart of the chair, was floating down the ebbing stream. Time and money were lost to procure assistance to regain the trunk, and to draw out the lady and the chair ! Harrisburg, at which he next arrived, was a rough and rude affair, compared with its present improvement and enlargement. The crossing of the Susquehanna, at the then "Harris' ford and ferry" was occasionally a terrible affair. He had actually to remain there nine days to get even a chance to pass over amidst the driving ice. When he did start, the boat, which had twenty inches of ice frozen to its bottom, became an unmanageable clump among the floating masses, and drove down the stream some miles before they could effect their landing. Now, the same river is traversed by a grand bridge in two divisions, making an entire mile in length ! It ought to be remembered that at this time there were no bridges in all the route to the West ! Carlisle was then chiefly remarkable for its rigid religious feelings, and especially in its deep silence in the streets and at the inns on the Sabbath. The Scotch Presbyterians then had all the sway to themselves. On one occasion of travelling beyond Carlisle, the passage of the Yellowbreeches' creek was so swollen as to stop the passengers for a couple of days. He at length procured a man, who, for the consideration of four dollars, contrived to set him over at a place above the ford. He used a canoe to which he tied and swam the horse; he then took off the wheels and the body of the sulkey, and ferried them over separately. Sometimes these tours extended to the "far West" and at other times through the western part of Virginia and North Carolina. As there were then no stages and no banks inland, there were of course no means of remittances, and therefore, the collectors were expected to call generally upon their customers. When they had succeeded to gather their silver in quantities, they bought pack-horses to serve as their carriers; each horse taking bags containing two thousand dollars placed upon little wooden-formed saddles, much in the shape of a sawyer's wood-horse and set upon the horses' backs. These horses when they arrived at Philadelphia were sold. It was in this way of horse-back travelling, you could sometimes see officers of the Western army "coming into the settlements" as they called it, even on to Philadelphia. In this way of traveling, we can well remember, when, about the same time, the present Philip, king of France, rode out High street with his young brothers, as explorers and visiters of the Western regions. We might justly be surprised, now, to contemplate a young man, quite alone, with his half a dozen horses laden with silver, travelling the lonely wilds of our woods and the rugged heights of our Alleghanies, unmolested by robbers, and almost without fear ! No accidents then occurred, for surely men were less enured to crime. The pack-horses used to be severally unladen at nights, and the silver carried into the traveller's bed-room, in the low log-house inn. The collector had indeed his pistols; but what were they to the power of the landlord and his friends, if they had been evil disposed ! The money was, however, a serious charge, and we could, if we had room, give some amusing anecdotes of false alarms. Such facts, so recent in our history, should not be forgotten by those who now enjoy such remarkable improvements in our transportation conveyances, by steamers, railroads, and comfortable coaches drawn upon turnpikes. The Revolutionary Navy The Revolution was begun without a single armed vessel. In 1775, Rhode Island began by fitting out two small schooners to defend the coasting trade, and Connecticut had also two small vessels for the same object. Rhode Island was the first to recommend to congress the formation of a naval force; and in December 1775, congress commissioned several vessels -- say thirteen in number, and thus commenced our gallant little navy. In the spring of 1776, Massachusetts fitted out several armed vessels, the white flag of which bore a figure of a pine, or liberty tree, with the motto "We appeal to Heaven". The first naval battle took place about three weeks after the battle of Lexington; and a Captain Wheaton was the first to cause the striking of the British flag on the ocean. At the time of this early career on the sea, General Washington undertook to get up and send to sea an expedition of six vessels, and was obliged in his instructions to address them as a part of the army. This because no congressional laws then existed for the creation of the navy. At this early period of our navel enterprise, the middle and more southern states seem to have started with the device of the rattlesnake on their flag. The earliest vessels seen of the Virginia outfit, at Norfolk and Hampton roads, contained thirteen stripes and a rattlesnake in its coil with head and tail erect and thirteen rattles -- with the motto, "Don't tread on me". [It is commended by the London Morning Chronicle, of 25 July, 1776.] The earliest frigate, from Philadelphia, the Alfred, Captain Hopkins, of which Paul Jones was lieutenant, showed a flag of thirteen stripes of red and blue, with a rattlesnake, in a running attitude with mouth open and sting projected, under it the motto -- "Don't tread on me". That same flag, says Sherburne, in his Life of Jones, was borne by the Alliance frigate, under Paul Jones, when she dashed through a British fleet of twenty-one sail of war vessels in the North sea, receiving their fire and making her escape. Memoranda from Lewis Evans' Journey in 1743, going from Philadelphia by the Schuylkill and Susquehanna, to Lake Ontario, to wit: About 24 miles west of the wagon ford, is the passage through the first ridge of the Kittocktinny Mountains (since Blue Mountains). From the top of this pass we have a view of the vale ten miles across, varied here and there with swelling hills, looking at a distance like cleared land, but are covered with dwarf oaks, about shoulder high and bearing acorns or the best gallnuts of any we have. Count Zinzendorf gave to this vale the name of St. Anthony's Wilderness, and designs, as Mr. Conrad Weiser tells me, to bring over some Germans to settle it. The soil is but poor and ordinary, except on the Swatara, and there is at present no practicable road over the mountain by which the vale may communicate with the settled part of the province. [The foregoing description must apply to Schuylkill county generally] He speaks of a settlement of Indians, five families of Delawares, at the confluence of the two branches of the Swatara -- marking the place since Jones Town, on the main road to Harrisburg. [How things are since altered -- The Wilderness of St. Anthony is no more such, but is now "a beautiful and variegated valley above the Kittatinny Mountain" which mountain stretches from the junction of the Susquehanna and Juniata rivers, over Dauphin, Schuylkill, and Northampton counties.] Shamokin (now Sunbury) is called an Indian town of Delawares, who have their groups of wigwams pretty near together, and many more scattered here and there over a very fruitful spot of ground of about 800 acres. Early travelling in Pennsylvania, inland, 1762. Heckewelder tells us of his travel from Litiz (Lancaster) with C.F. Post and others, to the Indians at Muskingum. They started on horseback, singing a hym. Their going so far was deemed perilous. Put up first night at Middletown; next day crossed the Susquehanna at Harris's ferry; the river was risen fearfully by the melting of much snow, the ferrymen feared to cross; at length they got over, but were carried down the stream two miles by the rapid current. Stopped at Carlisle to meet and talk with Indians; in two days reached Shippensburg, where they saw the last of the white settlements. Then came the howling wilderness, and every where they saw the blackened ruins of former houses and barns, and remains of chimnies, the sad memorials of French and Indian devastations in the war of 1758 and after, of which they heard many horrid recitals from eye-witnesses. Eleven miles beyond Shippensburg, Post struck into a mountain path, as a much shorter route than by the wagon road. The path was hardly discernible, and the ascent steep and rocky. After a travel of several days, they arrived at the Juniata crossings, incurring much danger over the rapid stream. Soon after they passed "Bloody Run" where a body of soldiers conveying provisions to Fort Pitt had been surprised and killed. Seven miles further, they came to Fort Bedford, where was a strong garrison. On the 30th March they began to cross the Alleghany mountains; then the ground was covered with snow 3 1/2 feet deep. Saw there many carcasses of horses scattered along the mountain path, more snow was falling, and they feared to be covered with it; after a painful ride, they gained the summit of the mountain. At last, after a hard day's journey, they came to the cabin of a hunter (Jack Miller) in Edmond's swamp. As soon as nightfall the wolves came round and began their dismal howl, the night music of the place all the year round. Miller (called Fancy Jack) had no stable, and to guard the horses from the wolves, ward and watch was kept up all the night by the hunter and his sons. In the morning they started and soon reached Stony Creek, where the small stream was too swollen to be crossed. The small garrison, and the few settlers were on the other side. In time a Sugar trough was brought from the woods, and they ferried over, but their horses narrowly escaped destruction. Afterwards they crossed Laurel Hill and Chestnut Ridge, and reached Bushy Run on the 1st April, from whence they pushed on diligently to go 25 miles to Fort Pitt before night. When within seven or eight miles of that Fort, they found themselves on Braddock's field, known as the place of action on the 9th July, 1755, by the dreadful sight of so many scattered skulls and bones of the slain, which lay so thickly around, as to be continually stricken by the hoofs of their horses and awaking dismal recollections of the slain. At length they reached the Fort, and were once more among their fellow man. The then only private dwelling was at the point, owned by two traders, Davenport and McKinney, who received them into their house with the most friendly hospitality. In the command of the Fort, was Colonel Bouquet who, with his officers, treated them with much civility. [Such as the preceding, was the nature, toil, and exposure of an inland travel in 1762 and for several years afterwards. It is something now, to be thus informed by actual travellers, what was once the rough and wilderness state of a country, since so settled, productive and flourishing !] Western Pioneers, as recollected by Rev. Mr. Doddridge. The first settlements along the Monongahela, commenced by his father, with others, was in 1772. In 1773, they extended even to the Ohio. First settlers came mostly from Maryland and Virginia; they generally went by the route of Braddock's TRAIL. Some which went from Pennsylvania, went by the military road, viz. Bedford and Ligonier. Their removals were generally on horses with pack-saddles. Settlement entitled men to land, 400 acres free. They called the same "Tomahawk's rights" because with it they barked and deadened the trees around their bounds of location. They usually chose grounds having a hollow for the house and barn, and the hills near, making them as settled in a basin, intending thereby that "whatever comes to the house, comes down hill." Usually, settlers came in the Spring, the male part only, and after clearing and planting corn &c., went back for their families, and brought them out in the Fall. Small families came out at once in the spring. They depended much on lean venizen and wild turkeys, and often the flesh of the bear. Anxiously they looked out for the first growth of the potatoes, pumpkins, squashes &c. When the young corn came it was a perfect jubilee to use them for roasting ears, and afterwards when hardened by age, to grate them on a tin grater for "Johnny Cakes". (Journey cakes.) At this time, the settlers lived in peace with the Indians, but in the year of 1774, all was brought into confusion and peril by the war of Lord Dunmore, all brought on by the atrocious murder of the peaceable, inoffensive Indians at Captina, and Yellow Creek. They had, in consequence, to move the women and children into Fort, wherein they had small hovels; the men in the mean time, had to risk the knife and tomahawk in occasional attention to their fields, to guard their families from eventual starvation. These original settlers had to be their own mechanics, for all which they needed. The hommony block and hand-mills were found in most of their houses. The block was hollowed out at top by burning, and the play of the pestle ground the corn. Sometimes they used the sweep of 16 feet to lessen the toil in pounding corn into meal for cakes and mush. At some places where they had saltpetre caves, they made their own gunpowder by means of those sweeps and mortars. In making meal, they also used a domestic contrivance called a grater; it was a plate of roughly perforated tin, on which they grated their grain. The hand mill was another and a better contrivance, made with two circular stones, the under one being the bed stone, and the upper one the runner. These were placed to run in a wide hoop or band, with a spout for discharging the meal; the runner was moved by a staff passed through an upright affixed in the runner. Such mills are still used in the Holy Land, as alluded to by our Saviour, when he said "two women shall be grinding at a mill" &c. Their water-mills were tub-mills made readily with little expense, consisting of an upright shaft, at the lower end of which a wheel of 4 or 5 feet was attached, the upper end passed through the bed stone and carried the runner in the manner of a trundle-head. Sifters were used in lieu of bolting cloths, and were made of deerskins as a parchment, stretched over a hoop and pierced with holes made with hot wire. As to their clothing, it was spun by women in every house; almost every woman could weave their linsey-woolsey and make the clothes. Every family tanned their own leather; their tan vat was a large trough sunk in the ground; bark was shaved and pounded, ashes were used in place of lime for taking off the hair. Bear's and hog's lard and tallow, answered in place of fish oil. The currying was done with a drawing-knife; the blacking was made of soot and hog's lard. Most families had their own tailors and shoemakers; those who could not make shoes could make shoe packs made like moccasins, of single pieces of leather, save the tongue-piece, on the top of the foot, all was fitted by gathering stitches. They made ploughs of wood, harrows with wooden teeth, they also made their own cooper ware of staves. Some who could not do some of these things for themselves gave their labor to those who could, and so all were profited and mutually accommodated. Rough times indeed ! For a long time after the first settlements of the country the inhabitants married young. There was no distinction of rank, and very little of fortune; on these accounts the first loves resulted in marriage; and a family establishment cost but a little labor, nothing else. Marriages were celebrated at the house of the bride, and the incidents were usually these, viz.: It created a general sensation, it was looked to by all, old and young, as occasion for frolic and fun, and being almost the only means of producing a gathering except where labor was required, such as reaping, log-rolling, house building, or campaigning; they went to it with double zest. The groom partly started from the house of the father early, so as to reach the house of the bride by noon, the intended time of marriage -- for it was always to precede the dinner. The company there assembled, being frontier people without a store, tailor, or mantuamaker within a hundred miles, came dressed accordingly. The gentlemen were dressed in shoe-packs, moccasins, leather breeches, leggins, linsey hunting shirts, and all home-made. The ladies dressed in linsey petticoats, and linsey or linen bedgowns, coarse shoes, stockings, handkerchiefs, and buckskin gloves, if any. The horses were caparisoned with old saddles, old bridles or halters, and pack-saddles, with a bag or blankets thrown over them; a rope or string was the usual girth. The procession march on such an occasion was intended to be in double file, where the horse paths, for they had no roads, would permit. Such paths were occasionally interrupted by fallen trees, and sometimes so done from mischief, and by interlocking grape-vines and sapplings to frustrate the company. Sometimes a posse of neighbors would be resting in ambush to fire a 'feu de joie', so as to cover the party with smoke, and to create surprise and shrieks among the riding ladies and the chivalrous bustle of their partners. If some got a sprain, they bound it up with their handkerchief, and cared little more about it; they had no doctors to help them, nor to help consume their gains. As the procession neared the house of the bride, it would sometimes occur that two young men would start on horseback, full tilt, to win the bottle of whiskey, which, it was previously understood, would be hung out for the gain of the first arrival. The start was announced by an Indian yell; the more the route was encumbered by logs, brush, muddy hollows &c., the better for the rival parties to show their horsemanship. The bottle gained, the winner returns to the party, and first hands it to the groom, and thence it goes on from one to another, giving each their draught of a dram, the ladies included. For the repast of such a party, the table, made of a large slab of timber hewn out with a broad-axe and set on four sticks, was spread with beef, pork, fowls, and sometimes deer and bear meat. There might be some old pewter dishes and plates, but the rest were wooden bowls and trenchers. A few pewter spoons were to be seen, but the most of them were made of horns. If knives were scarce, the deficiency was made up by using their scalping knives, taken from the belts of their hunting shirts. After dinner, dancing commenced and usually lasted till the next morning. The figures were reels, or square sets, and jigs. The commencement was always a square four, which was followed by what was called jigging it off; none were allowed to steal away to get sleep, and if girls got tired, they were expected, for want of chairs, to sit upon the knees of the gentlemen. At 9 or 10 o'clock at night, some of the young ladies would steal off the bride. That was sometimes to a loft above the dancers, going there by a ladder; and such a bride's chamber was floored with clap boards, lying loose and without nails. Some young men, in mean time, stole off the groom to his bride. At a later period, they sent them up refreshments, of which black Betty, so called, was an essential part, as she stood, in their parlance, for a bottle of whiskey. Such entertainments sometimes lasted for several days, none giving over till fully fagged down. If any neighbors felt themselves slighted by not being invited, it would sometimes occur that such would show their presence by cutting off the manes, foretops, and even tails of the horses belonging to the wedding party, everything being rude, like the regions which surrounded them ! All those scenes and all those kinds of people have passed away. First Western Settlements Wm. Darby, speaking of his early recollections of Pittsburg and the adjacent country (beginning 25 years after Braddock's defeat) after speaking of his wonderment at the changes effected in 55 years of absence, says that the Indians were, before his time, most clustered about that vicinity. That it was there that Shingas, King of the Delawares, occupied the spot chosen by Washington as the agent for the site of a post for the Ohio Company. The other part of the proximate country was inhabited by the Mingoes and Shawanoes. When the French were obliged to abandon their position at the forks of the Ohio, the greater part of the Indians moved further west; so that when settlements first began to be made there by the Whites from Virginia and Pennsylvania, the whole country was an unsettled wilderness. It was between the years 1735 and `50, that the Whites passed and seated themselves "few and far between" beyond the Blue Ridge. The oldest town in the Great Valley is Winchester Va., which had probably been an Indian village before. It was a trading station as early as 1730; Hagerstown was also another out-trading post. Salt at that time was worth $5 per bushel to frontier people, and the difficulty of getting it continued for 30 years afterwards. The great era of Western settlement began in 1752, under the auspices of Gov. Dinwiddie; it was he that gave the impulse and encouragement westward, extending from Wyoming in Pennsylvania, to Holstein river in Virginia. In Virginia, the Alleghany was not passed by the settlers until 1749, when some isolated habitations were formed in the Green Brier county. In 1750, Christopher Gist was sent out by the Ohio Company with instructions to examine the country, and to report the practicability of settlements along the Ohio river and thence down to the Falls of Ohio. He made his journey up the Potomac, thence up the valley to where Fort Cumberland was afterwards made; thence to the Franktown on a branch of the Juniata, thence to Loyalhannon, and thence out to the Ohio, at the Forks. When he got to Muskingum, he saw the King's colours there hoisted, and George Croghan (Indian trader) at the head of the few Whites found there and holding a council with the Indians. It was from Winchester, Va., that Thos. Merlin and John Salling undertook a journey of discovery up the Great Valley. They went as far as the head of the Roanoke, where Salling was captured by the Cherokees, and carried to the present Tennessee; from thence he escaped in a hunting excursion in Kentucky. At his return home, via New Orleans to Williamsburg, he gave such fascinating accounts of the fine lands seen that he inspired John Lewis and John Mackay to accompany him westward. Lewis made his settlement near the present Taunton, and gave his name to Lewis creek, a branch of James river; and Mackay fixed himself (where his descendants now reside) in the Forks of the Shenandoah. At that time their hunters could find buffaloes to kill, now no longer seen. First Settlers of New Jersey. Of the first settlement of Newton township, old Thos. Sharp, a friend, has left a quaint account, to wit : Let it be remembered that it having wrought upon ye minds of some friends that dwelt in Ireland, but such as came thither (there?) from England, and a pressure being laid upon them for some years, from which they could not remove until they gave up to leave their friends and relatives there, with their comfortable subsistence, to transport themselves and families into this wilderness. In order thereto, they sent from Dublin in Ireland, to one Thomas Lurtin, a friend in London, commander of a pink, who came and made his agreement to transport them into New Jersey, viz.: Mark Newby, Thomas Thackara, William Bate, George Goldsmith, and Thomas Sharp (the writer) then a young man and single. But while the ship lay at Dublin, Thomas Lurtin getting sick, remained behind and put the command under his mate, John Daggar, who set sail the 19th 9th mom 1681, and arrived at Elsinburg in Salem Co., upon the 19th 11th mo., (two months) following, where they were well entertained at the houses of the Thompsons, who had before gone from Ireland in 1677. [The time of the first Thomas Watson] These had attained to very good living by their industry. From there, we went to Salem, where were several houses that were vacant of persons who had left the town to settle in the country. In these we resided for the winter, which proved to be moderate. At Wickacoa (Philadelphia) we purchased a boat of the Swansons [sons of Sven the Swede] and so went to Burlington to the Commissioners, of whom we obtained a warrant of survey from the then Surveyor General, Daniel Leeds. Then after some considerable search to and fro in what was then called `the third of Irish tenth', we at last pitched upon the place then called Newton [up Newton creek, and now gone.] which was before the settlement of Philadelphia. In the Spring of 1682 we all removed from Salem, together with Robert Zane, who had before come with the Thompsons, and was also expecting us. So we began then our settlement; and although we were at times pretty hard bestead, having all our provisions as far as Salem to fetch by water, yet through mercy of God, we were preserved in health and from any extreme difficulty. A meeting was immediately set up at the house of Mark Newby, and in a short time it grew and increased -- unto which Wm. Cooper and family that lived at the Poynte, resorted; and sometimes the meeting was kept at his house where he had been settled some time before. We had then zeal and fervency of spirit, although we had some dread of the Indians as a salvage people, nevertheless, ye Lord turned them to be serviceable to us, and to be very loving and kinde. Let then the rising generation consider that the settlement of this country was directed upon an impulse, by the spirit of God's people; not so much for their ease and tranquility, as for their posterity, and that the wilderness being planted with a good seed, might grow and increase. But should not these purposes of the good husbandman come to pass, then they themselves shall suffer loss. These facts I have thought good thus to leave behind, as one having had knowledge of these things from the beginning.* *Thomas Sharp's letter above, is preserved as a just counter-part to the letter of Richard Townsend, a public friend, who wrote and described incidents at Philadelphia in the early settlement. Let them live side by side for posterity. [The aforesaid Thomas Sharp was a surveyor and clerk of court, the same who laid out and surveyed the old "Town of Gloucester" and so called at the time, (1689) and the place previously Hermaomissing and Arwames by the Indians, and Nassau by the Dutch and Swedes. There was once there a chalybeate spring, much visited by Philadelphians where they also regaled on strawberries.] "At you salubrious fount do sip, Immured to darksome shade, Around whose sides magnolias bloom, Whose silver blossoms deck the gloom, And scent the spicy glade." [Vide Rev. Nathaniel Evans' poems.] Thomas Sharp's name is often seen in Isaac Mickle's Reminiscences of Old Gloucester (an interesting little work). It was from this family of Sharps that we have derived the Elsinborough grape, near Salem. Becket's notices of Lewis Town and the adjacent country of Delaware as done from 1727 to 1743. [Having been favored in the year 1838 to peruse a MS. book of 190 pages, as written by the Rev. W. Becket, church missionary at Lewis Town from 1727 to 1743, being his notices of sundries, his letters, his poetical compositions &c., I take therefrom the following items. He went from London to Lewis Town in 1721, was born in Cheshire.] He proposes that the Society for Foreign Missions in London should apply to the crown to procure the grant of the lands in the three lower counties, comprising 200,000 acres, inasmuch as they were not included in the grants to Pennsylvania or Maryland, although the two proprietors were then contending for it in London. "Sundry persons who have present titles from one or the other are uneasy, and would willingly have the Church for their landlord, as a majority of the people are of the Church of England. With such means of money at command, support might be raised for a suffragan, much wanted here". {Note : suffragan = an Anglican or Episcopal bishop assisting a diocesan bishop and not having the right of succession.} He demurs to marriage licenses being equally in the hands of the Presbyterians as well as in the Church -- saying it was an innovation first introduced by Gov. Sir George Wm. Keith, to improve his desperate fortune. His parish comprised the whole county of Sussex -- having four churches, and having service every Sabbath alternately. The first was built in 1707 at Cedar Creek. St. Peter's at Lewis Town was erected in 1722, chiefly by gifts made in Philadelphia. (There was a still earlier congregation at Lewis Town -- one which appears of record as early as 1707) The first settlers were generally churchmen from England -- some few were Dutch. "Since then, the Scotch Irish came into Sussex, have two meeting-houses, and are very bigotted". The proportion of inhabitants in Sussex in 1728, were 1,075 of church people, 600 of Presbyterians, and 75 of Quakers; making together 1,750 souls, the whole estimated population. In Lewis there were 58 families. The negroes in Sussex were 241. School houses were usually built of logs, done in one day by all the neighbourhood, by the side of a wood. Mr. Becket wrote poetry very readily, and left several examples. It was his practice to ride on horseback fifty miles a week, to visit the churches and people. The early prevalence of Church of England doctrine in Sussex -- not much altered till the time of Whitefield, tended much to preserve there "the love of Church and State" among a majority of the people, even down to the time of the Revolutionary war. That event produced many Tories, so-called , who were nevertheless very well meaning and respectable people. They aimed to live neutral, but being sometimes persecuted, they would sometimes leave their homes and take refuge in the Black Swamp, and had considerable sufferings there. Earliest Iron Trade and Furnaces, Pennsylvania These were begun as early as 1715. Exportations were made in 1717. Some jealousy was thereby excited in the mother country, so that in 1719 a bill was introduced into Parliament to prevent the erection of rolling and slitting mills -- but was then rejected. In 1750, however, such an act was passed; but allowing the exportation of pig metal to England, free of duties. Pig metal exported in 1750, was 3,425 tons, and 390 tons of bar iron. The cheapness of wood and labour here gave great advantage to the American furnaces -- which they thus enjoyed from 1750 to the period of the Revolution. The first built furnace of Pennsylvania was that of Colebrooke Dale, (Berks Co.) built in 1720, by Jas. Lewis and Anthony Morris of Philadelphia. The Reading furnace was built in 1730 and the Warwick in 1736. The Cornwall furnace in Lebanon county was built in 1741-2 by Peter Grubb and greatly enriched all the owners. In 1798 it became the property of Robt. Coleman, who also acquired a great estate thereby. The price of pig iron at this place in 1780 was £300 Continental money and in 1785 was £6 10 shillings, Pennsylvania currency or $17 1/4. The Mount Vernon furnace erected in 1800, by Henry B. Grubb, produced 50 tons a week. The Mount Hope furnace built by Peter Grubb in 1786, yielded about 900 tons of pig metal per annum. Red Bank, and the War of the Revolution Job Whitall, who lived at Red Bank, in a large brick house fronting the river (next below the redoubt where Count Donop fell) kept a MS. Diary from the year 1775 to 95, wherein he noted daily events relating to himself. >From that book I have made sundry extracts, hereinafter given, which may serve to show some of the incidents of the war at and near his place in 1777-8. A large cannon ball went through his house, while his wife was spinning. She then took the wheel and herself into the cellar. 1777 10th Month, 22d. This day pleasant and fair -- he and his father hung the gate -- then finished the stacks. Then got up horses and wagon, and loaded their goods to move them -- because the English troops (in the river) were coming nearer. Himself, wife and children, after eating dinner, went off to uncle David Cooper's (near Woodbury). Cooper sent his wagon to aid in moving the goods. They drove away 21 head of cattle. The people in the Fort drove away from father and I, 47 sheep, into the Fort. 10th Month, 23d. The Americans filled the house at his father's so that we were forced to move out, and we took loads of goods to John Murdocks in Woodbury [three miles off.] 25th. The soldiers pressed his mare, by order of Col. Greene. 26th. We haul away the wheat and grain -- then fill four rooms with goods, locked up. 27th. These rooms the soldiers broke open and took away some potatoes. 11th Month, 1st. The soldiers took his mare and four loads of rye -- he gets off some of his horses. His neighbours assist to carry some of his produce, hay, &c. 4th. The soldiers press his oxen, as they were in the act of hauling away. The soldiers went to his uncle David Cooper's and there pressed J. Whitall's sorrel. 7th. He and his family went to Woodbury meeting (of Friends), found it was in use as an hospital for sick soldiers; but Friends held a solid, satisfactory meeting out of doors. The militia soldiers were quartered at Gibbs' house, and filled it. Paid for beef then at one shilling and sixpence per pound. 9th. The soldiers at Woodbury steal some of Whitall's pigs -- in meeting time, while the family is at meeting. 10th. He goes to "the Bank" (his homestead) and gets a load out of his cellar. Now he moves again, (from Murdock's in Woodbury) to Gibbs' for safety. 15th. He went over to his house at Red Bank, to bring away a load, but there was so much firing there, that nothing was done by him. To-day he killed his fat cow, and in the night the soldiers came and pillaged a part of it. 16th. We held our meeting at Mark Millers hose. 21st. He staid at home to-day, because of the English soldiers, then arrived there. They took his two mares both with foal, and while the army was passing by, they came and took their bread, pies, milk, cheese, dishes, cups, spoons -- also their shirts, sheets, blankets, &c., then drove out the cattle from the brick shed, all of which, however, came back again, save one ox. 22d. The soldiers took one of his pigs, and cut and hacked others. A great number of soldiers went by to-day, partly peaceable, they only took some gears and some potatoes. 23d. The soldiers took some of his hay, slung on their horses and also took ten sheep. 24th. A warm pleasant day. The English soldiers all moved off in the morning from Woodbury. He walked to the camp ground -- found there his big kettle and the hide of his brown ox. He then walked to Woodbury, and found that they had opened his smoke-house, and taken five flitches. They also had used of his boards a thousand feet, and burned two or three thousand of his staves. {Note : flitch = a side of cured meat, especially bacon.} 27th. Observes a northern light and records its appearance. 30th. Goes to Friends meeting, then held again for the first time in the meeting house. 12 Month, 15th. He goes over to Red Bank to spread and gather flax, being a residue left by the soldiers, who had before used some of it for tents. 1778. 2d Month, 10th. Went to "youths' meeting" at Woodbury -- a great gathering, and many public Friends, and a very grateful time there to many. 4th Month, 20th. He moves back to Red Bank and drives back his cattle, after an absence and precarious living, for upwards of six months. [ The place of Job Whitall, now held by his grandson Louis Whitall, is an old family homestead of ninety acres held upwards of a century. It was first settled there by Henry Treadwell, in 1683; after sixteen years, was bought by the ancestor James Whitall, and there used as his farm. The brick house was built there in 1748. Col. Franklin Davenport, of Woodbury, said that all of Col. Greene's command were black men. The present owner, Louis Whitall, has the scull of Count Donop; he took me to his grave -- sunken and marked with a coarse stone, inscribed with his name, when killed, &c.; he also led me over the remains of the old redoubt. It was, at the time, in an apple orchard which was cut down to make room. There are remains of two breastworks -- the first one on too large a scale to man it, and they therefore made a smaller one within the other, on one side of it. The outer fosse is still a deep ditch, and all the premises are now all overgrown with tall and thick set pines and some other trees. The monument is placed some distance northward from the redoubt, on the line of the next land owner, as the Whitalls did not wish it on their ground because of predatory companies visiting the ground and using their melons and fruits, &c.] {Note : fosse = ditch, moat} [I visited the place and took the above notes and memoranda, the 26th and 27th of June, 1847.] Whitall's house was used as an hospital after the battle, to amputate the wounded. Mrs. Whitall, was a character, and being present when they complained of heavy foot-falls on the floor, said they must not complain, who had brought it on themselves ! She was, however, kind-hearted and useful to them. One night, while seated at sewing and knitting, she saw the lower limbs of a thief, going up stairs, she followed up immediately --found him under the bed, ordered him out, led him by the collar down stairs, and slapped his face and bid him begone. Our Advancement and Prosperity. Being remarks induced by the perusal of Macauley's England, Vol. 1, Chap. 3d. However we, of this age, may smile at the rustic simplicity of the past -- so often set forth in the present work, we are only to read such a book as Macaulay's England at the time that Pennsylvania began to be settled, to perceive how like the early settlers here was the condition of the home country which they had left. Macauley's extended 3d chapter is replete with notices of all such leading changes of men and things there, as these Annals of our country have aimed to note and observe here. He remarks very justly that "we must never forget that the country then, was a very different country from that in which we now live". We here give a summary of facts, for example, to wit : "The Army and Navy, then, were small neglected concerns. The sheep, oxen, and horses, were diminutive. They had no race horses, as now. Their manufactories were few. Agriculture was ill understood, and little practised -- they had few gardens and flowers. Coal and salt mines were not worked. The roads were bad. Stages were few; going only two or three times a week to principal towns. The chief land carriage was with pack horses. Their country gentlemen and gentry made few or no visits to London. London itself, was coarse and grotesque in its weekly publication; and the mass of the people had no reading but in the form of ballads. There were no political readers -- no free discussion; and very few who were able to read and write. Few books were printed and read. The people were coarse and cruel in their sports. The country clergy were ill paid, and little regarded. Few humane and charitable institutions existed. The poor were ill paid -- but four to seven shillings per week and their comforts generally neglected. They had no hospitals for their sickness. The Post-office was but little used, and merchants lived in confined closes &c. They were without libraries. Philosophy, medicine, chemistry, mechanics, were studied by very few. The elegant places now about London, were then rude uncultivated commons, having in many locations, heaths, fens, and morasses. Highwaymen then beset most of the roads; and travellers went mostly on horseback. From the premises, we of this country cannot but perceive that our progress in improvement, preceding the period of our Revolutionary war, much surpassed the time of the two Charles' and Cromwell's governments. A result which we should be inclined to impute to our self-movements, and self-inspired impulses, impelling to all that was useful and ameliorating. As Americans, let us consider ! Old Congress and First Prayer John Adams has given in a letter of Sept. 1774, at Philadelphia, his graphic description of the cause and manner of the first prayer in the then First Congress. Writing to a friend, he says "When the Congress met, Mr. Cushing motioned that it should be opened with prayer. It was opposed by Mr. Jay and Mr. Rutledge, because we were so divided in religious sentiment -- Some Episcopalians, some Quakers, some Anna-Baptists, some Presbyterians, and some Congregationalists, that we could not join in the same worship. Mr. Samuel Adams rose and said that "he was no bigot, and could hear prayer from any gentleman of piety and virtue, who was at the same time a friend to his country -- that he was a stranger in Philadelphia, but had heard that Parson DuchÈ deserved that character, and therefore he moved that he, an Episcopalian clergyman, might be desired to read prayers before the Congress to-morrow morning". The motion was affirmed. Mr. Randolph, our President, waited on him -- he appeared with his clerk, and in pontificals, read several prayers, and then read the order of Psalms for the 7th September a part of which was the 35th psalm. You must remember, this was the next morning after we had heard the rumours of the horrible cannonade of Boston. It seemed as if Heaven had ordained that psalm to be read on that morning ! After this, Mr. DuchÈ, unexpectedly to every body, struck out in extemporary prayer, which filled the bosom of every man present. I must confess, I never heard a better prayer, or one so well pronounced -- done with such fervour -- such ardor -- such correctness and pathos, and in language so elegant and sublime, for Congress, for the Province of Massachusetts bay, especially the town of Boston. It had an excellent effect upon every body here. I must beg you to read that psalm, to wit "Plead my cause, O Lord, with them that strive against me -- stand up for my help -- say unto my soul, I am thy salvation. Let them be turned back and brought to confusion that devise my hurt -- and my tongue shall speak of thy praise evermore". If there is any faith in the'sortes Biblica', it would be thought providential. The whole scene and crisis -- was enough to melt a heart of stone. I saw the tears gush into the eyes of the old, grave, pacific Quakers. Congress, and Seat of Government at Princeton, July 1783. The Rev. Ashbel Green, in writing to his father -- says : "We have the gentlemen of the Congress for fellow-students, they however, exercising by themselves in the library. We are made now alive and bustling -- the quiet of the village is broken up -- carriages and wagons and chairs now rattle every where; oranges, pine-apples, lemons and other luxuries are all the cry now. They have had a great public dinner at 6 o'clock, having present sundry foreign ministers. In the evening, sky-rockets and fireworks. The papers, brought by the Congress, filled six wagons." My Annals --- a Picture of Colonial Times. I have sometimes said, and still oftener thought, that my Annals should afford interest abroad -- even to Europe itself, as showing the early domestic and homebred history of our Anglo-Saxon race, destined perchance, with Britons at home, to anglify, under Providence, the other nations of the globe ! I see some of my thoughts lately, well expressed in the London Christian Examiner -- to wit : "Trace the principles and institutions of the Pilgrims in their development, operation and results. Not only 'the little one has become a thousand, and the small one's a great one', but those institutions, civil and sacred, have found throughout a congenial soil. In these stand the glory of America; under any other dynasty that country could never have risen. On her present position we must look with intense interest. Her whole history is interwoven with the gate of Europe -- America holds no common place. Her conduct and influence in morals and religion is in unison and co-operation with that of Britain, and is destined to change the whole aspect of society every where. The superstitions and errors of ages are melting away. In her future progress she is destined, in common with Britain, to carry along with her the destiny of the species. The world is not only to receive a new language, a new philosophy, a new religion; but to take its entire type and impression from these two nations. In moral power and resources, America not only rivals, but far exceeds the European States, England alone excepted. No force can crush the sympathy that already exists and is continually augmenting, between Europe and the New World. We are deeply interested in the progress of her power and greatness; for she is descended from ancestors who, like the Father of the faithful, for the sake of truth, went to a land which they knew not; and like the children of Abraham, have truth in their keeping -- in common with us; and are destined to carry it by their commerce and British principles of civilization, to the end of the earth." [Are not Britons, then, peculiarly interested in examining those traces of our domestic history, those pictures of our rise, progress, and advancement to present greatness, which have been pictorially drawn from facts, such as I have traced and recorded ? Let Britons examine and consider ! Americans too, of whatever State, and however distant from Philadelphia or New York, have a direct interest in such recitals as I have aimed to preserve, as being a picture of those Colonial days, when we as Colonists were all of homogenous character, and in each and every Colony, presented an honest, frugal, contented, and homebred race.] Memoranda of Historical Works concerning our olden time. The most ancient is that of John de Laet, of Antwerp, a resident of Leyden -- himself a scholar -- he wrote very accurately from what he heard. He knew personally, Capt. De Vries, and had seen the MS. journals of Hendrick Hudson, Adrian Block, Capt. May, and probably other voyagers to the New Nederlands. He had much enthusiasm for the interests of our New World -- he formed, probably, the earliest chart of the Delaware. He describes the tribes of Indians, from the Capes to the Falls at Trenton. He published in 1625, and died in 1649. {A translation of the part relating to the New Netherlands has been published in the first volume of the New York series of the New York Historical Collections -- he published in black letter, in Dutch and Latin. Which last was, of course, for the 'savans' of Europe.} The next in order comes the Royal Beauchamp Plantagenet, who published in 1648, his "description of New Albion", made up from his two pamphlets, of 1637 and '42. Though carelessly written, it seems to be the result of an actual residence, by certain English settlers (among whom was Master Evelyn) under the grant to Sir Edmund Ployden, his friend.* [*Ployden calls himself "Earl Albion", as having land enough to give him an Earldom ! It all went down as to claim and title; but in 1788, we saw in the public papers, a claim to New Jersey and Long Island, as belonging to the Earl of Albion's family -- it died away unnoticed.] He had marked out the country for several nobles of his family, and he and his compatriots, for a while held a settlement on the Jersey side of Delaware, somewhere below Red Bank, supposed at Billingsport. But one copy of this most remarkable work is believed to exist, and that is in the Philadelphia Library, [and which is intended to be copied, as a curiosity.] The "description of New Sweden" by Campanius, may be regarded as the third book in point of order of our antiquities. For although not printed at the time it depicts -- yet it contains facts about locations along the Delaware, collected by Thomas Campanius, and Peter Lindstrom, the Engineer, contemporary with Gov. Printz, in 1642 and subsequent. This Campanius was the Swedish clergyman who lived in New Sweden six years. He was born in Stockholm, 1601, from which cause he has been called Thomas Campanius Holm. He made a catechism into the Indian Language, printed in 1696, he died in 1683. The notes which he wrote at Tinicum, were edited by his grandson, also named Thomas Campanius Holm, and published at Stockholm in 1702. It has lately been done into English by Mr. P.S. Duponceau, at the instance of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and a small copy of Lindstrom's map of the Delaware, accompanies his work, a large chart of 27 inches is also preserved in the Philosophical Society. The next of the historians and geographers is Adrian Van der Donck, who bore the honours of Doctor of civil and common law, from the University of Leyden. He enjoys the distinction of being the first lawyer in the New Netherlands, and the first sheriff of Rensselaerwyck. He came out in 1642, and afterwards printed at the Hague in 1653 his "Descriptions of the New Netherlands". From the second edition of 1656, Mr. Johnson of Brooklyn, has made his translation. Although in himself a scholar, he preferred to write in his vernacular tongue, the Dutch. His map of 1656, so far as the Delaware is concerned, seems very correct. In 1655, was published, in Dutch, a work by David Pieterzen de Vries, master of artillery, his "Brief historical and journalized notes of several voyages to the four quarters of the globe". This De Vries is the same person who appeared in command at Fort Nassau, N.J. He was concerned with his friends De Laet and Van Rensselaer in planting colonies in New Netherlands. [A portion of his work has been translated into English for the New York Historical Society, by Mr. Troost, and also some fragments of it have been preserved by Du Simetiere.] In 1698, Gabriel Thomas, published in London "an historical and geographical account of the Province of Pennsylvania, and of West New Jersey". The part relative to Pennsylvania, I have given in my Annals. The New Jersey part, I have not seen -- the book is now very scarce, and hard to be obtained -- the Jersey part has been reprinted here lately. Peter Kalm, was a professor of Botany, born in 1715 in Sweden, who visited our Swedish settlers in 1748 and remained among us three years; he published his travels among us, in an English translation in 1770 -- died in 1779, much distinguished as a Botanist. In 1796, the Rev. George Acrelius published at Stockholm, "A description of the present and former state at the Swedish congregations in New Sweden" which was translated by Nicholas Collin, D.D., of Swedes' Church, Philadelphia. Acrelius had been a minister at the Christiana Church in Delaware, for several years. He returned to Sweden in 1756, and lived at Fallinsboro in Sweden, when his book was published. The Wissahiccon This romantic Creek, and scenery, now so much visited and familiar to many, was not long since an extremely wild unvisited place -- to illustrate which, I give these facts, to wit : Enoch and Jacob Rittenhouse, residents there, told me in 1845, that when they were boys the place had many pheasants, that they snared a hundred of them in a season -- they also got many partridges. The creek had many excellent fish -- such as large sunfish and perch. The summer wild ducks came there regularly, and were shot often -- also, some winter ducks. They then had no visitors from the city, and only occasionally from Germantown. There they lived quietly and retired -- now all is public and bustling -- all is changed. Longevity, and List of Names and Ages The frosts of ninety years have passed Upon this aged head --- It seems a fine old relic cast From days that long have fled. Mrs. Betsey Frantham, died at Maury county, North Carolina, on the 10th January 1834, aged 154 years ! She was a native of Germany, and arrived at North Carolina in 1710. At the age of 120 her eyesight became almost extinct; but during the last twenty years of her life, she could see as well as when 20 years of age ! She had come out in 1710 among a number of German emigrants to whom Gov. Lynte was directed to give 100 acres of land severally, as motives to settlement. She was for several years unable to walk, and it was their practice for several years to keep her lying between two feather beds, to keep up the essential temperature to the preservation of her life. She had lost the sense of taste and hearing for some time before her death. Died at New Brunswick, N.J. (Aug. 1834 Hugh Henderson, aged 104 years; a native of the Highlands of Scotland. He could take long walks, and enjoyed his health and spirits till February last, when he broke his leg by a fall on the ice. His bones were set and reunited firmly. Died in Chester county 1831, Nathaniel Mercer of that county, aged 101 years. Died at New York, September 1834, of Cholera, a poor coloured woman, aged 109 years. She lived and died in Orange street. There is now living in Washington street a coloured man who is aged 104 years. Joice Heth, a negro slave, is exhibited alive at Pittsburgh, aged 161 years ! She retains vivid recollection of the scenes of her youth, and is to be brought on to Philadelphia, New York, &c. It is said that she once belonged to General Washington's father, and had been the nurse of the General. A post mortem examination in 1835-6 seems to prove her to be not more than 90 years old. Col. W. Drake, died at New Haven, on the 11 September 1796, in the 100th year of his age, and having his faculties sound to the last. Wm. Butler died at Philadelphia in May 1828, aged 108, "the oldest inhabitant of Philadelphia". Died at Fairfield, S.C., 3 Jan., 1835. Jennings Allen, aged 117 years, had served with Braddock, and also in the Revolution. General Washington, his providential preservation. Sundry circumstances in the early life of Washington while a Colonel in the western wilderness have not been sufficiently noticed, as marking him even from the beginning as "the man of destiny," as one providentially preserved for the subsequent salvation of his country. For instance, in the case of his exposure of person in the battle of Braddock's defeat. His letter to his mother of 18 July 1755 -- says "The Virginian troops" -- to which he belonged -- "showed a great deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed. I luckily escaped without a wound, though I had four bullets through my coat, and had two horses shot under me. The general's two aides being early wounded, I was the only person then left to distribute the general's orders. At the same time he requests to inform his brother John, that he has not been killed, as had been before reported in a circumstantial account. He added, "By the all powerful dispensations of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability of expectation, while death was levelling my companions on every side". Such remarkable perils, and such acknowledgements of a divine protection therein, are things which should be impressively considered. Besides the foregoing, it came to pass afterwards, when Washington was out in Ohio in 1770, to explore some wild lands near the Kenawha river, he there met an aged Indian chief who told him that during the battle in Braddock's field, he had singled him out at several times to bring him down with his rifle, and ordered his young warriors to do the same; but none of the balls took effect ! He was then convinced that the young hero was under some special guardianship of the Great Spirit, and he had therefore desisted from firing. He had now come a long way to pay his homage to so peculiar a man -- as one saved by Heaven ! Surely, if the poor Indian could thus discern the protection from above, much more readily should we who profess to understand a God "who rules in the affairs of men". In the year 1753, Major Washington, returning from his visit to Fort Le Boeuf, roughing it all the way like a perfect woodsman, urging his lonely way through the depths of the forests in the depth of the winter, fell into a fearful dilemma, which ordinarily would have cost the life of any other individual. He had left his horse and heavy baggage, and for the sake of greater dispatch had undertaken to foot his way, with his friend Mr. Gist for his companion. Being tied up in his watch coat, with his better clothes off and his papers and provisions tied in a pack slung to his back, (think of that, for the great General Washington, afterwards President of the United States) they urged their lonely way through the woods, each with gun in hand and momentarily exposed to Indian surprise. That surprise came from a party of French Indians laying in wait -- one of them fired upon them not fifteen steps off but missed, and then they seized him, (mark it, that they were too humane to kill an enemy in possession !) and at night let him go; they in meanwhile walking all night, as their best security for getting beyond the reach of the party on the morrow. They then continued walking all next day -- when they reached the river two miles above Shannopins -- which they had hoped to have found frozen from the keenness of the cold which they had braved. The ice there, however, was drifting in vast quantities, and they had no way to pass it but on a raft, which they themselves were obliged to construct with only one poor hatchet. In such a necessary and hurried work, they were diligently employed all day -- exposed to cold in their persons; and with continued apprehensions from the pursuing Indians probably near them ! On such an occasion did Washington, probably, remember the prayers which he may have been taught by a mother's care in his youth. Can we suppose that he did not ejaculate something from the heart for Divine support and protection ! He was protected. For soon after they had embarked on their frail log structure "they got jammed up in the ice, and momentarily expected their raft to sink and themselves to perish !" Just at their extremity, when Washington was setting his pole to save his position, he was jerked out into 10 feet water ! They had no alternative, but to make their way to an island, leaving their raft to its fate. There they had to pass the whole night in mid-winter ! -- their clothes soaked with iced water and stiffly frozen -- so frozen, that his companion, Mr. Gist, had all of his fingers and some of his toes frozen ! Mark the providence ! Washington though equally, or more exposed, was not frozen; and the very severity of the freezing made a formidable bridge of ice, by which they safely passed over to the main land on the next morning, and soon after reached the wigwam of Queen Allaquippa where they were refreshed ! Surely as many of us as may regard Washington as bestowed upon us as a nation's deliverer, must herein see and confess the hand divine, which led his footsteps in his youth, and guided him to future years, through a long, perilous and eminent life. We know nothing in the whole career of Washington, which has been to us such moving cause of emotion, as the contemplation of these earliest scenes of Washington. Scenes, however, which have been least noticed by others. We can't think of his rugged and severe backwood struggles -- his exertions for life and honour, without thinking how little he then could have dreamed of his country's Independence, and himself the appointed Leader ! We row backward when we go ahead ! So dark and mysterious are the counsels which sometimes lead and rule in the affairs of men ! It may be imputed to the good tact and good sense of Gov. Dinwiddie who came out to Virginia in 1752, to have first brought out the proper estimation of the talents of young Washington; and still more are we indebted to the discernment of the Rev. Samuel Davis (afterwards President of Princeton College) who at his sermon preached the 17 Aug. 1755, before the Hanover volunteers of Capt. Overton's command, to excite them to the war, just after the defeat of Braddock -- He says "shall these savages go unchecked, and must our unhappy brethern on our frontiers go unassisted and unpitied ? No ! No ! Thank God, he has been pleased to diffuse some sparks of the martial fire through our country -- in you it begins to kindle, and may I not produce you, my brethern, who are engaged in this volunteer expedition as instances of it ?" He then gives as an episode or note, saying, "I may point out to the public, that heroic youth, Col. Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country". Doct. Davis' text, in the foregoing sermon, was from 2d Saml. x.12. "Be of good courage, and let us play the men for our people, and for the cities of our God; and the Lord do that which seemeth him good". -- See Davis' Sermons, vol.5. Edn. 1818. Possible Changes of Men and Manners. We have been sometimes urged to bring out another volume, wherein we should so dispose of facts of changes passed and passing upon society, as should by emphasis of remark, arouse the indolent or inconsiderate reader to a due sense of the real importance of the changes produced. We feel that we have done enough; and the reader, therefore, by his own reflections and notices, must supply needfull amplifications. We, however, think of sundry prevalent and modish actions of society, such as did not, and could not, formerly, find toleration. They are just so special and striking as to form a proper and closing chapter to these Annals. Not for the sake of censorship, or objection, but as marking an era in "the progress of enlightened civilization" to be remembered. The generation of elderly ladies have not yet passed away, who made a part of that society which could not behold such things as opera-dances and waltzes with complacency. They felt, as females, an instinctive, inherent modesty, precluding them from such publicity. The encroachments upon female modesty have been progressive, and may continue. The first most effective inroad upon the instinctive modesty of the sex -- as is still remembered by them -- was the modish introduction of man-midwifery. Against its practice we urge no complaint : nevertheless, it is remembered as of record, that Mrs. Lydia Robinson of New London, Conn., who died in 1769 at the age of 70 years, had been for 35 years a successful female midwife for 1,200 children and NEVER LOST ONE. After the change of such practice to male hands, women felt a hardihood, which prepared them to permit other influences upon female character. Such came latterly, in the form of opera dancing, waltzing, and circus riding, wherein performers in the display of limbs and individual symmetry, had the countenance of society; and yet we have among us still, many who can well remember their first emotions of confusion and blushes at first seeing some of these spectacles. In time, they also fell in with the fashion of the times, and subdued their scruples. To what they did eventually submit and bring themselves to witness, form such exhibitions as Perrot, and the figurante Taglioni would display. If it were not so graceful it would be indecent; but they understood the philosophy of their art -- it was to throw around sensuality as such a colouring of refinement as might divest it of its grossness. Look ! there she comes from the back of the stage, turning round and round with the speed of a teetotum, in indescribable and fascinating grace -- she pirouettes -- she springs and vaults, her scanty drapery flying upwards, discloses to her enraptured admirers, among the young men, the beauty of her limbs. See ! she now rests before the foot-lights, on the very point of her toe, the other limb highly elevated, depressing and elevating her body with infinite grace and ease, and smiling and looking modest as an angel -- meanwhile, affording to enraptured male beholders, the opportunity of scrutinizing the grace and proportions of her figure. Next, see the impersonation of Perrot, he comes and leaps about as if his feet were made of India rubber, and spins around upon the point of his toe like a top. He joins the figurante, and they twirl away and glide along, holding eloquent discourse with their pliant limbs, after the manner of waltzing. He, wonderful for grace and beauty of person, is as much the idol of the ladies, as is the other the goddess of the gentlemen. The applause on all sides is deafening, save from some few youthful innocent girls who have never beheld the like before. Look at some of them who have come with their friends to see something new -- undefined, vague, glimmering and wonderful --- -----------"Oh ! the joy Of young ideas painted on the mind Of objects not yet known, when all is new !" It is a "Ballet" -- a thing which rank and fashion has countenanced and sustained. Their conductors and companions are persons of unblemished reputation and virtue, and therefore cannot be wrong. Look at any one of these novices -- the face betrays that she has seen enough to crimson the visage and neck with the blush of shame -- she instinctively hides her head from a sight which has shocked her former sense of decency. There is no affectation here. It is nature out, and comes without bidding. While thus confused she hears the enraptured plaudits of all around her, and begins almost to feel ashamed that she has felt confused. She almost fears that her emotions might be imputed to awkwardness -- to prudery -- to anything else other than the truth, she therefore labours to arrive at such mastery over self as the manners of society impose. The exhibition of figure, grace &c., having thus found public favour, came in time to give idea to the exibition of living models as statuary subjects for artists, amateurs, &c. To show forth from life, selected individuals of both sexes, as models of perfection in bodily configuration -- veiled only with invisible or flesh colour tissue. They found for a while some spectators of both sexes, others thought it too gross, and the curtain was dropt. Whether posterity will raise it again, they shall see. The time was, when, even real statuary -- dead cold marble, with its vacant eye, could not be exposed where females were to be met or seen; and the same influence is measurably so still. But while circus riders, of both sexes, can be tolerated to appear in seeming nakedness of limb and bodily form, the nudities of images, as in Italy and France, may come to be a future common exhibition. With the operas have come in a new style of singing, such as our forefathers knew not. It does not profess to be natural but highly artificial, measuring its excellence by its difficulty of execution. Its prevalence, so far, has changed all manner of singing now heard in social intercourse, it aims at anything but sweet melody, and seems like an affectation of something else. But all are not thus disposed, for those who judge of music and its charms from natural instinct, adhere earnestly to nature's dictates and therefore give all favour to coloured ministrels, who profess to follow nature's mode. They teach harmony to natural ears and tastes, and successfully burlesque the operas with all their exalted screams, trills and intonations. That some opera singers should get into choirs of some churches is another innovation of the age; and with it comes the other innovation, with some, of singing what should be praying responses "meekly kneeling on the knees". This we are bound to say, was not always so. One most obvious and most embarrassing change which has "come over the face of our affairs" is the increased and increasing difficulty of providing acceptable employment for growing-up sons -- of such as aim at what they deem genteel occupation. They find the Bar and medical profession already surcharged; find them scarce and few and far between. The result is, that young men are not, and cannot be, prepared for early marriage and settlement, or else they seek to find fortunes where they should not. Too many are therefore driven to live upon contingencies and chance, and are liable to be seduced into criminal stratagems at a rate of number never before so witnessed. A time must therefore come, when men of sense will educate and train their surplus sons to husbandry, and others to mechanical arts requiring skill and education. Architecture, for instance, in houses and ship construction, can open many avenues for further employment, and the elaboration of metals can be carried out into many channels of elevated and enlightened mechanicism. Gentlemen, by combination, could so determine to place their sons, and thus elevate the standard of character just as readily as the same class could determine recently, to make what was free schools for poor children, common schools to themselves and all other tax payers. Make it the fashion that young men should be so disposed of, and the object is attained. Men, who by elevation lead society, may in this matter set the example of so disposing of their sons, and not forcibly constrain them into positions where society draws another way and affects to exclude them. It is not the labour, but the exclusion, which operates on their minds. Our forefathers, when society was more equalized, experienced no such difficulties in the acceptable disposal of their sons. They found readily, places for all positions where their education and training inclined them. It is thus, by comparing the present and the past, we arrive at some apprehension of what our forefathers did in former times, and at some appreciation of the changes which may be induced in the future. We are thus pleased and satisfied in proportion to the images which can be created for our contemplation -- while facts can be educed for consideration, the imagination and the heart must be affected. What the world will come to hereafter, we may all know, as being within the compass of all past history. Society moves in a circle of changes. If we are in pride, pride will bring arrogance and war -- War will produce poverty -- Poverty humiliation and Peace -- Humiliation will induce Repentance and Reform -- Reform, economy and wealth, as at the beginning, &c. The Revolutionary Navy Where so much has been done for the glory of our country in the times which tried men's souls -- it is desirable to say a few words -- to wit : We have many reasons for believing that the officers of our first, or revolutionary navy, were in many respects different from the present -- different, we should say, in dress, manners and mind. Their habits were simpler -- their manners plain, and their intercourse frank and familiar. In their dress, there was little aim at show and grandeur. They wore small cocked hats without lace -- hair powdered and cued -- coats with ample skirts, and foul-anchor buttons -- small clothes -- hose and shoes. Their dignity and sternness, when they aimed at any, was not before their country-men, but before the enemy. In that relation, they showed themselves men of great tact, and of most indomitable spirit and courage. They had all been practical seamen in the merchants' service and thus came out in their new relation, for the occasion. Indeed our earliest officers for our subsequent navy, which produced officers such as we have seen to earn a fame for themselves and their country by their gallantry, in actions since the revolution, had also been drawn from the mercantile marine -- Such were Bainbridge, Porter, Chauncey, Hull, Perry, Preble &c. They had not been originally bred for drawing-rooms and courtly display; but they had no deficiency in polished circles, when called to the exercise of their rules and usages. Army Officers The speaking of navy officers above, stimulates me to say a few words of army officers, such as were down to the year 1800, while the seat of government was at Philadelphia. They were frequently seen abroad in the streets, and always in their uniform. It was less expensive and splendid than now, and thus made an easier affair of daily wear. They arrived, generally from the west, on horseback, with a servant, and their baggage under a bear skin, on another horse. It was gratifying then to the citizens, to see military men thus willing to show their colours -- and it gives a hint to similar professional men to do the same now. American Scenery. Willis has well told wherein our American scenery differs from European; and since the scenery has been depicted by Bartlett, and put upon steel plates, we cannot but perceive how equally grand and imposing are many of our river and lake scenes, compared with the best of the European -- "having no parallel in Europe or on earth". "It strikes the European traveller (says Willis) at the first burst of the scenery of America on his eye, that the new world of Columbus is also a new world from the land of the Creator -- the vegetation is so wondrously lavish, and the outlines and minor features are struck out with so bold a freshness. The minerva-like birth of the republic -- its sudden rise to independence, wealth and power, and its continued and marvellous increase in population and prosperity, strike him with the same surprise, and leave the same impression of a new scale of existence, and a fresher and faster law of growth and accomplishment". Travellers, who have exhausted the unchanging countries of Europe, now turn their steps to the novel scenery and evershifting aspects of this. It is in river scenery, however, that America exceeds all other lands; and "here (says Bartlett) the artist's labour is not as in Europe, to embellish and idealize the reality; he finds it difficult to come up to it". Let this concession be considered and remembered by Americans ! The Credit System. It has been said that "to the system of bills of credit, Pennsylvania owed more of her provincial prosperity than to any other cause -- it gave her a facility in effecting exchanges not otherwise attainable". The mother country opposed this system, and when the colonial assembly had passed acts for such emissions, they were negatived by the crown as soon as the acts permitted -- say in two years. To meet this obstacle the assemblies restricted their acts to two years at a time, and thus managed to make the emissions continual. Since then we have often effected great and lasting good by the credit system -- accomplishing numerous great enterprises. All this while it was held under wholesome restrictions and restraints. We have also greatly abused it when used as a means of excessive stock-jobbing, and extravagant speculations. Like fire and water, which are so useful and necessary in their legitimate use, they can be mismanaged to a tremendous amount of evil. Benjamin Franklin, in his early days, was the first person in Philadelphia who wrote and published in favour of creating paper money; and he says, that he was strenuously opposed by all the monied men; but they continued to discuss it in the junta, and it carried with the people -- and after the first trial in was so liked, as to make calls for more. Next : Final Appendix of the Year 1856.