Area History: History of Schuylkill County, Pa: W. W. Munsell, 1881 History of Schuylkill County, PA: Chapter V - Contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by R. Steffey. Typing and editing by Jo Garzelloni and Carole Carr. USGENWEB NOTICE: Printing this file by non-commercial individuals and libraries is encouraged, as long as all notices and submitter information is included. Any other use, including copying files to other sites requires permission from the submitters PRIOR to uploading to any other sites. We encourage links to the state and county table of contents. ____________________________________________________________ HISTORY OF SCHUYLKILL COUNTY, PA with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of Its Prominent Men and Pioneers. New York: W. W. Munsell & Co., 36 Vesey Street, 1881 Press of George Macnamara, 36 Vesey Street, N.Y. ____________________________________________________________ CHAPTER V. _______ DEVELOPMENT OF THE COAL PRODUCTION AND TRADE IN SCUHYLKILL COUNTY. ________ By P.D. Luther. _______ In the year 1749 the proprietaries of Pennsylvania obtained from the Indians, for the sum of f500, their title to the lands between Mahanoy creek, on the east side of the Susquehanna river, and the Delaware river north of the Blue mountain; embracing in whole or in part the counties of Dauphin, Schuylkill, Northumber- land, Columbia, Luzerne, Monroe, Carbon and Pike. The space comp- rehends the lands between the Blue or Kittatinny mountain range to the south, the Susquehanna river to the west, and a line drawn from the point of the mountain at the mouth of Mahanoy creek to the mouth of Lackawaxen creek, at the New York State boundary, and at the junction of that creek with the Delaware river: being one hundred and twenty-five miles long and thirty miles in aver- age breadth. Within this territory of 3,750 square miles is comprehended the entire group of anthracite basins, usually styled the southern and middle coal fields. In his work on "Statistics of Coal," R.C. Taylor gives the following eloquent description of the great depositories of anth- racite coal in Pennsylvania: "The physical features of the anthracite country are wild; its aspect forbidding; its surface broken, sterile, and apparent- ly irreclaimable. Its area exhibits an extraordinary series of parallel ridges and deep intervening troughs. The groups of elongated hills and valleys consist of a number of axes, all or nearly all of which range in exact conformity to the base of the Alleghany mountains. When viewed from the latter, they bear a striking resemblance to those long rolling lines of surf, wave behind wave in long succession, which break upon a flat shore. In the year 1748 a large portion of this region had received upon the maps the not unapt title of the wilderness of St. Anthony. three-fourths of a century after, when the greater part of this area was still in stony solitude-when this petrified ocean, whose waves were sixty-five miles long and more than a thousand feet high, remained almost unexplored-a few tons of an unknown combus- tible were brought to Philadelphia, where its qualities were to be tested and its value ascertained." The wheels of time revolve unceasingly in their course, events multiply rapidly, the expectation of to-day becomes the commonplace reality of to-morrow; and so the period arrived when the "stony solitude" of the wilderness of St. Anthony was to be aroused from its lethargy, and the treasure embedded in its hills utilized in the cause of civilization, commercial and manufactur- ing progress, and the wants of an increasing population. The birth of a great productive industry may be dated from the year 1829, when 365 tons of anthracite were sent to Philadelphia from the head waters of the Lehigh river. From that time the capital- ists with their millions ________________end page 41._________________ page 42 HISTORY OF SCHUYLKILL COUNTY. _______________________________________________________________ and the miners with their implements of toil penetrated the wilderness; canals and railroads were built, furnishing transpor- tation for the "unknown combustible" to the markets on the sea- board; colliery after colliery was established; until in the year 1847, Mr. Taylor says, the "surprising amount of three millions of tons of anthracite was mined, or an aggregate of nearly nine- teen millions of tons within a quarter of a century, and 11,439 vessels cleared from the single port of Philadelphia, loaded with a million and a quarter of tons for the service of the neighbor- ing States." A quarter of a century later, in the year 1872, the three millions of tons production which had astonished Mr. Taylor had been increased to nineteen millions of tons annual produc- tion, and an aggregate of two hundred and thirty-seven millions of tons in half a century. The development of the coal fields continues with unabated vigor; the volume of the trade continues to expand; railroads above and below ground ramify in every direction; the shriek of the locomotive and the roll of the cars resound on every hillside and valley; the green slopes of a thou- sand hills are blotted with the debris of the coal mines; the density of the population, the growth of cities and villages, the large domestic trade and commerce, all testify to the great importance and magnitude of an industry in which anthracite sits enthroned. FIRST SUCCESSFUL ATTEMPTS TO USE COAL. Having made these preliminary observations, we will now turn our attention exclusively to the coal trade of Schuylkill county. The existence of anthracite coal in the southern and middle coal fields must have been known or suspected prior to 1770. In Sculls map, published in that year, some localities are indicat- ed, especially about the head waters of the Schuylkill, and stretching thence westward to those of the Swartara. The first observation of anthracite coal in Schuylkill county, of which we have particular record, was awarded to Nicho Allen, a lumberman who lived on the Broad mountain. Allen led a vagrant kind of life, and in one of his expeditions, in the year 1790, he camped out over night and built a fire among some rocks, under shelter of the trees. During the night he felt an unusual degree of heat upon his extremities, and waking up he observed amid the rocks a mass of glowing fire, he having accidentally ignited the outcrop of a bed of coal. This was his first experience of stone coal. He never profited by his discovery, and after having for a con- siderable time advocated the value of anthracite, and of his im- portant service to the region in discovering it, without receiv- ing substantial reward, he left the region in disgust, for his native State in new England. The introduction of anthracite coal into general use as a fuel was attended with great difficulty in Schuylkill county, as well as in the other coal fields. In the year 1795 a blacksmith of the name of Whetstone used it successfully for smithing pur- poses. In the year 1806 coal was found in cutting the tail-race of the Valley Forge, on the Schuylkill, and was used successfully by Daniel Berlin, a blacksmith, which led to its general use by the smiths in the neighborhood. Its introduction for household purposes was only accomplished after years of persistent and arduous labor. Its hardness and the difficulty of igniting it, compared with wood, commonly used, involved all the prejudice and opposition to novel appliances usual upon such occasion. The erroneous impression that it required an artificial blast to produce combustion, the superabundance and cheapness of wood throughout the country, the distance from the seaboard and cen- ters of population, and the entire want of transportation facili- ties to market, made its introduction for many years entirely impracticable, except at its places of deposit. Judge Fell first experimented with it in the Wyoming region, using a common wooden grate in his efforts to produce combustion, arguing that if he succeeded in burning up his wooden grate he would then be war- ranted in making an iron one; which he afterward did, making the grate with his own hands in his nephew's shop. This interesting and successful experiment was made in 1808. The following memo- randum was made by the judge at the time: "February 11th, of Masonry 5808.-Made the experiment of burning the common stone coal of the valley in a grate, in a common fire place in my house, and find it will answer the pur- pose of fuel, making a clearer and better fire, at less expense, than burning wood in the common way. "JESSE FELL." FIRST USE OF COAL IN A ROLLING MILL. About the year 1800 William Morris, the owner of a large tract of land near Port Carbon, sent a wagon load of coal to Pennsylva- nia, but was unable to bring it into public notice. dissatisfied with the result, he sold his lands, and abandoned mining opera- tions. The first successful attempt to introduce anthracite coal in the Philadelphia market was made in 1812, by Colonel George Shoemaker, subsequently the proprietor and hose of the Pennsylva- nia Hall, in Pottsville, then as now one of the principal hotels in the place. The colonel loaded nine wagons with coal from his mines at Centreville, near Pottsville, and hauled them to Phila- delphia for a market; but the good people of that city denounced the colonel as a swindler and impostor for attempting to impose "black rocks" upon them for stone coal. The following extract from a report of the Board of Trade of the Shuylkill County Coal Association, drawn up by Samuel Lewis, Esq., is the most authen- tic account of the enterprise of Colonel Shoemaker that has come down to us: "In the year 1812 our fellow citizen Colonel Shoemaker pro- cured a quantity of coal from a shaft sunk on a tract of land he had recently purchased, on the Norwegian, and now owned by the North American Coal Company (1833) and known as the Centreville tract. With this he loaded nine wagons and proceeded to Phila- delphia. Much time was spent by him in endeavoring to introduce it into notice, but all his efforts proved unavailing. Those who deigned to try it declared Colonel ____________end page 42._____________ page 43 COAL PRODUCTION. ______________________________________________________________ Shoemaker to be an impostor for attempting to impose stones on them for coal, and were clamorous against him. Not discouraged by the sneers and sarcasms cast upon him he persisted in the undertaking, and at least succeeded in disposing of two loads for the cost of transportation, and the remaining seven he gave to persons who promised to try to use it, and lost all the coal and the 0charges on the seven loads. Messrs. Mellon & Bishop, at the earnest solicitation of Colonel Shoemaker, were induced to make a trial of it on their rolling mill in Delaware county; and finding it to answer fully the character given it by him, noticed its usefulness in the Philadelphia papers. "At the reading of this report Colonel Shoemaker was present by invitation, who fully confirmed the foregoing statement and furnished some additional information, among which was that he was induced to make the venture of taking the coal to Philadel- phia from the success attending its use at Pottsville, both in the blacksmiths' fire and for warming houses; and that he could not believe that so useful an article was intended to always lie in the earth unnoticed and unknown. That when he had induced Mr. Mellon to try the coal in the rolling mill he (Shoemaker) accom- panied the coal to the mill, arriving there in the evening. The foreman of the mill pronounced the coal to be stones and not coal, and that he was an impostor in seeking to palm off such stuff on is employer as coal. As a fair trial of it by this man or the men under him could not be expected it was arranged be- tween Shoemaker and Mellon, who was a practical workman, that workmen came. They accordingly repaired to the mill in the morn- ing, and kindled a fire in one of the furnaces with wood, on which they placed the coal. After it began to ignite Mellon was inclined to use the poker, against which Shoemaker cautioned him. They were shortly afterward called to breakfast, previous to which Colonel Shoemaker had observed the blue blaze of the kin- dling anthracite just breaking through the body of the coal, and then he knew all was right if it were left alone, and he directed the men left in charge not to use the poker or open the furnace door until their return. When they returned they found the fur- nace in a perfect glow of white heat. The iron was put in and heated in much less time than usual, and it passed through the rolls with unusual facility, or, in the language of the workman, like lead. All, employers as well as workmen, were perfectly satisfied with the experiment, which was tried repeatedly and always with complete success; and to crown the whole, the surly foreman acknowledged his error, and begged pardon of Colonel Shoemaker for his rudeness the preceding evening". Thus Colonel Shoemaker had the honor of establishing the fact-a fact of incalculable importance-that the "black rocks" of Schuylkill county were combustible, and that as a fuel they were combustible into general use for household purposes. This was very gradually accomplished, both because of the abundant supply of wood and of the want of the proper appliances for the combus- tion of coal. The invention and manufacture of grates and stoves adapted to the purpose was the first requisite. At the time of the remarkable adventure of Colonel Shoemaker with his "black rocks" in Philadelphia the mountainous region of the Schuylkill coal field had been only partially explored. Its sparse but hardly population depended in great measure upon thegame which abounded in the forest, and upon the sale of lum- ber, for the supplies required for their necessities and comfort. The lumber cut during the winter was formed into rafts, and sent down in the spring, when the freshets made the river navigable. Before the completion of the Schuylkill canal, in 1825, the products of the county were always sent to market by this precar- ious and unreliable navigation. SCHUYLKILL NAVIGATION In the year 1812 Messrs. White & Hazzard and other individu- als made an application to the Legislature of Pennsylvania for an act of incorporation to improve the navigation of the Schuylkill river, upon which occasion the senator from Schuylkill county rose in his place and said that there was no coal in Schuylkill county; there was a kind of black stone that was called coal, but it would not burn. In consequence of this observation the act of incorporation was not granted at that time; but, notwith- standing the opinion of many people that the project of making a canal into the wild, mountainous region of Schuylkill was a chimerical scheme, the charter was granted in 1815, and the work finished sufficiently by the year 1825 to accommodate the coal trade. The originators of the project, with a few exceptions, did not count upon the coal trade to promote the success of the undertaking. They looked forward mainly to the agricultural products below the mountains, the lumber of Schuylkill county, and the grain and other products of the counties bordering on the Susquehanna river, for a tonnage that would ultimately afford dividends to the stockholders. A division of trade from the north branch of the Susquehanna to the head waters of the Schuyl- kill was a favorite idea at that time. Stephen Girard had that object in view when he promoted the construction of the Potts- ville and Danville Railroad, which was completed to Girardville-a gigantic enterprise for those days, which only served the purpose of a public curiosity. Colonel Paxton had the same object in view in his devoted advocacy of the Catawissa Railroad-a road whose tortuous alignment through formidable mountain barriers and stilt-like trestling over frightful chasms were the terror of all travelers. The first shipments of coal by canal were made in the year 1822, when 1,480 tons were poled down the line, the tow-path being yet unmade. In an address of the managers in 1817, they predicted that the day would come in the history of the Schuyl- kill Navigation Company when ten thousand tons of coal per annum would be shipped by canal. So little idea had the most sagacious capitalists of that day of the enormous future growth of the coal trade. In some of the early reports of the presidents of the company we meet with statements possessing a curious interest. For example, in the report of Cadwalader Evans in reference to the operations of the year 1812 he says: "There have been com- pleted on the upper section of the river since the report of last year the tunnel and the canals and locks at that time com- _____________end page 43.______________ page 44 HISTORY OF SCHUYLKILL COUNTY. _____________________________________________________________ menced, so that the navigation is now completed from John Pott's, at the coal mines, to within half a mile of Reading." Boats carrying eighteen tons traversed this part of the canal during the fall, and transported "produced of the upper county and large quantities of coal to the neighborhood of Hamburg, where it was deposited, and the coal sold to the county people at and near that place." No toll was charged during the fall, as the company wished "to encouraged experiments in this novel kind of naviga- tion." It appears that the worthy president of the navigation company had no other designation for Pittsville than "John Pott's, at the coal mines." The tunnel referred to was situated above Port Clinton. The excavation of it was regarded as a prodigious undertaking, and it was a great curiosity in its day. Many persons came by stage coach or private conveyance from Philadel- phia and other places to see the great tunnel and to witness the spectacle of the passage of boats under and through a mountain. The wonder and admiration with which our ancestors regarded this work-so simple and commonplace in our day-afford a striking elucidation of the great advancement since then in civil engi- neering. This tunnel was the first driven in North America. It was commenced about the year 1818, and was completed, as before stated, in 1812. It was originally 450 feet in length, arched 75 feet from each end. It was reduced in length and enlarged from time to time until at length, in 1855-56, it was made a through cut. The capacity of the canal was gradually increased by deeping the channels, and by other improvements, and the tonnage of the boats, which had been only eighteen tons in 1825. In the year 1846 an enlargement and reconstruction of the canal was accomp- lished, and the tonnage of the boats increased to 180 or 200 tons. Incorporated without mining or trading privileges, it was the interest of the Schuylkill Navigation Company to invite tonnage from every available source. The canal was designed for a grand avenue for the conveyance of the products of the mine, the afield and the forest; a free navigation to all who chose to participate in its facilities. Entering the southern coal field at its centre, it afforded an outlet for most of its territory. The projectors of this valuable improvement were the pioneers in inland naviga- tion in this country, and to them is due the credit of commencing works of this nature. Their enterprise contributed largely to subdue the wilderness and to unfold the mineral treaure hidden in the wilds of the Schuylkill coal region. INFLUX OF OPERATORS AND SPECULATORS. An outlet having been provided by the Schuylkill Navigation Company for a regular supply of anthracite coal, public attention was strongly attracted to the southern anthracite coal field. The developments already made in this region being quite convincing as to the extent of the deposits, and its evident advantages in regard to location and nearness to tide water conduced greatly to this result. The disappearance of the forests in the vicinity of the large towns, and the consequent appreciation in the price of wood-which in 1825 was already more expensive than coal-crystal- lized public opinion in favor of the long despised "black dia- monds." The superiority of anthracite over every other descrip- tion of fuel was at length becoming demonstrated. Its great convenience, and the cheerful, flowing warmth it imparted, se- cured a comfort to the domestic fireside that had never been experienced before. Suitable appliances for its combustion were gradually introduced into public and private houses. Manufactur- ers were beginning to appreciate its superiority to bituminous coal in power and economy. The fact was dimly dawning upon the minds of the people that they were at the portals of a great and wonderful productive industry- an industry of supereminent power and influence-which would ameliorate the condition of mankind, prove a valuable accessory to all mechanical and manufacturing operations, stimulate every branch of trade and commerce, promote the prosperity of and diffuse inestimable benefits upon the coun- try generally. The apathy, the incredulity and the prejudice which had so long dominated the minds of capitalists and consum- ers were gradually removed, and golden visions of prospective fortunes captivated their imaginations. A few years after the inauguration of the Schuylkill coal trade (1825), when anthracite was recognized in commerce as a staple article, the Schuylkill coal region became the theatre of a wild spirit of speculation and adventure, somewhat similar to the frenzy which prevailed in the oil regions not many years since. There was a rush to Schuylkill county of a promiscuous crowd of capitalists, adventurers and fortune hunters, who were inspired with the delusive phantom of suddenly becoming million- aires in the new El Dorado. This was the first speculative era (in 1829) of the Schuylkill coal trade. Pottsville, the center of the movement, overflowed with strangers, for whom there were very limited accommodations and lodging provided; a share of a bed was a fortunate circumstance; a chair to repose in was a cause for congratulation or envy; and, inasmuch as strangers had liberty to sleep on the floor, there was a lively competition for the soft- est plank. A few provident travelers, having special regard for their bodily comfort, carried their beds on top of the stage coach, ready for any emergency. The mirth their arrival created while unloading at the hotel can be readily imagined. In this assemblage of solid men and spirits there was not wanting a representation of the silk glove gentry, with fast horses and dashing turnouts, who did not fail to astonish the natives. City swells and sporting characters, whose profession says, added to the demoralization of the place. The mountains were scarified by pits and trial shafts sunk by enthusiastic prospectors, traces of which yet remain. Having no knowledge of the geology of the coal formation, they "went it blind," trusting to chance; and _______________end page 44._________________ page 45 COAL PRODUCTION. _____________________________________________________________ many of them dug the graves of their sanguine hopes and their- small capitals in the vain search for anthracite. RAPID GROWTH OF TOWNS AND APPRECIATION OF COAL LANDS After such failures the mysterious disappearance of fast teams with their owners, without the formality of paying their bills, was not an uncommon occurrence. Other and more successful explorers revealed the existence of a great number of veins of coal, extending over a vast stretch of county and abounding with a seemingly inexhaustible quantity of the combustible. These dis- coveries fanned the flame of excitement; lands were bought with avidity; roads were laid out in the forest, mines were opened and railroads projected, and innumerable town plots decorated the walls of public houses. The demand for houses was so great that the lumber for quite a large number was framed in Philadelphia and sent by canal to the coal region, ready for the joiner. The spectacle was presented of a city coming up the canal in boats-a forest moving to make way for a thriving town. Whole villages along the roadside thus sprung into existence like mushrooms. The opportunities of promising land speculations were almost unexampled, and many fortunes were made by shrewd and enterpris- ing capitalists. Tracts of land that had been offered for sale at twenty-five cents per acre, and others which could have been bought a few years before for the taxes that had been paid on them, advanced a thousand fold. Within a period of six months from the beginning of the speculative movement-which continued with varied activity for three years, culminating in 1828-29, nearly $5,000,000 had been invested in the coal lands of Schuyl- kill county; yet so little appreciation had the owners of the real value of these lands that some properties which had been sold in 1827 for $500 were again sold in 1829 for $16,000. The Peacock tract, belonging to the New York and Schuylkill Coal Co- mpany, bought in 1824 for $9,000, was sold in 1829 for $42,000; a tract of 120 acres on the Broad mountain, sold in 1829 for $12,000, was bought nine months before for $1,400; one-fourth of another tract sold in 1829 for $9,000, the whole tract having been purchased six years before for $190; a tract on the west branch, which brought $700 was sold nine months afterward, in 1829, for $6,000. Another, tract sold for $16,000, was bought nine months before for $1,000. These transactions indicate the advance of the speculative movement, and the entire ignorance of the property holders in early times of the intrinsic value of their elands. It is questionable whether at any time during the excitement elands were sold at more than their real value as an investment, except in those instances where the purchasers incau- tiously selected barren tracts, or through ignorance crossed the boundary line of the coal field and located in the red shale. Speculators who invested at the comparatively high prices of 1829, with the view of a quick operation, were, many of them, caught two years afterward in the first revulsion of the coal trade, and, not being able to hold their properties, were obliged to sell them at a sacrifice. PRIMITIVE MINING AND TRANSPORTATION The mining operations in the early days of the coal trade in the Schuylkill region were conducted in the most primitive man- ner, all the arrangements being rude and simple. The leases embraced a run on the outcrop or strike of the veins of about fifty to one hundred yards, with an allowance of sufficient space on the surface to handle the products of the mines. The plan first adopted was to sink pits on an elevated position, from which the coal was hoisted in buckets, with a common windlass, worked by hand; and when the water became too strong to be hoist- ed, which occurred at a depth of thirty to forty feet, the pit was abandoned and a new one started from the surface. The yield under this system was very trifling and unsatisfactory, which led to the application of the gin worked by horse power-generally a wheezy or decrepit animal, unfit for other service-and it in- creased the product very much, being considered at the time a great improvement; but as the shaft became deeper the water would increase in volume, and eventually drown out the mine. The opera- tors, although inexperienced in mining, were intelligent, enter- prising and energetic men, who were not content to follow old ruts or beaten tracks. They soon discovered the advantages of opening the veins from the ravines, at the foot of the hills, by drifts. The leases were then made with longer runs, the water was removed by natural drainage, and the pitch of the veins facilitated the mining and loading of the coal. For a short time the coal was taken out of the mine in wheel-barrows, and after- ward railroads were laid in the gangways, and the coal hauled out by horse or mule power. These changes effected a great economy in the whole process until the coal was delivered outside of the mine. The contrivances on the surface for handling the coal were at the beginning of the trade equally rude and simple with those of the mining department. The modern appliances of breakers, ma- chinery and steam engines did not exist at that time. The pick, the hammer, the shovel, riddle and wheelbarrow were all the implements in use. The removal of the dirt and slate from the coal was all the preparation it was subjected to. The transpor- tation to the wharves or landings on the canal was made in the ordinary road wagons. This was a slow and very expensive opera- tion, the charge for hauling being about twenty-five cents a ton per mile. In the year 1829 the production amounted to 79,973 tons, nearly all of which was hauled in wagons over the common roads of the county. Taking one week for an example-June 19-25- 1,831 tons of coal were hauled through the streets of Pottsville, over roads that had the aspect of rivers of slimy mud. No wonder the introduction of railroads was hailed as a happy deliverance. EARLY RAILROADS In the year 1829 the following railroads from the ___________end page 45._____________ page 46 HISTORY OF SCHUYLKILL COUNTY. _____________________________________________________________ shipping ports to the mines were put under construction: The Schuylkill Valley Railroad, commencing at Port Carbon, the head of navigation, and terminating at Tuscarora, a distance of ten miles, with fifteen branch railroads intersecting it, the distances combined amounting to ten miles. This road was in part- ial operation during the year 1829. The Mill Creek Railroad, extending from Port Carbon up the valley of Mill creek four miles, with about three miles of branch roads intersecting it. This was the first road completed and was in operation part of the year 1829. The Mine Hill and Schuylkill Haven Railroad, commencing at Schuylkill Haven and terminating at Broad mountain, having a length, including the west branch, of fifteen miles. There were also about five miles of branches interesting it. The Mount Carbon Railroad, commencing at Mount Carbon and ext- ending up the east and west branches of the Norwegian creek; length of road seven miles. The Little Schuylkill Railroad, from Port Clinton to Tamaqua, twenty miles in length, was likewise projected this year. The superstructure of all these roads was a wooden rail strapped with flat bar iron. The Schuylkill Valley Railroad was completed on the 12th of July, 1830. Soon afterwards, as an experiment, twenty-one cars were loaded with coal by Aquilla Bolton, the proprietor of the Belmont mines, about two miles above Port Carbon, and hauled to the landing with great ease by three horses, the cars being under perfect control of the brakes, so as to stop at the weigh scales and move on again without assistance. It would have taken fifty horses to haul the same quantity of coal over the common roads in wagons. In the year 1830 19,426 tons of coal were passed over the road. The Mount Carbon Railroad was completed in the spring of 1831. Transportation commenced on the 19th of April, on which day the interesting spectacle of a train of cars loaded with anthracite was seen descending the road for the first time. The coal with which the care were filled was mined by Samuel J. Potts from the celebrated Spohn vein. This event ended the road wagon transpor- tation of coal through the town of Pottsville. The Little Schuylkill Railroad was completed a few weeks before the close of navigation in 1831. On the 18th of November of that year the opening of the road was celebrated at Tamaqua. A grand entertainment was given. On Monday, March 11th, 1833, a novel and interesting spectacle was presented on the road. A trial trip was made by a locomotive engine, running from Port Clinton to Tamaqua. It excited considerable interest, as it was the first locomotive introduced in Schuylkill county. The super- structure of the railroad was too light for the engine, which spread the rails and tan into the river. It was used afterward as a shifting engine at Tamaqua. It is said that the engine was shipped from Liverpool to Philadelphia, where it was loaded on a wagon used for hauling marble, and with sixteen horses hauled to Schuylkill county. During the progress of the coal trade the railroads noticed above had been greatly extended, and after the completion of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad they were reconstructed, with a wider gauge and an iron rail. It is a notable circumstance that to Abraham Pott, a pioneer coal operator, belongs the honor of having built the first rail- road in Schuylkill county, in Pennsylvania, and perhaps in the United States. A railroad which was about half a mile in length, and extended from the junction of Mill creek and the Schuylkill river to a point in the Black Valley, was built by him in 1826- 27. It had an entirely wooden superstructure, and was success- fully operated. Mr. Pott was the first to use drop bottom cars, with wheels fixed to the axles. He erected a steam engine in 1829 to drive a saw-mill the first steam engine in the county. To him belongs the credit of being the first to use anthracite coal for the generation of steam for a steam engine. EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE TRADE The coal trade from 1825 to 1829 inclusive had been very encouraging to the operators. All the coal that could be mined found a ready market at fair prices. The following is a state- ment of the number of tons shipped from the Schuylkill region during these years, with the price per ton obtained at Potts- ville: 1825, 6,5000, $3.08; 1826, 16,767, $2.80; 1827, 31,360, $2.80; 1828, 47,284, $2.52; 1829, 79,973, $2052. This result inspired a buoyant feeling among the producers at the beginning of the year 1830 in contemplating the prospects of the trade for the ensuing season. The market was in a healthy condition. The superiority of anthracite as a fuel for domestic, for manufacturing and for steam generating purposes was gaining recognition, and its popularity was enhanced with its introduc- tion into more general use. All the indications pointed to a greatly increased consumption in the near future, and it seemed to warrant the preparation made to meet the probable demand. The Schuylkill canal was in order for business on the first of April. The coal operators were felicitating themselves upon their glori- ous prospects. At no previous period had they indulged in greater expectations. The turmoil of business resounded in the streets of Pottsville. Coal wagons, in a continuous train, were conveying the treasure of the mines to the landings; the wharves presented an enlivening picture of activity; there was talk of having relays of horses on the canal to hasted the transit of anthracite to the markets where it was so anxiously expected. Great impa- tience was displayed at the snail-paced way of dragging along on the canal, with one horse, and that only in the daytime. Coal was king, and all the people in the coal region were his worship- ers. FLUCTUATIONS AND EMBARRASSMENTS IMMEDIATELY FOLLOWING 1830 To this impulsive enthusiasm there was, unfortunately ________________end page 46._________________ page 47 COAL PRODUCTION. _______________________________________________________________ a check before these flattering hopes had time to blossom. The movement of the trade had but fairly started when a series of misfortunes occurred on the canal; leaks and breaches and damaged locks interrupted the navigation. The shippers because vehement with impatience at the supposed tardiness of the superintendents who had charge of the repairs, and at the inefficiency and parsi- monious policy of the managers of the navigation company, who could not be made to appreciate the exigency of the occasion. At length on the 17th of May the navigation was restored, but com- plaintsthat the canal did not afford sufficient accommodation for the trade continued to be made throughout the season. The sequel to all this outcry and protestation was an over- stock market at the close of the season. The amount sent from the Schuylkill region was 89,984 tons; an increase of10,011 tons over the supply of the preceding year. The aggregate supply from all the regions was 175,209 tons, being an increaseof 63,126 tons over the supply of 1829. The actual consumption of anthracite coal in 1830 was 126,581 tons, or 48,628 tons less than the supply. The prices of coal were fair in the spring, and they averaged for the year $2.52 per ton at Pottsville and $5.50 to $6 per ton at Philadelphia. As the season advanced prices receded, and before the following spring they were as low as $4.50 per ton in Philadelphia by the cargo. The year 1831 forms an important epoch in the Schuylkill coal trade. It was then it met with its first serious reverse, in- duced by overproduction. The market was broken down by an excess in the supply of the previous year of not over fifty thousand tons. Half a century afterward an excess of millions of tons would be requiredto produce an equal effect. Truly, the trade was in its infancy. Prices of coal declined to $1.50 per ton at Pottsville and $4 per ton in Philadelphia. Miners' wages were reduced to $1 per day, laborers' to 82 cents. All together the situation was deplorable. It was the first serious revulsion the trade had encountered, and it was destined to become the first of a long series of periodical inflictions. In the meantime the low prices of coal had effected almost insensibly a greatly augmented consumption, especially for house- hold purposes. In the beginning of autumn the demand became un- precedented. The miners and boatmen, who had sought other employ- ment during the stagnation of the trade, could not be brought back in time to mine and transport coal enough to supply the market. The scarcity of workmen caused an advance in wages. Canal freight rose from $1.12 to $2.50 ton to Philadelphia, and from Philadelphia to New York from $1 to $2 per ton. On the 3rd if December Schuylkill coal was selling at $9.50 in New York, advancing to $17 by the 26th of the same month. The business of the year 1832 was distinguished by unvarying and unexampled prosperity-it was an oasis in the trade, affording unmingled and general satisfaction. The first boat of the season was shipped by the Schuylkill canal on the 28th of March. Loud cheers and several salutes of fire-arms testified to the satis- faction of the spectators. The amount of coal sent from the Schuylkill region in 1832 was 209,271 tons,an increase over supply of the preceding year of 127,417 tons. The average price of coal during the year was $2.37 at Pottsville, against $1.50 in 1831. An embarrassing feature of the coal business in 1832 was the great scarcity of boats. Freight, which started at $1.50 per ton to Philadelphia (which was deemed a fair rate), advanced to $3075 per ton before the close of the season. The prevalence of the Asiatic cholera in Philadelphia during the summer alarmed the boatmen, and many boats were withdrawn from the trade during the worst stage of the epidemic. The boatmen who continued were only induced to remain by the increased wages they received. The dealers, becoming uneasy in regard to their supplies, instructed their agents to forward their coal as soon as possible, without a limitas to freights. From this time may be dated the origin of an element in the trade which became very harassing and uncon- trollable. The freights on the canal, whenever there was a good demand for coal or whenever boats were scarce, were advanced at a rate beyond the bounds of moderation or fair dealing. The boat- men were sharp and unscrupulous, and they quickly took advantage of every circumstance which could be made to inure to their benefit. It became a common practice for the shippers or his agent to travel down the towing path ten or fifteen miles, if necessary, to charter boats, which could only be secured by an advance in freight at the expense of the consignee, and a bonus of five or ten dollars at the expense of the shipper. This intolerable practice was not entirely broken up until the naviga- tion company became the owner of a majority of the boats and was enabled thereby to control and regulate the freights in the canal. COAL MINING ASSOCIATIONS. In the month of January, 1832, the "Coal Mining Association of Schuylkill County" was organized. It was composed exclusively of master colliers, and those immediately connected with mining. In the roll of its members can be found the manes of pioneers in the coal trade, who were distinguished for force of character and superior enterprise. The following is a list of the officers in 1822: President, Burd Patterson; vice-president, John C. Offer- man; Treasurer, Samuel Lewis; secretaries, Andrew Russel and Charles Lawton. In connection with the association there was a board of trade, composed of the following prominent gentleman, who were identified with the anthracite coal trade and its early history: Benjamin H. Springer, Samuel Brooke, Samuel J. Potts, M. Brooke Buckley, James E. White, Thomas S. Ridgway and Martin Weaver. In the first report of the association, the board esti- mated the amount of capital invested in the Schuylkill coal trade up to that time as follows: The cost of the railroads, including the Mill creek, Schuyl- kill valley, Mount Carbon, Mine Hill and Schuyl- ___________end page 47.____________ page 48 HISTORY OF SCHUYLKILL COUNTY. _______________________________________________________________ kill Haven and the Little Schuylkill, was about $656,000; the amount invested in coal lands and building in the county was estimated at $6000,000; the amount expended in opening veins of coal, in building fixtures; cars, etc., connected with mining, was $200,000; to which may be added 500 boats, averaging $500 each, $250,000; and the total investment is shown to have been $7,106,000. The saving in the cost of fuel since the introduction of anthracite coal was estimated by the board as being then $6,000,000 annually. Not an individual miner engaged in the bus- iness since its commencement was supposed to have realized a cent of profit. ANTI-MONOPOLISTS An earnest and increasing opposition to incorporated coal com- panies in the Schuylkill region, which had agitated the public mind for some time, culminated in 1833 in public meetings, in com- munications to the press, in memorials to the Legislature, and in well sustained public and private argument and discussion. It was contended that acts of incorporation were unnecessary, all the transactions of the coal trade coming within the scope of individual enterprise. In the year 1833 and a number of years subsequently, coal mining operations in the Schuylkill region were conducted with rude simplicity and economy, very little capital being required for their successful prosecution. The workings were all above the water level, no machinery being required for water drainage or for hoisting the coal to the sur- face. Coal breakers and other expensive fixtures and appliances for the preparation of coal had not then been introduced. There were at the time were many rented mines properly and successfully worked, which had not at any time required or had expended upon- them a capital of five hundred dollars each. There were many operators sending from five thousand to six thousand tons to market annually (which was then considered a respectable busi- ness) that had not at any time a capital employed of as many thousands of dollars, including the first purchase in fee simple of the coal mine. It was confidently asserted that it did not require as much capital to buy a piece of coal land and open the coal mines upon it as it did to buy a decent farm and stock it did not require as much capital to work a coal mine as it did to establish a line of stages or transportation wagons. Hence the granting of acts of incorporation with associated capital was unnecessary for mining purposes, and they were only procured for stock gambling purposes, and they were only procured for stock gambling purposes. On the 19th of March, 1833, a committee was appointed by the Legislature of Pennsylvania "to investigate the present state of the coal trade within this Commonwealth and the history of mining operations generally, with a view to ascertain the effect the incorporated companies, with mining and trading privileges, will have on the progress of the business and the improvement and prosperity of the State; and also to inquire what further legislative provisions will be necessary to protect, facilitate and encourage this branch of industry." Samuel J. Parker, the chairman of the committee, made a very able, lengthy and exhaustive report. It took decided ground against the incor- poration of coal companies, especially when combined with the control of railroads and canals. CRUDE VIEWS CONCERNING COAL DEPOSITS To what extent the coal seams extended downward was a matter of great curiosity and speculation in 1833. Although it was believed that the beds above the water level would not be ex- hausted during that generation, the North American Coal Company, Robert Young, M. Brooke Buckley, and Blight Wallace & Co., more as a matter of experiment or convenience than necessity, and as a mean of ascertaining the relative expense of operating above and below water level, were engaged in sinking shafts to a considera- ble depth. Beside the fact that the coal did descend to an un- known depth, their experiments, it is fair to presume, were not of much utility, the means adopted being entirely inadequate to the purpose intended. The undulation of the seams, forming basins and saddles, was not understood. Every outcrop was regarded as a distinct vein, but whether they ran through to our antipodes, or wedged out in Gnomes' land-the sphere of the guardian of mines and quarries-was a mooted question among the miners. That the veins should stop their descent and return to the surface in another locality was never dreamed of in their philosophy. "Nearly twenty years since," said Henry C. Carey, the great writer on Political Economy, at the McGinnes testimonial presen- tation in 1854, "Mr. Burd Patterson and myself were associated in sinkingthe first slope, by help of which our people were made surrounded. Until then, strange as it may seem, it was univer- sally believed that the coal stopped at the water level-that the seams did not penetrate far down; and that idea had been appar- ently confirmed by the unsuccessful result of an attempt at going below the level, that had been made by the North American Coal Company. We were then laughed at; but we proceeded and thus established the fact that the quantity of coal was ten times greater than had ever been supposed." The slope alluded to by Mr. Carey, the sinking of which was promoted by himself and Burd Patterson, was sunk by Dr. Gideon G. Palmer, the practical work being under the superintendence of George Spencer. The belief that the coal above water level would not be exh- austed in that generation proved a delusion to many of the opera- tors. Already in 1835 preparation were being extensively made to sink to lower depths for a continued supply. Several slopes were under progress in that year, among the number one on the Black mine, within the limits of the borough of Pottsville; one on the tract of land known as the York farm, one at St. Clair and anoth- er about three miles east of Port Carbon. The American Coal Company had sunk two slopes, one of which was in operation, the other was waiting the erection of a steam engine. ______________end page 48._________________ page 49 THE COAL TRADE IN 1834-36 BOATMAN'S RIOTS. ________________________________________________________________ VICISSITUDES OF THE TRADE The coal trade opened in the year 1834 under less favorable auspices than had distinguished it for some years previously. The general stagnation of business incident to a financial panic and a grave political convulsion, such as then agitated the nation, precluded the possibility of large shipments or great activity in the business. The amount of coal held over on the 1st of April from the supply of the preceding year was estimated at 120,000 tons, which was about one-fourth of the total produc- tion. This fact, together with the diminished consumption by manufacturers during the first half of the year, had a tendency to seriously check the demand. The effect, upon the laboring classes in the coal region, of this blight upon this great indus- try was severely felt. About one thousand workingmen were thrown out of employment in the Schuylkill region alone. The opinion was very generally entertained that the prospect of the trade for the year 1835 wore a favorable aspect. A con- tinued increase in the consumption for household and manufactur- ing purposes could be relied upon with confidence; and the recent application of anthracite coal to the purpose of steam navigation could be reasonably expected to greatly extend its use. The belief was in fact warranted that the demand and consumption for this year would be commensurate with the expectations of those who would derive advantage therefrom. The incentives to enter- prise and industry were irresistible to the coal operators, who were naturally inclined to see a silver lining to every cloud, and who were generally under the influence of the fascination which characterized the pursuit of mining; a pursuit the hazards and precariousness of which gave it additional zest and piquancy, in view of a possible bonanza. The expectations of the operators were happily realized in this instance. The shipments of coal from the Schuylkill region show a gain over those of the preceding year of 119,796 tons, all of which had been consumed by the first of April, 1836. THE BOATMEN'S STRIKE Among the notable events of the coal trade of 1835 the turn- out of the boatmen and the demonstrations made by them produced the greatest sensation. In May intimations were given of the intended combinationto raise the freights on the Schuylkill canal. In June the conspiracy culminated in coercive measures and acts of violence; the movements being animated by the crews of forty or fifty boats. Hamburg was made the centre of opera- tions, the base of its supplies, and the field for obstructive measures against the movement of the coal trade. Boats were stopped and contributions extorted from their crews to meet the expenses incurred by the strikers. Acts of violence were commit- ted, outrages perpetrated, and by force of intimidation the busi- ness on the canal was almost entirely suspended. Finally indi- viduals were assailed with stones and other missiles; a reign of terror prevailed at Hamburg and its vicinity, and the mob pursued its insurrectionary measures with impunity. The civil authori- ties connived at the lawless proceedings of the rioters, and by their culpable apathy afforded them encouragement. The interrup- tion to the trade on the canal became at length a very serious and intolerable evil, involving severe loss and suffering to thousands of people, who were interrupted in their daily avoca- tions by the closing up of the only avenue to market for the produce of the country. An attempt was made by some prominent citizens of Pottsville to pass up a boat, with a view of testing the accuracy of the reports of the conduct of the boatmen. They were resistedby a formidable force and violence committed upon their persons. This led to the arrest of seventeen of the prin- cipal offenders. A descent was made upon Pottsville by about three hundred of the rioters, headed by a band of music and with banners flying. They met with a warm reception; several of the leaders were arrested, while others made their escape, being hotly pursued for several miles by the sheriff. Thus after nearly three weeks interruption to the trade the boatmen's rebel- lion was subdued. At the November term of the court in Reading ten of the offenders were arraigned on a trial for conspiracy. They pleaded guilty to the charge, and, at the request of the prosecutors not to fine or imprison them, they were sentenced to pay a fine of one cent and the costs of prosecution. FLUCTUATIONS IN 1836 The fluctuations in the coal trade were remarkably exempli- fied in year 1836. The movement of coal commenced unusually late in the spring, after a severe winter. The market was bare of coal, and the demand for it was active and urgent, from the beg- inning of the boating season to its close by frost, at an earlier period than usual. During the first half of the season the prices of coal were moderate, ranging from $2 to $2025 per ton at Pottsville. After that time an apprehension of a short supply included redoubled exertions to increase the yield of the mines. The usual result followed. Miners became scared and their wages rose rapidly. A supply of them and of laborers of every descrip- tion could not be procured, and those already employed became demoralized by the high wages they were receiving. They became exacting and unreasonable in their demands, and aggressive in conduct toward their employers. Another difficulty encountered was a scarcity of boats. All the boat builders on the line were fully employed, but they could not keep pace with the growth of the trade. Freights advanced from $1.25 per ton to Philadelphia in the spring to $2 per ton at the close of the season. Runners were employed on the line of canal to secure ascending boats, and day and night a sharp and vigilant competition prevailed. In sympathy with the rise in prices of other commodities, and the increased cost of its production, anthracite coal advanced in price to $3 per ton at Pottsville before the close of navigation. The production from the Schuylkill region in 1836 was 448,995 tons, a gain over the shipments of the pre- _______________end page 49.___________________ page 50 HISTORY OF SCHUYLKILL COUNTY. _____________________________________________________________ ceding year of 90,418 tons. During this year there were shipped from Philadelphia in 2,924 vessels to distant ports 313,838 tons of anthracite coal. FIRST SHIPMENT DIRECT TO NEW YORK Although the Delaware and Raritan canal had been completed and in navigable order since fall of 1834, no steps had been taken to use the facilities it afforded for transportation to New York by the Schuylkill coal trade up to the year 1837. At length Colonel John M. Crossland, a boat builder in Pottsville-a man of spirit, energy and dash-conceived the idea of making an experi- mental voyage by this route, with a view of testing its practica- bility and if successful of bringing its advantages into public notice. Accordingly, having built a boat for the purpose which he named the "Adventurer"-an open boat without deck covering, furnished with a mast, sail, cordage, windlass and anchor-he departed from Pottsville on the 30th of August, 1837, with a cargo of coal bound for New York. It being the initial voyageby this route, great interest was taken in the enterprise, and fervent hopes were entertained that its issue would be prosperous; for, in the event of its success, it would probably be followed by regular shipments of coal by the same route. From some cause not fully explained the voyage was ended at New Brunswick, where the cargo was sold and discharged. It was the fulldetermination of Colonel Crossland, however, to make another trial. Having been kindly provided with a cargo of coal by Messrs. T.& I. Beatty, he again, about the middle of October, started off on his adventure. He encountered adverse winds, dense fogs and innumerable vexatious delays. With wonderful audacity he neitheremployed a steamboat to tow the "Adventurer" or a pilot to direct her course, depending altogether upon his sail, his pluck and his star for the issue. After an absence of thirty-eight days our voyager returned to Pottsville. He had not been "round the world" but he saw something of it, and he deliv- ered the first cargo of coal from the Schuylkill region to New York direct and without transhipment. In the year following Colonel Crossland's experiment, Messrs. Stockton & Stevens had a fleet of boats built expressly for the direst trade to New York. COAL TRADE IN 1837. The short supply and high prices of coal in 1836 induced a strong effort to be made in Congress to remove the duty on for- eign coal, under the pretext that a supply of the domestic arti- cle could not be obtained. This circumstance stimulated the coal operators to make extraordinary preparations throughout the winter of 1837 to meet an increased demand. Day and night they labored with indefatigable industry and enterprise to increase the productive capacity of the mines, at the same tine stacking the banks on the surface with mounds of coal, in anticipation of a large consumption and to demonstrate that a supply could be furnished without foreign importations. Scarcely had the ship- ments attained their full volume, in the month of April, when there occurred a financial panic, which deranged all branches of business. Its immediate effect upon the coal trade was disas- trous. Orders were countermanded to a degree that involved the necessity of suspending operations at a large number of the coll- ieries. The operators at this juncture held a public meeting, and issued an address to their customers and the public, defining their position, their preparations made during the winter to supply the market, and the heavy amount of their expenditures, and admonishing the consumers of coal that the consequence of permitting time to elapse in inactivity would be a short supply in the market at the close of navigation. To avert this deplora- ble event, which always bears so hard upon the poorer classes, capitalists were invited to make investmentsin coal. Their appeal was met with derision by the representatives of the press in the large cities, and the operators were unjustly accused of practic- inga ruse to keep up the price of coal by gulling the public into the belief that coal would be scares unless something was done. The violence of the monetary convulsion was soon expended, and afterlanguishing awhile the coal trade relied, and the abso- lute necessity for a supply of coal-the market being bare-re- stored activity. After many vicissitudes in the business during the year, and oscillations in prices of coal, of freight and of the wages of labor, the season of 1837 came to a close with an increase in the supply, compared with that of the preceding year, of 97,361 tons from the Schuylkill region. On the first of April, 1838, the stock of anthracite coal in the market remaining over from the preceding year was estimated at 200,000 tons. A considerable depletion of the market was required before a demand for the new product could be expected. The shipments, consequently, were very light until about the first of June, and after that period the general and protracted depression in almost every branch of business, and especially the diminished consumption of coal by manufacturers, cast a cloud over the trade, and it dragged sluggishly along until the close of navigation. The supply of coal from the Schuylkill region was 94,332 tons less than in 1837. FIRST MINING COMPANY INCORPORATED During the session of the Legislature of Pennsylvania in the winter of 1838 the coal operators, the miners and laborers at the mines, and the citizens generally of Schuylkill county were very much exercised upon the subject of incorporated coal companies. The occasion of this excitement was a bill introduced in the Senate by the Hon. Charles Frailey, the member from Schuylkill, for the incorporation, with the usual exclusive privileges, of a company entitled the "Offerman Mining and Railroad Company," to be located in the Schuylkill coal region. The indignation of the people was intensely wrought upon; not only because they were opposed in principle to conferring such grants, but they believe they ______________end page 50._______________ page 51 SMELTING WITH ANTHRACITY--DISASTROUS FRESHETS. ________________________________________________________________ were being betrayed by the party to the application and the senator who was its champion, who had on former occasions stood by them shoulder to shoulder in opposition to similar measures. The covert, insidious and persistent manner in which this bill was pressed upon the Legislature provoked energetic opposition and implacable hostility. First it was introduced-at a former session-as incorporating the "Cataract Company," and failed. It next appeared as establishing the "Buck Ridge Railroad and Mining Company," with a capital of $350,000 and a term of twenty years. It stood at the head of ten other-so called-monopolies, all incorporated in the same bill. It was logrolled through both houses, and at length found its way to the governor, who put his veto upon the whole batch, including the famous "Buck Ridge." It was supposed this blow would destroy the monster forever. Not so, however. It was hydra-headed, and appeared again under the title of "Offerman Mining Company." In opposition to this bill a memorial signed by two thousand persons was sent to the Legisla- ture in charge of a committee. The voice of the coal region was heard in earnest remonstrance, but it was all of no avail. The bill passed both houses, was vetoed by the governor and passed over the veto. The charter thus obtained never became operative under the title bestowed upon it was buried out of sight for a time, to be resurrected at some future day under another name. ANTHRACITE FOR SMELTING IRON ORE. The discovery of the process for smelting iron ore with an- thracite coal was as event of transcendent importance in the manufacture of iron in Pennsylvania, and, as a resulting conse- quence, in the production of anthracite coal. The impulse it gave to the trade in both commodities diffused inestimable bene- fits upon commerce, navigation, manufactures, and every industri- al pursuit. The construction of furnaces along the main channels of navigation, especially in the valleys of the Schuylkill and the Lehigh rivers, had an almost magical effect upon, the devel- opment of the natural resources of the country, enhancing its mineral and agricultural wealth, its internal trade, commerce, manufactures, and every description of business and industry; all of which was made manifest by the increase and spread of popula- tion, and the aggregation of towns, villages and cities. The consumption of anthracite coal affords a fair index of the conse- quential results of the manufacture of anthracite iron. For example, its consumption on the line of the Schuylkill above Philadelphia in the year 1839, at which time the first anthracite furnace in the United States-the Pioneer, at Pottsville-was put in blast, was 30,290 tons. Ten years afterward it had increased to 239,290 tons, in the year 1859 to 554,774 tons, and in 1873 to 1,787,205 tons. A large proportion of this rapid expansion of the coal trade on the line of the Schuylkill can be fairly at- tributed to the iron works, which so greatly stimulated every business enterprise. FLOODS The navigation of the Schuylkill canal, which had been imped- ed by the low stage of water in 1838, was seriously damaged by an ice freshet of extraordinary magnitude on the 26th and 27th of January, 1839. The ground being frozen hard and impervious to water, the streams were soon overflowing by the heavy rain, the ice broke up, and the torrent with the force of a deluge swept crashing and roaring through the valley of the Schuylkill with fearful impetuosity, carry along with resistless force every obstacle or obstacle or obstruction that it encountered. The water rose in a few hours in many places twenty feet above its usual level, sweeping away bridges landings, canal boats and dams, and doing great damage to the works of the canal in exposed situations. In Philadelphia the freshet caused the greatest inundation ever known in the Schuylkill. The wharves were en- tirely submerged, and the entire eastern shore of the Schuylkill, extending from the Market street bridge over a mile toward the Naval Asylum, presented a scene of chaotic confusion, wreck and ruin. Not a single vessel of any kind was left afloat after the water had subsided. Barges, boats, sloops and schooners were lying ashore, and some of them had been lifted by the rising water over vast heaps of coal, and deposited in a situation from which they could only be extricated with great difficulty. By extraordinary exertion the Schuylkill canal was repaired in time for the usual opening of navigation to the coal trade. The coal business of 1839 was unsatisfactory and unrenumera- tive. Starting in the spring with 150,000 tons of coal in the market, the trade languished throughout the year. Many of the collieries were idle part of the time, although coal was offered at less than the cost of putting it into boats. Many miners for want of employment were forced to leave the region. This de- plorable estate of affairs was caused by overproduction, by a want of vessels to pressure of the money market. It may be truthfully said that the trade was suffering because of the underconsumption of coal, for if the country had remained in its normal condition of prosperity all the coal that could have been produced would have found a ready market. The aggregate supply of anthracite coal from all the regions during the twenty years of its production-commencing with the year 1820, and ending with the year 1839-was 5,723,997 tons. Of this amount the Schuylkill region furnished 3,346,413 tons, or 58 per cent. To this preponderance of coal production was added superiority in the development and improvement of the region, Schuylkill surpassing the other regions in population, in all industrial and trade pursuits, and in every indication of pros- perity. This can be easily accounted for. The Schuylkill region had an advantage in distance to tide water, in the accessibility and facility of development of its coal beds, and it was open to the enterprise of all who chose to enter. The Schuylkill Naviga- tion Company was incorporated without mining privileges, and it was consequently the interest of the ______________end page 51._________________ page 52 SMELTING WITH ANTHRACITY-DISASTROUS FRESHETS. _____________________________________________________________ company to invite tonnage from every source. Hence public atten- tion was strongly attracted toward the southern coal afield. In the Lehigh region an overshadowing monopoly controlled the coal trade, and for many years repelled all competition. Consequently the trade was restricted, and the growth of the country and the development of its resources retarded. The same observations had not yet been opened. The great depression in coal trade continued throughout 1884, without a noticeable improvement in its condition. On the 8th of January, 1841, there occurred an ice freshet of unexampled viole- nce, in the Schuylkill and Lehigh rivers, which had a marked influence upon the coal trade. The Schuylkill at Reading was higher than it had been for fifty-five years. It caused unusual- ly heavy damage to many portions of the Schuylkill Company's works, particularly in the mountainous section above Reading. Measures were promptly taken to repair the damage sustained. It was not until the middle of May that all was in readiness to open the works throughout for the accommodation of the trade. The consequences of the flood on the Schuylkill were trifling, howev- er, compared with the devastation on the Lehigh, for there it assumed the proportions of a terrible and deplorable calamity. Contemporary writers describe it as awful and tremendous. The obstruction to navigation caused by the flood gave rise to an apprehension of a short supply of coal, and it stimulated the demand throughout the year. The great prostration of the trade during the two previous years had crippled the resources of the Schuylkill region to an almost ruinous extent, and a serious crisis in their affairs was only averted by the disaster on the Lehigh. How often has the coal trade been rescued from ruined and disaster by providential visitations interposing checks to overproduction. Just when the producers were disposed to abandon a pursuit that afforded more disappointment and worriment than satisfaction and remuneration a good year would be interjected and fresh happy stroke of fortune gave a fascination to the business that always kept the ranks of its devotees full. The demand for coal was pressing and the season short. Great activity and energy were displayed in supplying the market. The urgency of the condition of affairs developed a troublesome element in the trade, which was a marked feature in the year's operations. We allude to the extravagant rates of freight on coal on the Schuylkill canal. The freight from Pottsville to Philadelphia range from $1.10 to $2 per ton, the average for the whole season being $1.50; and the freight from Pottsville to New York com- menced at $2.75 per ton, and rose as high as $4.40, averaging for the season $3.42. The great competition among shippers in pro- curing boats, and the pernicious expedients restored to, were the cause, mainly, of the rise in freights. The weekly shipments from the Schuylkill region in 1841 were larger than they had ever been before, and the shipments for the year showed a gain over those of the previous year of 127,161 tons. The average price of Schuylkill white ash lump coal by the cargo at Philadelphia was $5.79 per ton during the year. This was an advance of 88 cents per ton over the average price of the previous year. STATISTICS At a public meeting of persons engaged in the coal trade of Schuylkill county held at Pottsville January 31st, 1842, a report on the coal statistics of that county was made, by which it appears that the value of the real estate and personal property, and the cost of the public improvements dependent upon the coal operations of that district, were as follows: 65 miles incorpo- rated railroads $650,000; 40 miles individual railroads, $90,000; 40 miles individual railroads, underground $40,000; 2,400 rail- road cars, $180,000; 1,500 drifts cars, $45,000; 17 colliers below water level, with steam engines, etc., $218,000; 9 steam engines for other purposes, $14,000; 100 colliers above water level, $150,000, 80 landings at shipping ports, $160,000; 850 boats, $425,000; 900 boat horses, $54,000; 80,000 acres coal land, at $40 per acre, $3,200,000; working capital, $200,000; towns, etc., in the coal region, $2,500,000; Schuylkill canal, $3,800,00; Philadelphia and Reading railroad, cars, etc., $5,000,000; Danville and Pottsville railroad,$800,000. Total, $17,526,000. Population engaged in or entirely dependent on the coal trade, 17,000; number of horses employed in boating and at the collieries, 2,100; agricultural products annually consumed, $588,572; merchandise consumed annually, $918,352. At that time there were in use in the county thirty steam engines, amounting to upwards of 1,000 horse power. Twenty-two of these engines were manufactured in the county. The market created in the coal region for the produce of the farmer had more than double the value of the farms in the county of Schuylkill, and materially enhanced the value of some portions of adjoining counties. The rents paid to the owners of coal lands, for coal and timber leave, amounted to $2000,000 in 1841; the average rent on coal alone was about twenty-five cents per ton. The greatest depth attained in mining below the water level in 1842 was 153 feet perpendicular below the level of the Schuyl- kill river in dam No.1 of the navigation; and at that depth the coal was found to be as good in quality and as thick in the vein as at the surface. PHILADELPHIA AND READING RAILROAD In the progress of our sketch, we have reached an epoch in the history of the anthracite coal trade of Schuylkill county of paramount interest and importance-the opening of a new avenue to market from the Schuylkill coal field, by the completion of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad. The commanding influence this rail road has had, and must continue to have, upon the _________________end page 52.____________________ page 53 THE READING RAILROAD-RIOTIOUS MINERS. _____________________________________________________________ destiny of this important and rapidly augmenting trade entitles it to the greatest attention and the most profound consideration. The Schuylkill navigation, which was the pioneer public improve- ment and channel of communication between the Schuylkill coal region and tide water, had afforded up to this period ample accomodation to the coal trade; and to the Schuylkill Navigation Company must accorded great credit for the inestimable aid it extended, by means of its works, in the development of the re- sources of the valley of the Schuylkill, and of the mineral treasure embedded in the mountains of Schuylkill county. The time had, however, arrived when another avenue to market was required for the accomodation of the prospective increased in the consumption of anthracite coal, and the completion of the Phila- delphia and Reading Railroad was hailed with universal satisfac- tion. The benefits that could reasonably be expected from this great improvement werefully appreciated. Its ultimate effect was to revolutionize the entire modus operandi of the coal business. On the first of January, 1842, the first locomotive engine and passenger train-with the officers and directors of the compa- ny on board-came through from Philadelphia to Mount Carbon. On Monday and Tuesday, the 10th and 11th January, a grand excursion party of citizens of the coal region passed over theroad to Philadelphia and back by invitation of the directors. On the evening of the 11th a public dinner and ball was given at Potts- ville which closed the ceremonies of the opening of the road. The immediate effect of its completion was a reduction in the cost of transportation. An immediate rivalry was instituted between the canal and railroad companies for the coal traffic, resulting on the reduction in the cost of transportation of $1.11 compared with the rates of 1841 by canal to Philadelphia. But this reduction was of no benefit to the producers, who, in the ardor of competition, instead of advancing the price of coal proportionately with the reduction in freights, lowered them twenty-five to fifty cents per ton on board boats at the land- ings. Never before had prices been so low. Coal was a perfect drug in the market. So sluggish was the movement of the trade, so short the demand, that it was impossible to keep the collier- ies running with any regularity. The prices of coal declined to so low a figure that it was ruinous to all engaged in the busi- ness. Unquestionably the most disastrous year of the trade since its commencement was 1842. The operatives at the mines, with low wages and only partial employment, were reduced to great suffer- ing and distress. Wages had fallen to $5.25 per week to miners and $4.20 to labors, payable in traffic. There was scarcely cash enough paid out at some mines to bury the dead. It was a sore grievance to the workingmen that they did not receive money for their little earnings instead of "store orders." The excuse for the payment of the men in traffic was that the exigencies of the trade made it unavoidable, and the "half a loaf was better than no bread." Such an attempt at vindication only made more con- spicuous the utter demoralization of the trade. There could be no logical justification for depriving the laboring man of the satisfaction of drawing the amount of his earnings-after deduct- ing charges voluntarily contracted-in the currency of the coun- try. The continuance of the practice led to deplorable conse- quences. The dissatisfaction gradually increased until it culmi- nated in the first general strike in the region. STRIKE IN 1842 On Thursday, July 7th, 1842, a meeting of miners and laborers was held at Minersville, about four miles from Pottsville, at which the grievances of the workingmen were discussed, and meas- ures for their redress decided upon. It does not appear that any conference was held with their employers, or complaint made by committee, preliminary to the inauguaration of forcible measured. Through the influence of some of the turbulent spirits who swayed their councils they were incited to violence, intimidation and outrage as a first resort. Accordingly, on Saturday afternoon, the 9th of July, the first demonstration was made. The citizens of Pottsville were startled by the appearance in the town of several hundred men, begrimed with the dust of the mines and armed with clubs and other weapons. They come down the Norwegian Railroad, passed hastily along to the landings at the Greenwood basin, driving the laborers engaged there away by force, and hence to Mount Carbon, where the laborers were likewise driven away. This invasion was so unexpected that the outrage was perpetrated before the citizens were prepared to prevent it, or to make any arrests. In the evening of the same day two compa- nies of volunteers were ordered to Minersville for the protection of the citizens, who were alarmed for their safety on account of divers threats and demonstrations of intended violence. On Monday the sheriff ordered the Orwigsburg and Schuylkill Haven volunteer companies to march to Pottsville and aid in suppressing any disturbance that might ensue. On the some day about a thou- sand of the disaffected workingmen met in the Orchard at Potts- ville, when they were addressed by the District Attorney, F.W. Hughes, who explained the law to them. The behavior of the men throughout the day was characterized by order and decorum. There were about fifteen hundred men engaged in the strike, many of whom were dragooned into it by force of intimidation. After having committed numerous acts of violence and outrage at the collieries, and spent several weeks in idleness, those of them who could obtain employment were glad to accept it upon any terms. The Mine Hill and Schuylkill Haven Railroad was the first road in Schuylkill county put in conditions for the passage of the cars of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company. On the third of March, 1842, eighteen cars passed over it from the mines of Gideon Bast, at Wolff creek, and were forwarded by rail to Philadelphia. On the 17th of May, 1842, the Philadelphia and Reading Rail- road was open for transportation to the wharves at Port Richmond, and on the 21st of that month the _______________end page 53.________________ page 54 HISTORY OF SCHUYLKILL COUNTY. _______________________________________________________________ first train, of fifty cars, containing 150 tons of coal from the mines of Gideon Bast, was forwarded to that point. The train left Schuylkill Haven at four o'clock in the morning, and the coal was discharged into a vessel which set sail for an eastern port in the evening of the same day. This transaction presented a striking contrast to the slow movement by canal, and it gave the trade an idea of the facility with which the coal business could be conducted by rail when all the arrangements were com- pleted. On the 8th of August, 1842, the information was given to the public, in the Philadelphia Evening Journal, that eight barks, four brigs and eight schooners were counted at the wharves at Port Richmond, loading with and waiting for cargoes of anthracite coal. The reporter of this intelligence did not dream that the day would come when 225 vessels could be loading at those wharves at the same time, when 28,000 tons of coal would be shipped theren from in one day, 95,858 tons in one week, 2,720,027 tons in one years, and that their capacity for shipping would be 4,000,000 tons annually. Yet all of this came to pass within thirty-five years. The average price of coal in 1842 on board vessels at Phila- delphia was $4.18 per ton, a decline of $1.61 per ton compared with the average price of the preceding year. The average price in 1843 was $3.25 per ton, a further decline of 93 cents. The reduct- ion in the price by the cargo in Philadelphia since the opening of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad,-two years-was about $2.50 per ton. DISCOURAGEMENT. The result of the operations of 1843 in the Schuylkill region was of course very unsatisfactory. It was a repetition, somewhat exaggerated, of the previous year. They were both very distress- ing years, when every species of property was alarmingly depreci- ated and every description of business appeared to be paralyzed. But, notwithstanding the dark shadows of the past and the gloom of the present, there was a remarkable infatuation throughout the region to rush into the coal business. Storekeepers, mechanics, and others who had been enabled to save a little money could not rest contented until they had lost it in a coal mine. Labor was cheap, they argued, and then was the propitious time to develop the mines, and be prepared for the good times coming. The older operators, however, who had pinned their faith upon the trade, and who had so long relied upon the coming tide "which taken at the flood leads on to fortune," began now to realize that there was something radically wrong in the conduct of the coal busi- ness. Every year those persons engaged in it became poorer, and many had lost all they formerly possessed in this hazardous pursuit. A very few only, who had superior mines and advanta- geous locations, were enabled, with economical working, to real- ize any profit at the close of the year. The opportunities which nature had so lavishly provided for the attainment of business success were frittered away by a system of empirical mining and reckless competition. The richness of the coal deposits in the Schuylkill region, and their great accessibility, seems to have invited a superfluity of delvers, who like bungling reapers destroyed the harvest they had not the skill and wisdom to gar- ner. Overproduction, from the commencement of the trade, has been the main cause of failure in colliery operations. In 1843 there were many operators, the product of whose mines was so small that a handsome profit per ton mined would not have paid the salary of the superintendent. Many operators were so cramped in their circumstances, in consequence of previous losses and a want of capital, that they were evermore "tiding over" a pressing crisis in their affairs by forces sales of their coal, ending in their own ruin and the demoralization of the trade generally. PRIMITIVE METHOD OF PREPARING COAL-BREAKERS. The original method of preparing anthracite coal for market was simply to divest it of slate and other impurities and of the fine coal and slack. It was passed over a schute with longitudi- nal bars about two inches apart, and all that passed over the bars was merchantable coal, and all that passed through them was rejected. There was consequently much coal deposited on the dirt banks, which at the present time is considered of full value; also much left in the mines as unmerchantable on account of its small size. The market would not accept any coal that would not pass for lump coal. After a number of years, however, it was suggested that coal for household purposes ought to be broken at the mines, and John White, the president of the Delaware Coal Company, paid fifty cents per ton extra for coal broken down to a size suitable for burning in grates. The coal thus prepared was known in the market as "broken and screened" and it commanded fifty cents per ton more than lump coal. Finding this mode of preparation received popular favor, the system was extended. Screens were manufactured of iron rods (subsequently of wire) with meshes of various dimensions, which assorted the coal into the sizes now known in commerce. This refinement of preparation, resorted to by the operators to captivate their customers, added greatly to the cost of the coal, for which they were not remuner- ated, and it cultivated a fastidious fancy for a uniformity of size, which was impracticable and of no advantage. Indeed, the caprice of the consumers in the demand for the different sizes of coal, and the fluctuations from one size to another in their preferences, have been a fruitful source of expense and annoyance to the operators every since the introduction of the system. The first method of breaking coal-on the pile, with hammers- was slow, wasteful, expensive, and laborious. After being broken it was shoveled into a revolving screen to remove the dirt, and it was then shoveled into barrows and dumped into the cars. The coal was then hauled to the landings with horses or mules on the railroad, dumped on the wharf, screened and assorted into the various sizes and deposited on a pile, ready to be wheeled into the boat. The whole process was crude, ____________end page 54._______________ page 55 THE FIRST BREAKER-RAILROAD IMPROVEMENTS _______________________________________________________________ primitive, expensive, and compared with the present system, absurd. About the year 1842 the breaking and preparation of coal became the subject of great cogitation among the operators, and many improvements were suggested, resulting in the adoption of what became known as the penitentiary; which was a perforated cast iron plate, through which the coal was broken with hammers, the coal falling into a hopper, and from thence into a circular screen worked either by hand horse power, or by steam. It was an improvement on the old system, but it did not meet the require- ments of the business. The first attempts to break coal by machinery were made at Pottsville, we believe, by Mr. Sabbaton, and by Mr. Larer, but, not proving as successful as was anticipated, they were afterward abandoned. In 1844 the first coal breaker, after the patent of Joseph Batten, of Philadelphia, was erected as an experiment at the colliery of Gideon Bast, at Wolff Creek, near Minersville. So superior was this improvement that it was soon generally adopted through out the coal regions. The machinery constituting the breaker was driven by a steam engine, generally of fifteen to forty horse power, and it consisted of two or more cast iron rollers with projecting teeth, revolving toward each other, through which the coal was passed; and the coal thus broken was conducted into revolving circular screens, separating the differ- ent sizes and dropping the coal into a set of schutes or bins, ready to be transferred, by the raising of a gate, into the railway cars. Sufficient elevation above the railway to the dump schutes above the rollers was always secured to carry the coal by gravity through all the stages of preparation into the cars below. Such is the modern coal breaker, which enables the opera- tor to handle an amount of coal that was impossible before its adoption, some of these structures having a capacity of one thousand tons per day. The reader can form no idea of these huge structures from a written description. In a few years they became the conspicuous and striking feature of every colliery of any importance in the several coal fields. IMPROVEMENTS IN RAILROADS. The average price of white ash lump coal by the cargo in Philadelphia in 1844 was $3.20 per ton, which was the lowest figure it had ever been sold at. This reduction was caused entirely by the low ration of transportation, induced by the active competition between the canal and railroad interests. The prices of coal at the shipping ports in Schuylkill county ranged from $2.00 to $2.25 per ton, and were fairly remunerative. The demand was good throughout the season, and the result of the year's business was very satisfactory. A great impetus was given to manufactures and all industrial interests by the operation of the tariff of 1842, causing an increased consumption of anthra- cite coal. The increase in production in the Schuylkill region over that of 1843 was 166,002 tons. The shipments of coal in 1845 show an increase of 270,003 tons over those of 1844 in the Schuylkill region. The region had doubled its production since 1842, and still maintained the position it had held since 1832 of supplying more than one-half of the amount of anthracite coal sent to market. From the com- mencement of the trade in 1820 to the end of 1845 the total amount sent from all sources was 13,629,393 tons, of which the Schuylkill region furnished 7,673,163 tons, an excess over all others of 1,716,933 tons. At the completion of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad in 1842 to Mount Carbon, which was then it terminus, it had merely progressed to the entrance gates of the great southern coal field. Before the heavy coal tonnage for which the company was aiming could be secured there was much more to be done. All the railroads in Schuylkill county, leading from the landings or shipping ports on the canal to the collieries were in their superstructure wooden roads, strapped with flat bar iron; they were not adapted to the movement of the heavy cars of the Reading Railroad company and it was entirely impracticable to run locomo- tive engines over them. Moreover, there were connections only with the Mine Hill and Schuylkill Haven and the Mount Carbon Railroads. A bridge was required at Port Clinton to connect with the Little Schuylkill Railroad; and a new road was required to connect Mount Carbon with the Mill Creek and Schuylkill Valley Railroads at Port Carbon. These lateral railroads were owned by different incorporated companies, who levied tolls on the coal transported over them, of from tow and a half to four cents per ton per mile. In connection with these roads were many short branches, belonging to individuals. All of these roads had to be reconstructed to comport with the changes made in coal transpor- tation. Before the close of 1845 the lateral railroads had all been reconstructed, and they were operated, with some exceptions, by the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company. The introduction of the company's cars on said roads produced a complete revolu- tion in the management of the coal business. When the canal was the only avenue to market the operators had their own cars, and they furnished their own transportation to the terminus of the lateral road, when motive power was used, was reduced from fifty to sixty-six per cent; but they were dependent upon a transporta- tion company for facilities to conduct an essential part of their business, and had thereby lost control of the amount of their production. A short supply of cars became a great grievance, and it crippled many operations. Although the railroad company had been increasing its rolling stock every year it had been unable to keep pace with the demand of the trade for cars. In 1845 the company was overwhelmed with complaints, both of the short supply of cars and of their unfair distribution. The attention of the president of the company having been directed to the abuses of the distribution, he manifested a disposition to extend every accommodation in his ____________end page 55.______________ page 56 HISTORY OF SCHUYLKILL COUNTY. _________________________________________________________________ power. On the 5th of March, 1846, he addressed a circular note to the operators, requesting them to attend a meeting at Potts- ville on the 10th of that month, to devise means to insure an equitable distribution of cars during the ensuing season. The meeting was largely attended, embracing all the operators in the region, a number of landholders, and a large representation of wharfholders at Port Richmond. The interest felt in the proceed- ings was earnest and absorbing, many of those present believing that their business interests had been inexcusably trifled with, and improved regulations were adopted. IMPROVEMENT OF THE SCHUYLKILL NAVIGATION. The Schuylkill Navigation Company had learned, after a few years' experience and competition with its formidable rival, the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company, that it was in danger of losing the bulk of its coal tonnage, and that to preserve it decided measures must be adopted immediately and put into execu- tion to improve the facilities of the navigation, to enlarge its capacity, and to generally increase its advantages and attrac- tions as an avenue for the transportation of coal. An enlarge- ment of the canal, increasing its capacity so as to float boats of from 180 to 190 tons burden, was determined upon, and the work was completed in 1846. In order to bring this improved navigation into active employ- ment the company directed its attention to the new arrangements required at the shipping ports in the coal region. The old land- ings were not adapted to the large cars made necessary by the wide gauge of the reconstructed railroads and the use of locomot- ive power upon them; and the old docks were to contracted for the large barges adapted to the enlarged navigation. New docks, new wharves and landings were consequently required. Prior to the enlargement of the canal and the reconstruction of the lateral railroads, the shippers provided their own landings or rented them from the owners, and they furnished their own cars; nor was it uncommon for the shippers to furnish or partially furnish their own boats. The extension of the Philadelphia and Reading Rail- road into the region, and the facilities offered to the trade by it, changed the situation, and it devolved upon the navigation company, in order to keep pace with its rival, to furnish the cars in which to transport the coal from the mines to the canal, and to provide all the shipping facilities. It is due to the managers to acknowledge that this enterprise was performed in a manner highly satisfactory to the trade. The new landings were admirably contrived for the purposes intended, combining every essential for convenience, economy and dispatch. The coal operators regarded the improved and enlarged naviga- tion with unmingled satisfaction. The presumed ability of the navigation company, in its improved condition, to cope with its powerful rival would, it was believed, inure to the advantage of the trade. The amount of coal sent from the Schuylkill region in 1846 was 1,247,202 tons, a gain of 121,408 over 1845. The trade was reasonably prosperous, the prices fair and well maintained. There were 110 operators in the region and 142 collieries. Thirty-two operators sent to market in round numbers 990,000 tons, leaving only 247,000 tons as the product of seventy-eight operators. There were 107 colleries above and 35 colleries below water level. Twenty-two colleries were in a state of prepara- tion, 12 of which were above and 10 below water level. There were 106 steam engines, of 2,921 horse power, employed at the colleries, 38 of which were built during the year. Great expectations of the future of the Schuylkill coal trade were entertained at this period. The Miners' Journal, of Pottsv- ille, remarked upon the prospect as follows: "When we consider the indomitable spirit of perseverance and enterprise which pervades our business community; the two splendid avenues to market, now completed; the numerous railroads penetrating through and almost encircling our region, all of which are now or will soon be relaid with heavy iron rails; the immense steam power, equaling the capacity of more than 14,000 men, with its iron sinews and unwearied toil, employed in raising, breaking and screening coal; the extent and capacity of the region, the varie- ties of its coal and its geographical position-it must be clear to the minds of all that Schuylkill county is destined hereafter to increase in wealth and prosperity to an unexampled degree, and far to outstrip her competitors." The supply of anthracite coal from all the regions in 1847 was 2,977,400 tons, an excess over that of the preceding year of 686,623 tons. This was the largest annual increase that had ever occurred. Of this excess 398,721 tons were from the Schuylkill region, notwithstanding there were complaints of a want of trans- porting facilities during the whole year. This condition of affairs afforded strong evidence of the great preparations that had been made, within a year or two, in increase the yield of the mines; and it presented another example of the irrepressible tendency of the coal producers to overstock the market. End of file.