Norfolk City Virginia USGenWeb Archives Court.....Garcia, Philip Manuel And Jose Demas Garcia Castillano June 1821 ************************************************ Copyright. All rights reserved. http://www.usgwarchives.net/copyright.htm http://www.usgwarchives.net/va/vafiles.htm ************************************************ File contributed for use in USGenWeb Archives by: Donna Bluemink http://www.genrecords.net/emailregistry/vols/00034.html#0008395 March 18, 2022, 6:09 pm Source: Sargeant Memorial Room Norfolk Public Library Archives Written: June 1821 NORFOLK PUBLIC LIBRARY ARCHIVES Transcribed for Sargeant Memorial Room by patron Donna Bluemink Title Page. AN ACCOUNT OF THE APPREHENSION, TRIAL, CONVICTION AND CONDEMNATION OF MANUEL PHILIP GARCIA AND JOSE DEMAS GARCIA CASTILLANO Who were executed on Friday the 1st of June, 1821, in the rear of the town of Portsmouth, in Virginia, for a most horrid murder and butchery, committed on PETER LAGOARDETTE, in the Borough of Norfolk on the 20th of March Preceding. Together with an APPENDIX. Containing their confessions, &c. Norfolk, Published by C. Hall, and sold by most of the Booksellers in the United States, June, 1821. [Page numbers appear in brackets in bold print.] [ii] DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA, to wit: BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the second day of June, in the forty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of America, William G. Lyford, of the said District, hath deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit: "An Account of the Apprehension, Trial, Conviction, and Condemnation, of Manuel Philip Garcia, and Jose Demas Garcia Castillano, who were executed on Friday, the 1st of June, 1821, in the rear of the town of Portsmouth, in Virginia, for a most horrid murder and butchery, committed on Peter Lagoardette, in the Borough of Norfolk, on the 20th of March preceding–Together with an Appendix, containing their Confessions, &c." In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned. RD. JEFFRIES, Clerk of the District of Virginia. ______ [iii] TO THE PUBLIC. As it was conceived that considerable interest would be excited at the result of the trials of MANUEL PHILIP GARCIA, and JOSE DEMAS GARCIA CASTILLANO, for the murder of PETER LAGOARDETTE, I came to the conclusion, soon after they were remanded to take their trial before the Superior Court, to possess myself of all the circumstances connected with that horrid affair, and to publish them in a pamphlet form: and to enable me to be as accurate as possible in my narration, I was permitted by the gentlemen having charge of all the papers in any way appertaining to those men, to examine and compile from them such portions as might appear relevant to my purpose. I have endeavored to do so; but yet I may have failed in some inconsiderable instances— for errors are too apt to creep in, through the hurry in getting such a work to the press. The two men being foreigners, (Spaniards) and not acquainted with our languages (one of them at least, and the other but very imperfectly,) their communications were all made in Spanish, badly spelt, and not easily legible—it consequently required time to have them translated with accuracy. I am indebted to the columns of the "Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald," for the considerable assistance which it has afforded me as the trials of the prisoners progressed. I am indebted to Mr. JAMES HENRY for his repeated visits to the prisoners, to procure for me their confessions, and for the verbal information which he has obtained from them, he being capable of conversing with them freely in their own language: and I am particularly indebted to the officers having charge of the prisoners, for their politeness in affording me at all times the information which they possessed, as well as their other acts of politeness, when a request was made of them. [iv] I have hereunto annexed some certificates, the object of which is visible upon the face of them. I do not apprehend that any other publication will be made, purporting to be a Confession of Garcia and Castillano, but I have thought it not amiss to guard against one. I am the Public's most obedient servant, W. G. LYFORD. Norfolk, June 2d, 1821. The following is an extract of the translation of a Note attached to a document,* which was handed to Mr. Henry by Garcia, as he was preparing to ascend the scaffold–it is dated May 30th, 1821, two days before his execution: "I declare, that any other paper which may be published as mine, except one dated the 10th inst.† is false. The only Declaration of mine, and of my ‡ writing, is this, and that of the 10th instant, which is in the hands of Mr. Henry. (Signed,) MANUEL PHILIP GARCIA." The following certificate was written on the 28th May:–"I hereby certify, that all the papers which have been written by me for publication, (since my confinement,) are in the hands of Mr. Henry. (Signed,) JOSE DEMAS GARCIA CASTILLANO." "This is to certify, that I have put into the hands of Mr. WM. G. LYFORD, all the papers and documents of every description that I have ever received from Manuel Philip Garcia and Jose Demas Garcia Castillano, for publication–and that I have never suffered any other person to peruse them; neither have I a copy or a translation of any of them, nor have I in any way promulgated or communicated their contents to any other person. Given under my hand at Norfolk, this second day of June, 1821. (Signed,) JAMES HENRY." *Appendix, page 24–† ibid. page 15. ‡ Garcia had probably forgotten his confession before the Mayor on the 28th March, or it being a translation only which he then signed, possibly did not consider it "his writing." ______ ERRATA. –In page 18, 12th line from the bottom, read, the under jaw fell off–the body which, &c. Page 19, 14th line from the top, dele the s in prisoners." –5th line from the bottom for "ten," read twenty. Page 20, line 16th from the top, after "that," read which. [5] AN ACCOUNT OF THE APPREHENSION, TRIAL, CONVICTION, CONDEMNATION, CONFESSION, AND EXECUTION OF MANUEL PHILIP GARCIA AND JOSE DEMAS GARCIA CASTILLANO, FOR THE MURDER OF PETER LAGOARDETTE. ON Tuesday, the 20th of March, about two o'clock, p. m. Josiah Cherry, a police officer, was informed, on coming home to his dinner, that something like a murder must have been committed that morning in Mrs. Hetherington's house, as a considerable noise like scuffling, and screams, had been heard there by some of the neighboring women and children.—The house from which the noise issued was not more than sixty or sixty-five yards back from Cherry's house, and he immediately hurried to it to endeavor to ascertain the cause of the alarm. On coming to the house, he found it secured, and no person apparently in it. Not willing to take upon himself the responsibility of forcing it open, he proceeded immediately to the Mayor for instructions, who authorized him instantly to return and break the house open, which order he accordingly obeyed. The building in question is a two story wooden house, standing upon columns of bricks about eighteen inches from the ground; its gable ends towards the east and west, with two doors to enter it, one of which is in the west end and the other on the north side. The house is probably about twenty-five feet long and seventeen broad, with two rooms on the lower floor, and two rooms and a passage on the upper floor, the passage up stairs dividing the two rooms. There [6] are no windows, either above or below, on the south side of the house, and the windows on the lower floor have all of them shutters except, one at the east end and nearest the south side—there are four windows at the east end, two of which are above, and of course the others below; and five on the north side, three of them above, and two below—those at the west end it is not material to name; suffice it to say, that in the upper room at the east end of the house, are three windows, which have already been described; and the reason for being thus particular concerning this house, &c. will be manifest before this narrative is completed.—And now for its situation. The house is a retired one, standing in the fields, about equal distance from Church, Bute, and Cumberland streets, say sixty yards from either, and perhaps about an hundred and twenty yards from Charlotte street. On Church street, in front of Plume's rope walk, but on that side of the street next to the house, are several dwelling houses, all of which are occupied; but between these houses and the house where the murder was committed, are gardens, one of which extends down to within about four feet of the house, where it is terminated by a fence, which forms a yard at the east end of the house—on the south side is a house about forty yards from the house in question; and at the west end a kitchen occupied by an old black woman, and almost adjoining the kitchen westwardly an unoccupied house. Towards the west and north west, the nearest house is probably an hundred and fifty yards, and towards the north is the French Masonic Hall, which is about an hundred yards distant—the space between the house and the streets to the west and north is a common, and being quite flat, in the spring season is apt to be wet, and consequently but little passing over it. The house commands a good view from the rear of those houses on Church street, but cannot be perceived by any person on the street. The tenants of most of them are men whose avocations call them into the more business part of the town, so that from early breakfast they are absent until dinner, the children are some of them at school, and the women, engaged in their domestic offices, seldom have occasion to attend to, or think of, any thing else except matters of their own household. As soon as Cherry opened the house by entering at the window, he proceeded up stairs, (seeing nothing below that was worthy of observation,) and on entering the room at the east end of the house, discovered a spectacle truly horrible and revolting to the feelings of humanity. The trunk of a human being lay extended upon the floor, divested of its head and limbs, and bleeding; on the fire which was [7] burning, he found the head, hands and feet, burnt almost to a cinder; in a tub, the arms and legs, which appeared to have been dissected with the greatest surgical skill; and on the floor, the axe and two butcher knives, all besmeared with blood, with which the diabolical deed had been perpetrated by some hellish murderer or murderers !!!! The officer having given the alarm, a number of persons of course soon collected, and information being sent to the Coroner of the Borough, an inquest was summoned, who repaired to the house, where, after investigating the matter as well as their slender means would enable them, and sending for and examining such persons as circumstances and chance happened to bring to their minds, they reported the following verdict:— "Norfolk Borough, to wit— "Inquisition indented, taken at a house belonging to Mrs. Hetherington, in the fields, not far from Plume's rope walk, in the Borough aforesaid, the twentieth day of March, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and twenty- one, in the forty-fifth year of the Commonwealth, before me, George W. Camp, Coroner of the Commonwealth for the said Borough, upon a view of the body of a white man, (unknown to the Jury,) then and there lying dead, and upon the oaths of Thomas B. Seymour, Alexander Jordan, Henry H. Newsum, Thomas R. Walker, Thomas B. Dixon, John S. Widgen, Charles Spratley, Francis Butt, Michael S. Wilson, William S. Keeling, William Bolsom, and John Hester, good and lawful men of the said Borough, who being sworn and charged diligently to inquire on behalf of the said Commonwealth, when, where, and after what, manner, the said person came to his death, upon their oaths do say, that some person or persons to them unknown, not having the fear of God before his or their eyes, but being moved and instigated by the Devil, did, some time between the hours of twelve o'clock of yesterday and twelve o'clock of this day, feloniously and with malice aforethought, make an attack upon the said deceased, with an axe and two knives, with which said weapons the said deceased was murdered, supposed by a blow on the head with the said axe, given by the person or persons unknown as aforesaid; who, having deprived the said deceased of life, did, with the said knives, cut off his head, arms and legs, which were inhumanly thrown into a fire in the room where the murder was committed, and the head so much burnt as to render it impossible to distinguish the features of the deceased–and [8] so the Jury do say, that the said deceased was wilfully, deliberately, and maliciously murdered by the person or persons to the Jury unknown. In testimony, &c." Signed by all the members of the inquest. The murderers had taken the precaution, previous to dissecting their victim, to nail up two blankets to the windows in the room where he lay, viz. one at the end (there having been a curtain at the other end window already) and the other at the side of the room. There was no article of furniture in the house except a mattress, which had marks of blood upon it, two or three blankets, and a portmanteau—the trunk was found open, with a number of gold and silver watches in it, several articles of jewelry and other valuables, and an elegant gold patent lever watch lay upon the floor. Several articles of clothing were also found in the trunk, some of which were stained with blood—some of the shirts and waistcoats were marked P. L. and some of them M. P. G.—A Masonic Diploma was also found in the trunk, issued by the Grand Lodge of Maryland, dated at the city of Baltimore, December 21, 1820, and filled up with the name of Peter Lagoardette, whose name was signed in the usual way in the margin.—A coffin was prepared for the deceased, his remains interred, the articles found in the house taken charge of by the Coroner, and the house secured. Previous to this time, however, the circumstance had become so notorious all over town, that thousands of persons had collected to see the horrible sight, or to hear the particulars, if they could, of the murder—but in the latter they were completely disappointed. The anxiety, however, to learn from some one, who might probably be the perpetrators of the dreadful deed, was not to be easily allayed—every inquiry was made, and numbers were describing sane suspicious looking person that they had recently seen. Mr. Holt, the Mayor, visited in person several of the houses in the vicinity, and left no effort untried to ferret out the murderers—he had a number of persons brought before him, in the court-house, at night, but could collect no further information, than, that the house had been rented of Mrs. Hetherington, about three weeks before, by a Frenchman, whose name no one knew, but that he went by that of Dett—Mrs. Hetherington was in the country herself, so that nothing could be learned satisfactorily who the tenants were, and Dett had never been seen in company with any one at the house; but on the night previous was seen at a house of ill fame with a person who ap-[9] peared to be a Spaniard. Thus terminated the inquiries of the day and night, with no prospect of succeeding in a discovery of the fugitives. But the account of such an abominable and unnatural murder waited not the tardy progress of the swiftest wings to convey it abroad, it went with the quickness of the lightning's flash, and before night had paid her accustomed visit, was circulated for miles in the country, and in various directions.—On the next morning, (Wednesday,) an extensive fire broke out in our neighboring town of Portsmouth, and so great was the light of it, that people from the country, for some miles around, had collected in the early part of the day to ascertain its cause, extent of the damage, &c. An idea was entertained by numbers that the murderer or murderers might possibly have also been the incendiary or incendiaries.—The Mayor was vigilant all the day, and collected various testimony from different persons; and through the course of his inquiries, discovered by a drayman, (a colored man,) that on the Friday evening preceding, he had taken a trunk and some other articles on his dray, from on board the steam boat Virginia, which had arrived that evening from Baltimore, and carried them to the house where the murder had been committed. The drayman stated, that he was employed by a small man, apparently a Frenchman, and that when they reached the house, the man knocked at the door, and a swarthy looking man opened it, and the articles were carried in. The tenant of the house was in an undress, with a night cap on, and appeared as if just risen from his bed, although it was not then sun-down.—This small discovery to some thing like a clue to a fuller one, having been made, recourse was had to the list of passengers who had come down in the steam-boat from Baltimore, and they all could be accounted for except P. Lawrence and Jose Garcia.—It was also understood from some gentlemen in the course of the day, that two very suspicious looking men, apparently Spaniards, from the contour of their faces, were seen about two or three o'clock in the afternoon of the preceding day, in the fields, in the full view of the house where the murder was committed, and that they were walking out of town in the direction of Princess Ann. They were represented as being dressed in fashionable great coats, of a liver or brown color. Among those persons who came to Norfolk on Wednesday morning, to see where the fire was raging, (for it broke out about three o'clock,) and what was its extent, was Capt. Jacob Shuster, a farmer, who lives on Tanner's creek, at Bowdoin's ferry, [10] about four miles from Norfolk. Capt. Shuster, during his stay in town, which was the principal part of the day, heard the various reports that were circulating respecting the murder the day previous; and when he returned in the evening, Mrs. Shuster informed him that two men, (apparently foreigners,) had crossed the ferry the forepart of the day, and gone towards Sewell's Point. [It may be proper here to mention, that this is not a regular ferry at this time, a boat being kept upon the creek merely for the purpose of conveying the neighbors across; hence something like surprise was expressed by Mrs. S. that two strangers should have found their way there, and wish to cross.] Mrs. Shuster further informed her husband, that one of the men discovered much alarm while there; and that Mr. Jordan, their neighbor, had come there just after the two men had got into the boat, and informed her of the murder that had been committed in Norfolk the preceding day, and that he strongly suspected those two men to have been the murderers; he stated the reasons upon which his belief was founded, and regretted that she had suffered them to cross—the reasons which Mr. Jordan assigned, will be introduced in his evidence. On hearing the foregoing, Capt. Shuster immediately returned to Norfolk, where he arrived about nine o'clock at night, in the rain, (for it had been raining occasionally, or a fine mist falling, all day,) and communicated the above intelligence to the Mayor.—Capt. S. then returned home. The Mayor immediately convened the town watch, and authorized there to raise a sufficient number to form two squads, and go in pursuit of the two men described by Capt. Shuster; but no horses could be procured sooner than day-light, and they were compelled to defer starting until that period. On his way home, Capt. Shuster had come to the determination, if he could collect a few friends, to start in pursuit of the supposed murderers; and having succeeded in his first object, after returning home the second time, sent back again to Norfolk, between ten and eleven o'clock, to procure additional and more trusty arms; as soon as the messenger returned he started with his party for Tanner's creek cross-roads, intending from thence to proceed to Sewell's Point. The party consisted of Jacob Shuster, John Wilson, Robert Addison, James Dameron, and William Knight. The party rode on to Sewell's Point, and about sunrise, on a small point of land projecting out from the main point, called Lavender's Point, discovered the two men [11] who were the object of their pursuit. Mr. Wilson rode up to them, being in advance of the party, and inquired, "What they were doing there?" Their answer was, "Fransch frigat," pointing towards Hampton Roads, as if it were their object to see or get on board the French corvette La Tarn, which had sailed from the Roads on the Monday morning preceding, which circumstance had been published in the Norfolk papers, and which was also a matter of general notoriety in the town. Mr. W. told them it was necessary that they should unbutton their coats, that he might see if they were armed, which they did, but none were found upon them; and the other persons of the party having come up, they told them that they must go with them to Norfolk; they made no objection, but replied or signified, "we give up," The party then brought them on to Capt. Shuster's house, and Capt. S. taking them in a chair, sat himself in the foot of it, and under the escort of their guard brought them to Norfolk. The intelligence of their having been taken reached town an hour or two before the prisoners; and so great was the anxiety of the people, and such the excitement which had been produced, that Church street was thronged with spectators on either side for a considerable distance beyond Fort Barbour, all eager to get a sight of the supposed murderers, or to learn the circumstances of their capture. At twelve o'clock the prisoners were led into court, followed by the crowd, which in a little time collected in so large a mass, that every avenue to the court-house, was completely blocked up, and the efforts of the attending officer, to clear the bar were totally unavailing. The prisoners were therefore placed immediately below the Bench, where the witnesses also took their places. It is not deemed necessary here to detail the evidence of the witnesses called upon to testify against the prisoners, as it will come more properly in the proceedings of the commonwealth against them in the superior court; but the substance is indispensable, that the reader may know the grounds upon which they were committed for further examination. Mrs. Hetherington, the proprietress of the house in which the diabolical deed had been committed, deposed, that a person, (supposed to have been the deceased) applied to her for her house and took it on the second instant (March;) he was a foreigner, supposed him to be a Frenchman; stated that he had no family, but expected his brother shortly from Baltimore, on whose account he had taken the [12] house—she never inquired his name. He was genteel in his appearance and deportment, rather under the middle stature, dark complexion; a little pitted with the small pox, black whiskers, and appeared to be about twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age. She knew nothing of the two prisoners, having been absent in the country from a day or two after she had rented her house until after the murder was committed. But there were witnesses who came forward, when they saw the prisoners, who deposed that they had seen them before. The carpenter who put the handle to the axe deposed, that the axe was brought to him by two men very much resembling the prisoners, on the Friday preceding, one of whom told him in broken English what he wished—and an apprentice to this same carpenter deposed positively as to the identity of the prisoners; he thought it was on Friday afternoon, but was certain as to their persons; one of them, the eldest, asked to have "one," understood him to say or mean, helve, because he pointed to the eye of the axe— they said they would call again when it was done. They then lighted their segars (for there was a fire in the shop) and went out. Some short time after they returned again, paid twenty-five cents for the helve, bade "good evening," and went away. Another witness, a little girl, only ten years old, deposed to the fact of seeing the prisoners often at the fatal house, for she had been induced sometimes to go there, as her mother lived upon the adjoining lot, and as the Frenchman, (meaning the deceased,) had told her if she would come he would give her apples, nuts, &c. and she had accepted the invitation. On the morning of the murder, she being out in the rear of her mother's house, heard a noise like people in a scuffle, and a scream from within, something like that of murder. She was very much alarmed, and cried with fear, her mother being from home. 'The court deemed the above testimony sufficient to justify them in committing the prisoners for a further examination, and they were committed accordingly. After being carried to prison their persons were searched, and blood was discovered upon the body of one of their shirts, and upon the sleeve of the other—one of the shirts was marked P. L.— a paper, discolored with blood, dropped from the hat of one of them—one of them also had his thumb much wounded from an apparent bite of very blunt teeth, and the other one had a fresh cut in the forehead over the eye. The circumstances attending the apprehension and examination of the prisoners were all published the next day in the "Norfolk [13] Herald," and the consequence was, that many other circumstances attending the murder and fixing the guilt upon the prisoners were developed by the appearance of new witnesses against them; who, although they could have made the same disclosures and stated the same facts previously, did not know who were the persons they were thus to implicate until they had seen them, and the recollection of transactions with them had brought them to their knowledge. On the 27th March a letter was received by a gentleman in Norfolk from his correspondent in Baltimore, stating the disappearance of a Spaniard from that city named Manual Philip Garcia, "who, from circumstances, it was supposed had been enticed into the country, and there murdered by the same men confined in the jail at Norfolk for the murder of Lagoardette. Independent of Garcia's being missing, it is ascertained that one of the prisoners whose proper name is Jose Demas Garcia Castillano, was seen about a fortnight previous to take a trunk, mattress, &c. out of Garcia's house, and carry it away." Thus much for the letter—now for a solution of the mystery of the missing man from Baltimore. By a reference to the way-bill of the steam-boat Virginia, and from the testimony of Mr. Pennington who kept the accounts, &c. on board the boat, it appeared that the murdered man, whose name was entered on the way-bill, Lawrence, arrived at Norfolk on the 2d of March, (the day on which he took the house from Mrs. Hetherington,) from Baltimore, and of the 10th of the same month the two prisoners arrived, also from Baltimore, in the same boat, under the names of Jose Garcia and Juan Gomez: on the Monday following (the 12th,) it was ascertained that Lawrence and Jose Garcia returned to Baltimore, the latter with the key of the house occupied by Juan Gomez, [See Appendix A.] with instructions to bring down a trunk, mattress, &c. belonging to him—[this Juan Gomez, in Norfolk, it will now be readily perceived, was the missing Manuel Philip Garcia in Baltimore]—Lawrence and Jose Garcia (still assuming the same names) arrived at Norfolk again on the evening of Friday the 16th March from Baltimore, and the former immediately took a dray and conveyed his baggage to the house he had rented, as has been before stated by the drayman. The day fixed upon by the Court for a further examination of the prisoners, was the thirtieth March—and scarcely a day passed that the police officers did not bring forward to the Mayor some new and stronger proof of the villainous pursuits of the prisoners, and, it was [14] not doubted, of the deceased. A great variety of keys, small files, saws, chisels, brass wire, materials for brazing, &c. were found concealed between the plastering and weatherboarding, in the house where they had resided, and the keys so constructed, that the parts calculated to fit the wards of the lock, could be moved at pleasure, and suited to almost any large lock—one key in particular was found, which opened three different locks on three valuable stores, and no doubt could have opened others with the same facility, if they had been tried:—It has been omitted before, but not too late to mention now, that a number of small tools were found in the trunk with the other articles, in the room where the murder was committed. A communication had been made to gentlemen in Savannah and Charleston, immediately after the first examination of the prisoners, describing, and asking for information concerning them. To the communication to Savannah, the reply was, that "a man named Jose Garcia, who was one of the crew of the General Ramirez, was lodged in jail there on the 7th July, 1820, discharged on the 18th of the same month;" nothing farther as said. The reply from Charleston, dated 30th March, was, that there was "no doubt that the men who had committed the murder in Norfolk were the same who had been repeatedly before the Charleston courts of justice, but that they had generally the address to get off with some slight punishment by way of confinement in jail, for the want of sufficient evidence to convict them;" and concluded by observing, that "it was not more than six weeks since they left Charleston, under the names Garcia and Gomez." On the 28th, it having been signified to the Mayor, that the prisoner, who had hitherto assumed the name of Gomez, but whose name was now ascertained to be Manuel Philip Garcia, wished to make a confession of the murder; orders were given that he be brought from jail, into the Mayor's office, unshackled and unconfined. A confession was accordingly made by the prisoner, of his own voluntary will and accord, through the medium of an interpreter, to the Mayor and the attorney for the commonwealth; and after being reduced to writing, was subscribed by him. The confession was not sworn to, neither did the court think proper to make any use of it. [It will be found in the appendix marked A.] On the 30th March, the court convened for the further examination of witnesses against the prisoners Castillano and Garcia—Cas- [15] tillano was first put to the bar. Witnesses were examined, a part of whose testimony has already been given on the commitment of the prisoners, and the subsequent was introduced as establishing that testimony, and confirming the guilt of the prisoners. William Pennington, sworn.—Belongs to, and keeps the accounts of, the steam boat Virginia; the prisoner, in company with Garcia, and a Frenchman who signed his name P. Lawrence, had made several trips up and down in the steam-boat Virginia, which plies between Norfolk and Baltimore—at one time last fall they all came to Norfolk together, and deposited at the bar of the boat a watch for the payment of their passage. The Frenchman came alone to Norfolk on the 2d of March; the two Spaniards (the prisoner and Garcia) came down on the 10th—on the 12th, the prisoner and the Frenchman returned to Baltimore—and on the 16th, the same two came back to Norfolk. Capt. James Brown, and James Weaver, the engineer, both of the steamboat Virginia, deposed to the above. Other witnesses were introduced, who proved the intimacy of the three persons. Mr. Glenn, sworn.—Stated that Frenchman who said his name was Lawrence, came to his house from the steam-boat Virginia on the 2d March, as a boarder, and went away on the 4th. C. Branda, J. Morrison, and J. Sounalet, sworn.—Had viewed the Spaniards taken up on suspicion of murder, know them to have visited their shops with a Frenchman who acted as interpreter—had sold them jewelry in November last, and at other times—had seen them together between the 16th and 19th March. John Victoir, sworn—Knew the Frenchman—had frequented his shop; gave him the handkerchief marked with Miss ____'s name, found in the trunk near the dead body. Clara ____, who keeps the brick-house, sworn.—Had a dance on the night of the 19th, the Frenchman was there, but did not dance; remained some time—left the house with Nicolas Beauclerc—has not seen him since. Nicholas Beauclerc, sworn.–Has no knowledge of the Spaniards; was intimate with the Frenchman; met with him at a dance at the brick-house on Monday night, 19th March; it was eight o'clock; Frenchman did not dance, staid some time conversing with him; said he was from Bayonne, and called himself Dett; mentioned that that he had rented a room for cheapness near the Baths, and that he was going that night to Mrs. ____'s to offer her a small gold [16] watch, chain and seals, for forty dollars; shewed it to him; knows it to be the same found in the trunk near the body the next day. Witness walked with him to Mrs. ____'s but knows not whether the watch was offered, cannot say whether he staid all night, or what became of him afterwards. Ann Armistead, sworn.—Has seen the Frenchman, but does not know his name—he came to their house on Monday night, 19th inst. with Nicolas Beauclerc, about eight o'clock, and quitted it again about nine, Beauclerc going out with him—heard the former say to the latter, on their way out of the house, (they not seeing her, as she was near the stairs), that he was going to a frolic in the river Styx; (a nick-name for a part of Union street) this was the last she saw of him—knows nothing of the watch, or where he usually lodged. Elizabeth Rose, sworn.—Has been to see the two Spaniards in prison; is positive they are the two persons, who in company with a well dressed small man that appeared to be a Frenchman, called at her shop near the brick-house, on Friday night., 16th inst. to inquire who lived at the brick-house; said they wanted to go there, and walked away in that direction. The Frenchman wore such a great coat as the one found in the trunk near the body. Green Erskine, sworn.—Sold a tub to one of the Spaniards on the 17th; does not know if it was the one found near the body. David Etheridge, sworn.—Works with Mr. Delany, a tinner; sold the tin bucket, he saw near the body, to the Spaniards, on the 17th inst. knows its make perfectly. P. Bellet, sworn.—Lives with D'Anfossy & Duperu; have a large quantity of axes with the stamps, and of the figure and size, of the one found near the body—does not know the Spaniards, and has no knowledge of having sold them an axe. William Gleeson, sworn.—Is an apprentice to Mr. Vaughan; knows the two Spaniards shewn him, are the persons who came to the shop on Friday 16th inst. with an axe to be helved; that he was present when Mr. Vaughan received it, and made and put in the handle; that the Spaniards in the mean time each lighted a segar and walked away, and when the helve was put in the axe, they returned and took it away with them. Several other witnesses were examined, and among them were some whose testimony was equally strong or stronger against the prisoners than any here given; but it will come better before the reader to introduce it at the trial before the Superiour Court.—The court unanimously decided, that the prisoners should be remanded [17] for a final trial at the approaching term of the Superior Court for Norfolk County, which would commence its session on the 9th April. On account of the very inclement weather on Monday the 9th April, and in consequence of the delicate health of the Judge, the court did not convene until Tuesday the 10th, when the proceedings were opened by an able and comprehensive charge from Judge PARKER to the grand jury.—The indictment charged both the prisoners as principals and accessories in and to the murder; and that the murder had been committed by Manuel Philip Garcia and Joseph Garcia, alias Demar Joseph Garcia Castillano, otherwise called Goner or Gomez, on the body of Peter Lagoardette, otherwise called Lawrence, otherwise called Tade, on the 20th March, in the Borough of Norfolk, by an axe, with a blow upon the head, or with a knife or knives, by cutting off the head a little below the chin. The grand jury had no difficulty in soon finding a true bill against the prisoners, and the next day, (Wednesday the 11th April,) Joseph Garcia, alias Demar Joseph Garcia Castillano, otherwise called Gomer or Gomez, was brought into court and put upon his trial. The court was opened about 11 o'clock; and the house so crowded in every part of it with spectators, so great was the anxiety to see and hear, that it appeared like a convention of the whole county and borough of Norfolk. The prisoner was placed at the bar, and directed to plead to the indictment, the purport of which was explained to him by an interpreter who had been sworn for the purpose, as he pretended to be unacquainted with our language; and he accordingly pleaded “not guilty.” The usual formalities having been gone through with, such as asking the prisoner how he would be tried, &c, and informing him of the liberty he could take in challenging jurors &c. all of which was communicated to him by the interpreter, M. Alessi. The prisoner challenged but four of the jurors; the names of those impaneled were W. F. Hunter, G. White, J. Capron, H. Allmand, Jr., R. Hatton, J. W. Hall, T. Moran, J. Ford, Jr., S. W. Hopper, J. B. Butt, O. S. Dameron, and N Berry. JAMES NIMMO, Esq. the attorney for the commonwealth, was assisted by Gen. ROBERT B. TAYLOR, who had volunteered his services, (Mr. N's health being inadequate to the arduous duties of the prosecution,) and WILLIAM MAXWELL and ALBERT ALLMAND, Esqrs. appeared as counsel for the prisoner. The court were about to proceed with the examination of the witnesses, when Mr. Nimmo stated to the court the situation in [18] which he stood with regard to the other prisoner, Manuel Philip Garcia, who perhaps, under an impression that it might benefit his own cause, had voluntarily offered to make a confession of the facts relative to the murder: and that, although it was upon the express assurance on his (the prosecutor's) part that no pledge could be given, that would be of any avail whatever, that a confession had been made; yet, least the unfortunate man might cherish hopes founded on a delusive idea of the existence of such a pledge, he prayed the court to decide on the course proper to be pursued. He had himself never doubted the sufficiency of the evidence already existing, but had not felt himself not at liberty to hear any disclosure which either of the prisoners might think proper, of their own accord, to make, although it might not be necessary to use it in evidence. Having repeated that he was perfectly satisfied to rest the prosecution entirely upon the evidence of the witnesses, it was decided that the confession should not be admitted into court. Josiah Cherry, a police officer, was the first witness sworn.—The witness stated that he had been called on by Mrs. Lester, about two o'clock, on Tuesday afternoon, the twentieth March, and informed that some person was dead in the house, (meaning Mrs. Hetherington's house) and requesting him to go into it.— Witness went to the house and found it fast, hastened to the mayor for authority to open it, who accordingly granted it.—Witness returned at a quarter past two o'clock, and entered through a window; on ascending the stairs, and entering a room on the second floor, found a person dead, head cut off and in the fire; the arms cut off at the shoulders and at the elbows, and the legs off at the knees; the limbs were placed in a tub and tin kettle which had water in them— the feet and hands were in the fire; on turning over the head to get it out of the fire the under jaw fell off the body—which was yet bleeding, appeared to have been washed; a bloody axe with a new handle in it was lying on the floor, and two bloody knives near the body; the blood was perfectly fresh; has no doubt but the murder was effected by these instruments—the wall was bespattered with blood, and the floor, which was bloody, had been partially washed.— Witness had never been in that house before; lives from seventy-five to eighty yards from it—on entering it, found that the door had been fastened by a lock and the key taken out; the window shutters were closed below, and blankets were hung before the windows up stairs—found the body in the room next to the garden, which lies between the house and Church street, and in view of [19] the witness' residence— several other houses were also near, from which a view could be had of what was transacted in the house where the murder was committed—there is no window on the side of the house next the kitchen.—Witness further stated, that an open trunk was in the room with the dead body, filled with men's wearing apparel, some of which was bloody, and a parcel of watches and jewelry—clothes were also scattered on the floor, and a mattress in one corner of the room with blood scattered on it. William Vaughan, sworn.—On Friday before the murder was committed, came to his shop two Spaniards to get a helve put to an axe, for which they paid twenty-five cents; prisoner at the bar was one of the persons —knows the axe now presented to be the one he put the helve in.—(Cross examined)—To the best of his knowledge believes the prisoners at the bar to be one of the persons who came with the axe, knows him by his form, clothing, complexion, &c.—it was on a Friday, to the best of his recollection, they applied for the helve, one only of whom spoke, which was in broken English—is positive the prisoner is not the one who spoke. (To a question by the court)—Is not positive that the word “helve” was made use of, thinks if it had been he should have recollected it, but they made him understand by pointing to another. William Gleeson, (apprentice to Mr. Vaughan,) sworn.—Is confident the prisoner is one who came with another on Friday before the murder for an axe-helve; prisoner said little or nothing, but went away with the other person, they afterwards returned, thinks between two and three o'clock, went to the fire which was in the shop, warmed their hands, lighted their segars, took the axe, paid twenty-five cents, said “good evening, sir,” and went away—saw the same two persons next day, and recognized them immediately —knows the axe now presented to be the one helved at their shop, and that it is the same helve—cannot say whether the word helve was made use of by the persons applying with the axe, but thinks it was, at all events they made them understand by pointing—is positive the prisoner present is not the one who entered into conversation on the subject of the helve. William Allyn, sworn.—Lives at J. T. Allyn's—had a dozen knives in the store in a package, sold two of them about ten days previous to two foreigners; cannot say that the prisoner at the bar was one of them—one of them spoke broken English, the other said nothing.—When they first came into the store and asked for knives, witness shewed them riggers' knives, and they not appearing to [20] please, shewed them the kind of these, (holding up one of the knives which had been found near the body of the deceased,) denominated in the invoice, "bread knives," they inquired the price, paid for them without saying any thing further, and walked out—thinks he could not have recognized them an hour afterwards. The two knives present are of the same stamp and correspond exactly with the remaining ten in the store. [The knives produced and denominated "bread knives," were about a foot in length; the blade wide, terminating at the point sharp, something like a butcher's knife, and about eight or nine inches in length—indeed they had every appearance of a butcher's knife.] Mary Lester, (a very sensible little girl, only nine and a half years of age, after being examined by the Judge touching the importance of an oath and the offence of stating things falsely, and having satisfactorily answered to the inquiry, if she knew the consequence of relating that was not true,) sworn.—Had been to school on Tuesday, the day the murder was committed, and when she came home, was told of a noise that had been heard in the house, (meaning, where the murder was committed;) run out and got upon the fence, (it was about one o'clock, according to a calculation made between the coming out and going in of the school) and saw two men, the prisoner at the bar was one of them, come out of the house, and the prisoner locked the door, then kicked it with his foot to see it was fast—prisoner looked the witness in the face while he was locking the door, and then both of them walked towards the fields from the witness—had seen the two men often with the Frenchman, but had not seen them that morning—Had seen them several times come out of the house with the Frenchman, but then the Frenchman always locked the door and then kicked it to see if it was fast. [The little witness further stated, that on hearing that a murder had been committed in the house, she had gone out and got upon the fence to watch the house, to see who come out of it; giving the court and jury to understand, that by this plan she would be enabled to know who of the three was murdered; and when she saw the two Spaniards come out she concluded of course that the Frenchman was the one who was dead.] Elizabeth Lester, another little girl about twelve years old, sworn.—Had often played about the house of "Peter Ladette," (as she called the supposed deceased;) he had often invited her to the house to get apples and nuts; had seen the prisoner and an- [21] other person at the house, but had never said any thing to them—had often seen the prisoner and his companion, but did not see them together the day the murder was committed—witness went once to the house to get an apple from Ladette, but the prisoner and another one came in and she went out. On the day of the murder, between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, witness was in the garden playing with some other little children, when she heard a noise in the house, and the screams of some one in distress, and a struggling—went lower down the garden; the scream appeared like a faint cry of murder, saw soon after a person (not the prisoner) come to the windows and put a blanket up before it.—After a little while the noise ceased and she could see nothing, the window shutters all being closed—did not see the prisoner at all, and saw no person come out of the house.—Witness, with the other children, ran home crying, because she was scared, and her mother was from home—could see no man to tell what she had seen and heard.—[After some time her mother returned home, and she related to her the particulars as stated to the Court and Jury, and her mother went and informed a constable.] Margaret Madden, a little girl about ten or eleven years old, sworn. —Confirms the testimony of Mary Lester. Henry Roberts, a boy about eleven or twelve years of age, sworn.—On the morning of the murder, about ten o'clock, being about ten yards from the house, on the side towards the French Lodge, heard “a lick,” and screams in the house—after a little the noise stopped—saw no person come out or go into the house—never saw the prisoner in the house at all—saw a blanket at the window at the side of the house up stairs after the noise had ceased.—Witness did not stop, but proceeded from the house about his business. Ann Barret, sworn.—Between nine and ten o'clock, on the morning of the twentieth of March, heard screams for five or ten minutes in the house in the rear of hers, belonging to Mrs. Hetherington, went to the door and heard another faint scream—saw a man with a dark complexion, pacing the lower room in his shirt sleeves, having white pantaloons on—he came to the window several times, and every time would place his eyes upon witness—appeared to be much agitated—his hair was cut short, and could perceive that he had large whiskers—prisoner at the bar, from his size and figure, appears to be the person.—The blanket was put up at, the window after witness had heard the noise—the noise was like a person strangling. The last time the person left the window saw [22] him roll up his shirt sleeve with his left hand. There had been a curtain at the upper window in the end of the house nearest to witness' house, ever since it had been occupied by the late tenants. Sophia Lester, (mother of Elizabeth and Mary Lester) sworn.— Had been from home all the morning, and until between one and two o'clock; on her return, was informed by her children of the noise they had heard in the house where the Frenchman lived; went into the garden, but heard no noise; saw, however, a blanket hanging up at the window—went immediately to Cherry and Roberts, (two constables) to tell them what had happened.—[In answer to a question by the prosecutor,] had brought her children up in religious habits, and had always endeavoured to instill into their minds the importance of confining themselves to the truth under all circumstances. John O'Neil, sworn.—Keeps a tailor's shop on Main street; a Frenchman had applied to him some short time previous to repair a coat, which he then wore, but which he took away with him again without getting the work done; the coat found near the deceased in the room where the murder was committed, twentieth of March, was the same coat; knows it by a rent in the black silk lining near one of the pockets—had applied to witness previously to make a pair of pantaloons for him, and when his measure was taken, wrote Lawrence on it, which he gave witness to understand was his name—witness made the pantaloons, they are the same which one of time Spaniards had on when brought to town after they were taken; knows them as being from the same piece of snuff colored cloth as those which witness wears himself, and from the circumstance of the nap in one of the breadths running a different direction from that in the other breadths, the cloth having been cut so through mistake; a button hole had also been improperly cut, which had been sewed up again. Josiah Cherry, called again.—Assisted in examining the two men when they were in jail, saw some blood on one of the shirt sleeves of one of the men which he accounted for by saying it proceeded from a hurt which he had on his thumb; is not positive there was blood on more than one of the men—thinks there was the appearance of blood on some of the clothes in the trunk found in the house. George W. Camp, the coroner, sworn.—Examined the prisoner in the jail, and found the letters P. L. marked upon the shirt and [23] waistcoat he had on, which corresponded with the initials of Peter Lagoardette's name on the diploma, and several shirts found in the trunk—discovered blood on the side of the prisoner's shirt immediately under the waistband of his pantaloons, which prisoner accounted for by saying it proceeded from a wound he had over the eye—saw something like the appearance of blood having been washed out of the other prisoner's shirt sleeve; but it might have been a stain of something else.—There were clothes in the room near the body. C. A. Trincavelli, from Baltimore, sworn.—Had a brother who had left Baltimore last November on business, and when he returned, (from Norfolk) stated that he had sold Demas Castillano, whom he had met with in Norfolk, a pair of pistols (describing them,) and when Castillano, the prisoner at the bar, returned to Baltimore, he showed witness the pair of pistols which he said he had bought from witness' brother while in Norfolk, which pistols, [double-barreled, and of a very singular construction] corresponded precisely with those now presented to the Court [which were found in the trunk near the dead body ]—Pistols of the description sold by witness and his brother, witness had never met with elsewhere in the United States.—Has seen prisoner often wearing pantaloons like those present, [bloody, found in the house of the deceased.]—Prisoner speaks English language tolerably well—has been ten or twelve months in Baltimore, and has understood from himself that he has been ten years in the United States—has also understood from prisoner that he married in Savannah. Nicholas Beauclerc, sworn—[the principal testimony of this witness has been given before the examining court.]—Was present when Lagoardette applied to Mr. O'Neil to make his pantaloons, but did not hear him give directions about any particular fashion or manner in which he wished them made—Had been acquainted with Lagoardette (this was the name he now called him) for some time. Mrs. Duesberry, sworn.—Saw two men pass her house on the day of the murder about two o'clock, p. m. [Mrs. D. lives not exceeding one hundred and sixty yards west from, and in full view of, the house where the murder was committed,] one of the men was the prisoner—had never seen them before nor since—they came up Cumberland street, and passed witness' house very quick—saw no baggage or burthen of any kind about them. [24] W.D.Young, sworn.—About two o'clock, on Tuesday, 20th March, was coming from Armistead's Rope walk, and near Mrs. Duesberry's, met two men, apparently foreigners, one of whom was the prisoner, walking towards Potter's field. Mr. Jordan, sworn.—Resides about four miles in the country, on Tanner's Creek— The next morning after the murder was committed in Norfolk, a little before sunrise, saw two men, one of whom was the prisoner, come out of a pine thicket near witness' house, where witness supposed from their appearance they had been asleep, one of whom inquired if a ferry was near, and appeared to be very unquiet, fatigued and restless, frequently turning his head first to one direction and then to another—the prisoner inquired the road to the ferry and then again the road and distance to Norfolk, as they said they wished to get to Norfolk—Witness gave them every information they asked for, and they started with the appearance of intending to go to Norfolk; but when they had turned a piece of wood, and supposed out of view of witness (witness is compelled to think so from their conduct,) they took the path which led to Bowdoin's ferry; which witness perceiving, immediately pursued and reached Capt. Shuster's in a short time after they did—[The men, however, had applied to Mrs. Shuster, (Capt. S. being absent,) to have them set over the creek, and witness came up while the boy was in the boat in the act of setting them across.]—Witness informed Mrs. S. of his suspicions, that the two men were the murderers, and advised her to order the boy with the boat back; but the men would not suffer him to return, and one of them evinced great apprehension of danger, by frequent jumping up and sitting down in the boat, while Mrs. S. was giving instructions for its return. John Wilson, sworn—Capt. Shuster called at witness' house on Wednesday night— (21st March) for him to go in pursuit of the two men who it was supposed had committed the murder in Norfolk the day before—witness started with him, and about sunrise next morning, on what is called Lavender Point, a point projecting out from Sewell's (the main point) saw two men,one of whom was the prisoner, on the beach— witness rode up to them and inquired what they were doing? The answer was, and pointing towards Hampton Roads at the same time "Fransch frigat." Witness informed them, (the other companions of witness coming up at that time,) that they must unbutton their clothes, that he might see whether or not they were armed, which they were not, the party [25] then took them (they expressing a willingness to "give up,") and brought them to Norfolk. A witness residing in Norfolk, sworn. —Stated, that Friday, sixteenth of March, was a very warm day, for he well recollects that himself and friend, walked round over the bridges from Norfolk to Portsmouth on that day, and that about eight or nine o'clock that night it came on to blow, rain, hail and snow, and the next day (Saturday) the weather was very cold indeed; and that he particularly recollects during the storm on Friday night, he saw a considerable fire on Portsmouth side which he at first thought was a fire in the town, but afterwards ascertained it was bushes at the back of it. [A witness, William Gleeson, who had been examined on oath, turned suddenly round to a gentleman who was sitting near him on hearing the circumstance of the fire in the rear of Portsmouth mentioned, and something which the court overheard and called upon him to explain.] Gleeson stated that the mentioning of the fire in the rear of Portsmouth had reminded him that it was the day after that fire that the two men had called to get the helve for the axe, he had certainly been mistaken before as to the day of the week, and he now well recollected, that it was as he was going to church the next day, Sunday, that he saw the two men crossing the field near the house where the murder was committed, and that it was snowing at the time. [The circumstance as to the weather was ascertained to be a fact.] W. B. Lawton, sworn.—Recognizes the double barreled pistol, and knows it to be the one found among the other articles in the house of the deceased. Doct. R. Jeffery, sworn.—On Sunday night previous to the murder, three persons came to his shop to purchase some sarsaparilla—not not recognize the prisoner as one of them—sold them some—saw some sarsaparilla in the house where the body lay, and a decoction of some in a tin bucket, which witness ascertained to be that, by stirring it round with one of the knives, and finding sarsaparilla at the bottom of the bucket. Water in the bucket was also bloody. John H. Blamire, sworn.—Three men came to Jeffery and Galt's shop on Saturday night previous to the murder to purchase some sarsaparilla—the prisoner was one of the persons, he asked for it in English and handed it to a smaller person, who paid for it—it was probably about half an hour after candle light when they applied. [26] Josiah Cherry called again.—Stated that on examining the fire place, he found among the cinders a cake, like one which burnt clothes of woolen would be likely to form, it crumbled to pieces on disturbing it—Cannot say whose shirt it was he discovered the blood on. Ann Barrett called again.—About twelve o'clock on the day of the murder saw a very large smoke coming out of the chimney, it was of a blackish cast, and she could not help taking notice of it—her house was so situated, that she could have seen what was transacting in the room where the dead body was found; had there not have been curtains up at the windows. The examination of the witnesses closed about five o'clock in the afternoon. Their evidence was then summed up by Gen. Taylor, in a lucid and masterly speech of two hours and an half, in the exordium of which he admonished the jury to he cautious and deliberate in weighing the testimony before them, and not in any respect to suffer their passions to be influenced by any report that might have been put into circulation, which the testimony of the witnesses had not established.—After Gen. Taymor had recapitulated the facts deposed to, he was followed by the prisoner's counsel, Messrs. Allmand and Maxwell, in a strain of chaste and manly eloquence that riveted the attention and commanded the admiration of the numerous auditory, and which was not less honorable to themselves than gratifying to those who heard it. About twelve o'clock at night the jury retired, and in ten minutes returned with a verdict of "Guilty of Murder in the first degree." The prisoner heard the verdict of the jury with nearly as much sang froid as he had evinced during the whole of the trial, and appeared very little more moved, by any thing like a thought of what next awaited him, than he probably did while assisting in dissecting Lagoardette. The jury were all men of respectable standing in society, and not of that cast that are led away by common report unsustained by evidence, or who are overcome by prejudices—but waited, with the most patient anxiety to hear the testimony of the witnesses, the arguments of the counsel, and the instructions of the court— indeed, perhaps no jury ever merited more applause—(and one of the counsel for the prisoner paid them that compliment,) for patience and a desire to do a prisoner and their consciences justice, than did this. [27] The prisoner was then conducted back to the jail, and after entering the apartment assigned for him, and while preparing to put on his irons, the jailor in searching him, as he had been accustomed to do, found a large pair of scissors secured with a string to the calf of, his leg, and so closely pressed into the flesh, that it appeared miraculous how he could so long have endured the pain which must have been the consequence of the pressure of such an instrument, especially as one of the bows had been broken off to prevent it from projecting beyond the side of the leg and thus disclose the secret of his having instruments about him. —Whether these scissors had been secured there before he was apprehended, or whether an accomplice had placed them there in the night while the prisoner was at the bar, is not known, nor has the prisoner stated. Friday, the thirteenth April, was the day fixed upon for the trial of the other prisoner, Manuel Philip Garcia—on which day he was brought to the bar about eleven o'clock. The forms with respect to this prisoner were the same as those in the case of Castillano, as they were both included in the same bill of indictment. The same counsel were employed, and, the same evidence given in by the same witnesses.—The jury of course was composed of different persons.— Their names were, W. K. Mackinder, G. Ott, A. Taylor, senr., J. Christie, S. Hodges, J. Croel, R. Fentress, A. Adams, T. Carney, T. Emmerson, J. Granier, and R. Chapman. The receiving of evidence occupied the Court from twelve until five o'clock in the afternoon; and the pleadings were not concluded until one o'clock the next morning. The jury then retired, and after an absence of precisely six minutes, returned and rendered a verdict of "Guilty of Murder of the first degree." The prisoner on learning the purport of the verdict exhibited a considerable degree of emotion, not so much, as it appeared the effect of grief and despair, as of chagrin and disappointment, the result of a fallacious confidence he had all along indulged in the inefficacy of our laws to punish capitally upon presumptive evidence.—Not so much from a disposition to doubt the justice of the verdict, as from the failure of the able counsel he had employed to effect his acquittal. These trials afford a truly gratifying evidence of the admirable structure of our system of jurisprudence, and of the fair and impartial administration of the laws in our Courts of Justice. The unhappy men who have just been tried were taken up and committed to jail under circumstances of almost unheard of atrocity, [28] calculated to inflame the public feeling with horror and disgust, yea with even vengeance itself. Facts are disclosed previous to their trial which stamp their characters and occupations with infamy—in a word they are foreigners, scarcely known in our country but by their crimes; and, in the opinion of every honest mind, meriting a violent and ignominious death.—Yet see these men brought before the tribunal of our Court—there they are recognized as in the robes of innocence—there every indignant feeling, every prejudice, and every sentiment of abhorrence gives place to paternal tenderness and unwavering impartiality. Juries composed of men of character, intelligence and unbiased feelings are summoned to try their cause—counsel of the first standing are employed to defend them—even their prosecutor is the guardian of their rights, and will not permit their cause to be prejudiced by any informality. The evidence is detailed and commented upon—the law is expounded and illustrated— laborious research and critical acumen are indefatigably employed in the investigation; and time and comfort and convenience, are unheeded while a ray of light is left to be elicited, or a doubt remains that the letter of the law and the demands of justice have been strictly and religiously complied with. Upon the termination of such a process of investigation, so conducted, justice, and no more nor less than justice can ensue. It is upon such a process that these unhappy individuals have been found guilty of a crime for which, even by our mild and humane laws, their miserable lives are forfeited. On Monday, 23d April, the day preceding adjournment of the Court, the two criminals, Castillano and Garcia, convicted of the murder of Peter Lagoardette, were brought to the bar to receive the awful sentence denounced by the laws both of God and man against the most horrid and unnatural crime of which they had been found guilty. This solemn ceremonial had been postponed from the preceding Saturday, at the request of the counsel for the prisoners, in whose minds there had arisen a question as to the formality of the bill of indictment; but the result of their deliberations was a conviction of its entire legality, and no motion was put in for an arrest of the final judgment. At one o'clock his Honor, Judge PARKER, proceeded to discharge the high though painful duty imposed on him by the law, of pronouncing the stern decree of Justice, by an address to the prisoners, at once eloquent, pathetic and deeply impressive; the effect [29] of which was strengthened by the appropriate solemnity of his manner of delivery. The awful assurance of their fate, however, produced no visible alteration in the countenances of the criminals. Both declared their innocence, but without any appearance of that deep emotion and restless anxiety which men really innocent, or even the guilty, if not rendered callous to every natural feeling, might have been expected to evince on so trying an occasion. But hardened and crime-blackened wretches like these must be unsusceptible of the influence of human feelings—Inured to the perils of a criminal course of life—conscious of their guilt, while protesting their innocence, and sensible of the justice of that decree which dooms them to the gibbet, the sentence of the Court was regarded by them as a thing of course, as a result to be expected, and therefore possessing none of those appalling attributes which strike terror to hearts less callous, than their own. The following is the address delivered by the Judge, Joseph Garcia Castillano and Manuel Philip Garcia, I am called upon to perform a most painful but necessary duty. A duty which for the first time in my life my official situation compels me to discharge! Although for nearly four years I have presided over this Judicial Circuit, and during that period have unhappily witnessed the arraignment and conviction of many culprits, yet such is the humane tenderness of our law, that the established guilt of no one of them, has touched the life of the offender. The awful punishment of death, has been reserved by that law for a very few crimes, of deep and dangerous malignity, indicating a heart wholly depraved and utterly regardless of social duty—Among which is the crime of wilful, deliberate and premeditated murder. Of the commission of this crime, under circumstances of peculiar atrocity, each of you stand convicted; and you have now been brought to the bar of this Court, to hear pronounced against you the stern but just sentence, which, throughout the whole world, follows such conviction, and which man has awarded in obedience to the commands of his Creator. No, circumstances can make me cease to regret the necessity I am under of pronouncing your condemnation, but there are several in your case calculated to reconcile your Judges to the fate, which, through their instrumentality, inevitably awaits you. The principal one is the certainty of your guilt and its crying enormity. Besides the confession of one of you, which was not admitted to go to the jury, the proofs against you were strong, abundant, [30] irresistible. If they were not, technically speaking, positive, they could scarcely be called circumstantial; or, if circumstantial, of that nature which raises a violent presumption, oftentimes equal to full proof. Nor did this presumption arise out of one, but out of many facts established by direct evidence; all of them, singly, affording strong assurance of the justice of the charges against you, and when united perfectly conclusive. They proved beyond a single rational doubt, that actuated by some infernal passion, you committed a shocking and barbarous murder upon the body of Peter Lagoardette, and that afterwards, to prevent detection, with a savage ferocity scarcely less revolting to human nature than the murder itself, you butchered and burnt his yet warm and palpitating limbs. The scene of this bloody and diabolical transaction was a house in the thickly settled part of our town, and the time, day. In such a place, and with the light of heaven shining full upon you, you dared to commit the blackest in the catalogue of human crimes; and instead of flying with instinctive horror from the appalling spectacle, you remained to consummate your wickedness, until fear compelled what conscience could not. Your victim, there is too much reason to believe, was your associate in many acts of villainy and deserved to die; but not by your hands, nor in that cruel, sudden manner.— Although he was a thief and a robber, your crime is not the less; for you are yourselves, as the circumstances of your trial prove, thieves and robbers; and the same disregard of all laws, human and divine, which made you so, prompted to this last act of unparalleled wickedness. But thus it ever is with those who leave the straight forward path of rectitude. They begin with fraud—they pass imperceptibly to theft, rapine and robbery—and they end with murder. Another circumstance which ought to lessen the regret of all concerned in bringing you to justice, is, that in the investigation of your case the spirit as well as all the forms of the law have been complied with.—Although foreigners, you have had every benefit which could have been extended to the most distinguished of our citizens. You have been tried by unexceptionable juries, and convicted, not without the concurring testimony of all the tribunals, which, in our country, are placed as safeguards over the life of man. And you have been defended with a zeal and ability which did equal honor to the heads and hearts of your counsel. Notwithstanding the prejudices which had been so naturally excited against you in the public mind: notwithstanding the horror which thrilled this whole community when the mutilated trunk and burning limbs of Lagoardette were discovered; notwithstanding each successive [31] day added some new circumstance to the proofs of your connection with that transaction, and thus kept alive public feeling and indignation; yet gentlemen were found who could stifle, if they could not extinguish, those sentiments in their own minds; who interposed themselves fearlessly between you and the torrent which might have overwhelmed you; who invoked and obtained for you a patient and candid hearing; who covered you with the ægis of the law, and urged in your behalf every circumstance and every argument that the facts of your case justified. I rejoice that they did so. I expected no less from a profession distinguished for its humanity, its generosity and its sacred regard to constitutional rights—and I have not been disappointed. But even your counsel found it impossible to deny the fact of your killing Lagoardette. They contended only, that because the commonwealth could not prove express malice, or a long-settled, predetermined plan to perpetrate the deed, the jury could not infer it from the circumstances, and must therefore find you guilty only of murder in the second degree, under our act of assembly. The legal opinion which this argument drew necessarily from the court on the true construction of that act, I have reviewed carefully and anxiously; and I rest upon it with the utmost confidence. If there had been any thing in it to doubt, your counsel knew how to avail themselves of the error, and the opportunity of carrying your case to the highest criminal tribunal would not have been lost. It was their duty to take care that you should not be condemned “except by the law of the land,” and faithfully have they performed that duty. Every thing, therefore, in your case conspires to shew that you are fit objects of the punishment denounced against murderers in the first degree. The law and the facts are equally clear, and nothing remains for me, previous to passing your sentence, but to conjure you most earnestly to prepare for DEATH!—Your earthly career must soon terminate. God forbid, that by any expression of opinion I should forestall executive mercy! but duty to state my convictions, that you have nothing further to hope from man in this world. Be not deceived by any vain confidence—Be not flattered by any vain hope. You are separated from eternity by a narrow isthmus, and over that you will soon pass—prepare then for death. Oh, prepare for that awful moment by a timely disclosure of your crimes, by repairing as far as you are able all the wrongs you have done, and by a contrite and unfeigned repentance. At present, according to the feeling remark of your counsel, if you are unfit to live, you are equally unfit to die. [32] But the law is tender and humane to the last. It gives you some time to endeavor to repair the injuries you have done to man and to make your peace with God. It may be, that his mercy will even extend to a late, and unchosen repentance. However improbable, it would be presumption to deny the efficacy of sincere repentance in the latest moments of life, and in so desperate a state, apparent impossibilities are worth attempting. The thief upon the cross was pardoned, and whilst that instance of mercy remains on record, man ought not abandon himself to despair. Once more then, I conjure you to reflect, that you are already cut off from all the hopes, fears and business of this life, that you are dead to the world and its concerns, and that, you, will soon have to answer at the bar of heaven for the crimes committed in the flesh. God grant, that you may in the short interval, between this and your execution, so employ your time, as to obtain forgiveness for those crimes. The sentence of the Law is, That you, Joseph Garcia Castillano, and Manuel Philip Garcia, shall be returned to the jail of Norfolk County, whence you came, and that on Friday, the first day of June next, you shall be taken thence by the Coroner of the same County, acting as Sheriff to the common place of execution, where, between the hours of ten o'clock in the forenoon and four o'clock in the afternoon, you and each of you, shall be hanged by the neck until you are dead, and God in his infinite goodness have on your souls. As soon as the sentence of death was pronounced upon the miserable culprits, they were conducted back to prison, and confined in irons, in separate apartments, as they had been before. And now, having brought the proceedings down thus far, and kept in view each object that was immediately connected with the horrid affair, a little digression, by way of illustrating the subject and to show the ingenuity and depravity of the two men, Castillano and Garcia, as well as to show the interference of Providence, in discovering to those persons who had sustained losses by them, where their property could be found, it will not be amiss, perhaps, to state some of their transactions in Baltimore and Philadelphia. In consequence of a letter of Castillano, [see Appendix B.] and the letter of the Mayor of Norfolk to the Mayor of Baltimore, which accompanied a copy of Castillano's letter, search was made in the houses there designated, and property to a considerable amount, and keys of various descriptions, were found. They were all deposited in the Mayor's office in Baltimore, and notice thereof publicly given, that those persons who had sustained losses by [33] robberies might call and examine the articles, and if possible prove their property. *C. A. Trincavelli & Co. of Baltimore, found goods in value to upwards of a thousand dollars, which had been robbed from their store by means of false keys, on the night of the 10th December last—and James Watson, of Philadelphia, also found watches, jewelry, &c. to the amount of a like sum, of which he had been robbed in like manner on the night of the 31st of January, 1820.—Mr. Watson's case was rather a delicate one; for the robbery had been committed at a time when he had just commenced business, and as it was in amount between two and three thousand dollars, some of his creditors were disposed to say, or insinuate, or some other persons were for them, that he had robbed himself, that he might thus be deprived of the means of complying with his engagements.—Mr. Watson was determined, however, to satisfy the public in time. (for he felt such a presentiment,) how ill-founded were those ungenerous suspicions; and especially as he had a young and growing family, that were likely to suffer by the imputation, his feelings were most seriously preyed upon. As soon as he heard of the murder in Norfolk and the various keys &c. that had been found, he hurried away from Philadelphia, for the express purpose of ascertaining if some of his property might not be among the watches and jewelry that had been discovered. On his way through Baltimore he was informed, that a trunk or two containing such articles as he had lost, was in the Mayor's office, at which he immediately applied, with his printed advertisement dated in February, 1820, minutely describing the articles, and to his great joy found several hundred dollars worth—He also found ear and finger rings actually in wearing by some of the members of Castillano's family; of all which he possessed himself. On his coming to Norfolk, he made further discoveries of his lost property, to the amount in the whole exceeding fifteen hundred dollars.—On being permitted to visit the prisoners, and inquiring of them relative to the manner in which they became in possession of the goods, Garcia said he knew nothing of the matter, but Castillano said they purchased them from Lagoardette. [See Appendix C.] *Called by Castillano in his letter Trincabello. Mr. Trincavelli also came to Norfolk, and found considerable property of his, which the murderers had not yet disposed of.—Mr. Trincavelli, it appears, was intimate with Garcia, and could speak the Spanish language. The next day after his store had been entered and robbed, Garcia called in to inquire into the particulars of his loss, to sympathize with him, &c. and actually offered him the loan [34] of twenty-six doubloons, in case he needed them, to meet his engagements. In the garden of the house on President street, Baltimore, which was occupied by Garcia, a number of keys were found, one of which opened the door of Mr. Gillespie's lottery office, which had been entered and robbed of money, lottery tickets, &c. to the amount of several thousand dollars, on the night of the eighth September last. By a reference to Appendix (B.) it will be perceived, that one of the murderers at least, and the murdered, had been engaged in robbing a French woman of a considerable sum of money, about the fifteenth February last, at a boarding house in the Marsh Market, in Baltimore, called Opperman's. This woman's name was Amelia Mazurel. The money taken from her was all in gold and silver coin, and amounted in value to about eleven hundred and fifty dollars—the pieces were, forty-four doubloons, twenty-two ducats of Holland, twenty-two louis d'ors of Hesse Cassel, two small Spanish pieces, two pieces of twenty francs, and one of twenty-four francs, all of gold, and two hundred and fifty dollars in silver.—It was, doubtless, with a view to discover whether Lagoardette had not been engaged in this robbery, that the constables visited Garcia's house on the eighteenth or twentieth February, [see Appendix A.] and opened and searched his trunk; and not succeeding as they probably expected, they apprehended another man, a German, who boarded at the same house, named William Berger, who was indicted by the jurors of the state of Maryland for the body of the city of Baltimore, for the above robbery, and the indictment endorsed, “true bill, Henry Brice, foreman.” Berger's innocence, however, was afterwards established, by the confessions of Garcia and Castillano, and no one appearing against him to prosecute, he was discharged from prison, after a confinement of about three months. Attempts were frequently made by gentlemen, who occasionally visited the prisoners, to engage them in conversation on the subject of their robberies; but they always ingeniously evaded a direct answer to any question that was put to them, or shielded themselves by throwing the guilt upon Lagoardette. Garcia, who could hold no converse with Castillano, frequently accused him of being the perpetrator of robberies, and Castillano transferred the act of which Garcia accused him, to the deceased—and “the dead could tell no tales." They both stated, that the keys found at various times, and in different places, belonged to Lagoardette, and had been concealed by him; and, that the most important robberies had by him also been committed. Several stores had been opened by him in New- [35] York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore; and in the latter city a lottery office, but what amount had been taken from it, or the description of the plunder, they knew not, or pretended not to know; but the key which had opened it was concealed among a parcel of others, and was the largest probably in the parcel—at all events, when found, would unlock the door with ease. These declarations, however were all made verbally, and it was in vain that an attempt was made to get a certificate from them to establish these declarations, further than those contained in the Appendix. On the subject of Lagoardette's murder, Garcia never appeared willing to converse—if he could evade an answer by a shake of the head, or a shrug of the shoulders, it was well; but when pushed for a reply, it was always Castillano who had killed him. Castillano as studiously persisted in his innocence of Lagoardette's death—perhaps, meaning, that the death-blow had not been given by him; and that in subsequently assisting in butchering him, he might conceive, that he could, with propriety, say he had not killed him; or, that he was innocent of his death. The confinement of these men, however, although the period at which they were to leave the world was fast approaching, appeared to make no visible impression upon them, they continued to converse with those persons, who occasionally called in, by permission of the officers, under whose charge they were, to see them with as much coolness as if they had been enjoying every blessing of liberty, and had never committed an offence in their lives—their minds were completely callous to every sense of feeling—crimination and recrimination were their favorite subjects; and to judge of their characters from the evidence that each gave, there could be no doubt but they had a thorough knowledge of each other, and that their lives had been as wicked and offensive as it were possible for the human mind to conceive. On the 7th of May, Garcia made his will, in which he appointed his brother, who lives in Havana, his executor—his property, which he made to consist of several thousand dollars, he bequeathed to his two children, a son and daughter, (who are illegitimate) and who also reside in Havana. Castillano made a will also; but not, perhaps, in as legal a form as Garcia's; the latter being a scholar, and educated for the practice of the law, was very cautious, in all his writings to preserve every form and technical term that was necessary to introduce. In a letter, which Castillano was permitted to send to Garcia, he made out a schedule of debts which he owed in Baltimore, (for the security of which he had pledged property) [36] by which it would appear that he was a poor man.—However, this might all have been a stratagem, to induce the belief that he was also an honest one, that he might thereby avoid suspicion.—[This letter will be found in the Appendix at the close.] According to their own accounts, these two men were born in Havana. Castillano was upwards of forty-nine years of age; had lived about ten years in the U. States, having settled in the first place at St. Mary's, in Georgia, where he kept a shop—he afterwards moved to Savannah, where he has occasionally resided, until within a couple of years, and where he married.—While in Savannah, he was engaged in the manufacture of tobacco and segars, and had in his employ six persons, whose names he has furnished, and who were (if Garcia's account of them, although he had never seen them, be correct,) accomplices of Castillano in villainy. The names of those persons given by Castillano, it is not considered prudent to introduce here—the proper authority will be put in possession of them. Castillano farther states, that while he lived in Savannah, upwards of two years since, he was taken up and committed to jail on a charge of robbery, of which, however, he was innocent, as it was proved in the sequel—for a Spaniard, named Antonio Alva, was afterwards apprehended and convicted for the offence, and sentenced to ten years confinement in the penitentiary, or state prison, and Castillano was acquitted. Castillano afterwards moved to Baltimore, where he has since continued to reside.—Garcia was thirty-seven years of age on the 26th of May, (1821;) was born of wealthy and respectable parents—has two brothers now residing at Havana, one of whom is a lawyer, and is well known by a gentleman now living in Norfolk; the other incidents of Garcia's life are known no more than what he himself has thought proper to disclose, which will be found in the Appendix. A few days before their execution, the Rev. Bishop KELLY called at the prison to see and converse with the prisoners; but so perverse were they in all their declarations, and so little disposed to enter upon serious and religious subjects, that the Bishop left them with little hopes of there ever being a change effected for the better.—Garcia frequently declared, during his confinement, that when life would terminate with him, so he believed would terminate every species of his existence; that he had no idea of a future state, and once had hardly that of the existence of a Supreme Being!!—He certainly had a different belief, however, some days previous to, and on that of his death.— Castillano always [37] held out the idea that he should return after death; and was determined, in the event of that being the case, to convince the Court, Jury, and every believer in his guilt, that he was innocent. He had, however, an idea of religion, but it was a very perverted one—for a man to have so many evidences of the crime of murder as was found upon him when apprehended, independent of the testimony of the many witnesses who were introduced, proves of how little value he estimated truth, even in his latest moments, when he persisted in the denial of the murder of Lagoardette—but it must have been the effects of an improper education, or erroneous principles, inculcated by the most vicious of mankind, in some stage of life when the mind was susceptible of receiving those principles without mature reflection. For, is it to be wondered at, that a man should persevere in a falsehood, even to the last minute of his life, who would be serious in the belief that he should return to the world again immediately after death, and by testimony, which he should bring from beyond the grave, convince every body that he had been unrighteously judged?— certainly not. On the day previous to their execution, both the prisoners remained closely engaged in reading devout books—indeed they had never been without the reach of some pious book during the whole of their confinement, and were occasionally employed in poring over them —Garcia complained, however, that he could not sleep any the night previous; and although he had been indulged with a considerably larger portion of ardent spirits than usual, yet the opiate property was lost to him. Castillano was quite tranquil and firm, laughing at times as jocosely as if he had been at a banquet. But they both expressed a willingness to die, and only regretted that the time was not then; particularly, Garcia said, as it would then prevent him from suffering another night. The Bishop called in the course of the day, and had considerable conversation with them; and promised to call again the next morning at eight o'clock, to administer to them the sacrament, if he could discover any contrition, or any change in them less contradictory than he had lately been accustomed to notice.— He then commended them to God, and left them. Early on the morning of the execution, the Bishop went to the jail, and on entering the apartment of Garcia, found him extended on his back upon the floor, with his eyes starting from their sockets, and every symptom of insanity apparently manifest; his handkerchief lay upon the floor near him, with a knot at one corner of it, and under his chin was a red mark, which would have jus- [38] tified almost any person in believing that the poor miserable creature had been attempting to strangle himself. After some short conversation with him, however, the Bishop felt satisfied of the propriety of administering to him the sacrament. Having performed his duty towards Garcia, he next visited the apartment in which Castillano was confined. Castillano was quite tranquil and unconcerned at the awful fate which awaited him; and as the Bishop administered to him the sacrament also, he too, undoubtedly, confessed to him, in a manner which met the Bishop's approbation. About ten o'clock, the people began to collect in street in front of the jail; a guard, composed of captain Jarvis's company of riflemen, was placed before the house to prevent the crowd from collecting too close, and to be in readiness to guard the prisoners when they were brought out. At half past ten, Castillano's irons were knocked off, and he brought into the jail yard—no alteration in his appearance had yet been visible—he refused his coat, preferring to be executed in his shirt-sleeves, his outer upper garment being a waistcoat, Garcia, a little before the ceremony of knocking off his irons commenced, appeared much distressed—his countenance assumed a most horrid and terrific cast—his features distorted, and not a nerve but what appeared convulsed: at length he asked for a glass of spirits, which was given, and he soon after became composed. As soon, as his irons were off, he was conducted down stairs and into the jail yard with Castillano—on their meeting, they shook hands, and Castillano observed in broken English, although it is believed that Garcia did not understand him, "I forgive you, Garcia; I hope you will pardon me.” Garcia nodded assent—and they entered into an apparently uninteresting conversation in Spanish, which was so low that they were not understood, Garcia had put on his surtout, and had the frontispiece of a Spanish prayer book secured to the bosom of his shirt, on which was a crucifix, around which, and upon the back of the leaf, he had scribbled a few words, something like an ejaculatory prayer. At eleven o'clock, the cart, containing their coffins, was brought to the front door, and the prisoners being notified, that it was time that they should start for the place of execution, it was left optional with them either to ride in the cart, or to walk in the rear of it—they chose the latter, On their way to the gallows, which stood in an old field about half a mile in the rear of Portsmouth, they were accompanied by the Rev. Bishop Kelly and the Rev. Mr. Walsh, with whom they were engaged in constant and earnest conversation, until they reached the fatal spot. The sight [39] of the gallows appeared not in the least to intimidate them: Castillano surveyed it with an eye of scrutiny, and then looked round among the numerous spectators, (probably three or four thousand) which the occasion had caused to assemble. Garcia appeared rather more wrapped up in thought, and seemed not to notice any event that was passing. The Bishop and Mr. Walsh having performed their other duties, concluded by a fervent supplication in their behalf to the Throne of Grace.—The cords being prepared, A. Emmerson, esq. the coroner, acting as sheriff, and Mr. Bernard, the Jailer, both of whose sympathy for the condition of the poor miserable creatures, appeared to be more keenly excited than that of the prisoners for each other, informed them that they must mount the scaffold—which they both performed with alacrity. Mr. Bernard then informed them, that if they had any communications to make, there was time allowed them; but if they were ready, he would proceed to the next performance of his duty. They both declared their readiness now to leave the world, as they had very little further to say or perform. Garcia accordingly handed to Mr. Henry a letter, mentioned in the Appendix, page 24, dated May 30th. Castillano had prepared two or three documents which he had got translated, and which, he said, he intended to read, but he never made use of them—they were all in substance the same; one of them will be found at the end of the Appendix. He contented himself by speaking only a few words, which were as follows: "I wish to make a declaration for the public satisfaction—I know that I am now to die! I know that I cannot be pardoned here! I know that although I am now alive, I am dead! I die innocent of this man's death! —I put my trust in God, who can pardon me. I forgive everybody—I die in peace!—Good bye, all!!!" Dr. Griffith, of the Methodist church in Portsmouth, who had also closely attended in the rear of the unfortunate men, on their way to the ground, asked permission to address the assembled multitude, on so important an occasion; the request was readily granted, and the two prisoners, with their arms now pinioned, sat down upon the scaffold, with their feet resting upon their coffins. Dr. Griffith's, exhortation was very appropriate, and truly pathetic—he called the attention of the numerous spectators to the melancholy scene non before them—two men in the prime of life and health, just upon the brink of eternity! but a few moments, and they would be no more! How awful was their situation. and how deplorable was it that vice should have made such progress in the world, as to allure from the commission of one crime to that of another, until the subject should [40] ignominiously terminate his life in the manner that it was now presented to us! Dr. Griffith ascribed the prime cause, or rather the first vice, to that of bad company; and strenuously exhorted parents to bring up their children, if not in a religious, at least in a moral observance of their duty, as the only means to guard them against the inroads which sin was calculated to make. To the young his discourse was also equally well adapted—he called upon them, as children, to obey their parents; and to the older, to abstain from vicious habits and bad company, least, however respectable might be their family, as he was informed was that of one of the unfortunate men now before them, they might also be brought to a like shameful end. Dr. Griffith concluded with a prayer, in which he most ardently besought a divine blessing upon the two men who were just about to appear in the presence of their God. The indifference and insensibility, however, which were manifested by Garcia and Castillano, even in this seemingly trying moment, were in accordance with their demeanor generally while they remained in prison—for, as they treated with levity the proffers of spiritual aid while in confinement, so did they as little regard, apparently, what had been said to them now. Whatever might have been the inward workings of their souls and consciences at this trying period, it is certain that they met their fate with a coolness and fortitude worthy of a better occasion: as an instance of this, while the officer was adjusting Garcia's knot, his feelings causing him to perform the ungrateful task rather awkwardly, Castillano directed him in what manner to fix it so as to take effect, and then pointing to his own neck; gave the same direction for himself! At twenty-five minutes past twelve o'clock, the scaffold was removed, and the two men dropped! They died with scarcely a struggle—there appeared to be little or no difference in the length of time in which they were expiring.—A physician, who continued by them until pulsation with both had ceased, has said, that it was just twenty minutes from the time they dropped until that period.—At two o'clock they were cut down (having hung an hour and thirty-five minutes) and buried under the gallows. ______ [1] APPENDIX (A) [The following Confession was made by Manuel Philip Garcia in the Mayor's office, on the 28th March, in the presence of John E. Holt, esq. Mayor of the Borough of Norfolk, and James Nimmo, esq. Attorney for the Commonwealth. The Confession was not sworn to, neither was Garcia required to make one; but he had declared it to be his wish to hand in a communication; and on consulting the Attorney for the Common-wealth, the Mayor gave instructions that Garcia's manacles should be knocked off, and he be brought from the jail to his office, which was accordingly done.] CONFESSION OF GARCIA. [Translation.] On the 30th March, 1820, I sailed from Porto Rico in the American schooner Zeno, the captain's name I do not remember, bound to Philadelphia in company with two Spaniards, Don Pedro Taboida, and Don Antonio Blanco, the former captain, and the latter pilot, of a Spanish schooner, and arrived there on the 17th April following, and boarded with Madam Fillesbe, South Second street. I left Philadelphia on the 20th for Baltimore, and arrived there the day following with my companions above named—their intentions being to purchase a schooner. We all went to board with a Frenchman named Guillemont, near the new bank. In about six or eight days, Don Pedro and myself went to take a walk, and passing up High street met with Jose Demas Garcia Castillano. I was acquainted with him in Havana, and after exchanging civilities gave each other the places of our residence. Some days after, Castillano met me in the street, and pressed me to go with him to his house, where I was introduced to his wife, mother-in-law, and children. I continued to live with Gilmont for three months, during which time I was often with Castillano. Don Pedro and Don Antonio in the mean time purchased a schooner, and loaded her with flour, with a view of going to Europe, but they afterwards changed their minds, and determined to go to Porto Rico. I did not feel disposed to go with them, and took a house with the intention of waiting an opportunity of getting a passage to Spain. I kept this house about two weeks, and afterwards hired rooms over the residence of Castillano; but as the price was too high I [2] remained there only about a month, and then took other lodgings.–Two or three days after, a Spaniard from Biscay, named Ramont Larondo, came to live with me, and continued to live with me for two months, and Castillano continued to visit us frequently. Castillano told me he was acquainted with a Frenchman named Peter Lagoardette. Three months after this, Lagoardette arrived in Baltimore from ____, and I was introduced to him by Castillano.—Lagoardette was taken sick about four months since, and asked me to suffer him to live with me; which I did—and a strong intimacy was formed and continued between us, and I administered to all his wants. About this time Lagoardette formed an acquaintance with a young woman named Binney, at the house of Castillano, where she had been in the habit of visiting, and where she occasionally slept. On one of those nights Castillano attempted to go into Binney's chamber, but her screams induced him to retreat. Lagoardette was informed of this circumstance by the mother-in-law of Castillano, and from that time an enmity commenced between them, (Castillano and Lagoardette.)—A few days after a lad named Jesca, the brother-in-law of Castillano, called at my residence and informed Lagoardette, that Castillano had said, that if he disturbed him in his attempts upon Miss Binney, he meant to kill him. The lad also informed me, that Castillano's intention was to kill me likewise, if I took Lagoardette's part. There was present, during these conversations, a Spanish captain named Manuel Cortes, who commanded a schooner called the Theresa.— I afterwards made an effort to reconcile Lagoardette and Castillano, but only partially succeeded in accomplishing my object. In the commencement of February, Lagoardette having recovered from his sickness, commenced walking out, and went to pay a visit to Binney, at her residence, with whom he was engaged to be married. Castillano had been in the habit of visiting Binney's residence, and that circumstance occasioned new quarrels between them— and Binney had told Lagoardette that Castillano had said, that wherever he met with him, his intention was to kill him–and the lad again told the same thing. Some short time after Lagoardette met with Castillano in the street, and he asked Castillano if he had threatened to take his life? Castillano denied it, and said he had never thought of such a thing. Shortly after this, Lagoardette met in the street with Mr. A____ ____, a teacher of the French language, with whom he had been intimate, and informed him of the difference that had occurred between himself and Castillano. Mr. A. then called upon me at my residence to know the exact particulars of the dispute that had taken place between Lagoardette and Castillano: I answered, that the dispute between them related to a girl, &c. Two or three days after this I endeavored again to reconcile them, and told them that it was necessary they should leave my house or make friends as I did not like any quarrelling in my house. A reconciliation took place, but it was apparent that it was only partial. [3] About the 18th or 20th February, while I was cooking, between the hours of twelve and one, two constables called and inquired if Lagoardette lived there, and if he had any effects in the house? I replied that he did live there, and that he had a trunk, which I pointed out. The constables then asked me to open them, but I refused, saying that I had no right to do so. The constables then broke open the trunk and examined its contents, but they took nothing from it. They then gave me a certificate that they had opened Lagoardette's trunk, and when it became necessary they would justify themselves for so doing–So they left the house. When Lagoardette returned to the house, I told him he must find other lodgings, for that I could no longer accommodate him–he immediately left the house, taking his trunk with him. After this, Lagoardette continued to visit my house, and told me his intention was to go to Norfolk to sell his goods. I asked him, when he arrived in Norfolk, to make inquiry if I could obtain a passage on board the French corvette then bound to Bordeaux. He told me, that if I wished a passage I had better go with him to Norfolk, and make my own arrangements, and if I succeeded I could then return to Baltimore and get my baggage. The 1st of March Lagoardette left Baltimore for Norfolk, but I did not accompany him. After the departure of Lagoardette I told Castillano of my wish to get a passage on board the corvette, and of my intention to go to Norfolk. Castillano said he would be glad to go with me, as he wished to ascertain if any vessel was going to Havana from Norfolk. On the 8th or 9th of this month, as well as I recollect, Castillano and myself took passage on board the steam-boat, and arrived together at Norfolk on Friday afternoon. When we arrived here and landed, the first man I met with Lagoardette. He asked me where I intended to live? I answered, that my intention was to go and board with a mulatto woman in Little Water street. Upon which Lagoardette replied, he had a house; and it would be better for me to go to his house and lodge, and I could eat with the mulatto woman. This invitation was also given to my companion Castillano, and we accordingly both went to the house of Lagoardette. On the Monday following Lagoardette and Castillano went to Baltimore together; the object of Lagoardette being to marry Miss Binney. The Friday following they [Lagoardette and Castillano] returned together to Norfolk in the steam-boat. When Lagoardette went to Baltimore, I gave him in the keys of my house in Baltimore, and asked him to bring me some clothes–he brought, on his return, a portmanteau and one or two shirts, a mattress and bed clothing. On Monday following, in the evening, about seven o'clock. Lagoardette called at the house, and left it again in half an hour—we soon followed to take supper, and returned soon after. Between ten and eleven at night Lagoardette came home, and laid down on his own bed. I was at that time on my own bed; and on the same bed also slept Castillano: the lights were soon afterwards extinguished. In the morning, about seven o'clock, I waked up and found Castillano had already risen and was sitting near the chimney smoking a segar; I again laid down, but did not go to sleep. About [4] an hour after this, I heard something strike violently, and on immediately taking the covering from my head, discovered that Castillano had given Lagoardette a blow on his head; but I could not tell at the time whether it was with a stick or an axe. I got up as speedily as I could, to assist Lagoardette; Castillano at the time having one hand grasped on Lagoardette's throat, and in the other he held a knife.—While attempting to take Castillano off from Lagoardette, Castillano turned his head and seized my thumb with us teeth and bit me most violently—I crying out all the time, "don't kill him, don't kill him." Immediately afterwards Castillano cut Lagoardette's throat with the knife he had in his hand from ear to ear.—I attempted to make my escape by running from the house, but was pursued, and before I got down stairs, was overtaken by Castillano, who, with a knife in his hand threatened to take my life if I made any noise or attempted to leave the house: I was then compelled to return up stairs. During the whole of this time I had no other clothes on but my shirt and drawers. I was then told by Castillano to dress myself, while he at the same time was severing the head entirely from the body, which having effected, he threw it into the fire. After this, finding himself so very bloody, he took off the clothes he had on, which consisted of a pair of gray pantaloons and a shirt, and put on the clothes which belonged to the deceased. I was then made to put a blanket up at one of the windows to prevent any person from seeing what was going on; at first I refused, but was made to comply with the order. Castillano and myself left the house together about nine o'clock, and proceeded to the house where we boarded to get breakfast, but found it was not ready. I was devising some means of escape, but Castillano kept with me and would not leave me for a moment. I made a pretext to go and get shaved, but he followed and remained with me all the time. After this we proceeded to our lodging [boarding house] and eat our breakfasts. We then both proceeded to the house where Lagoardette was murdered, but before we went in, Castillano went into an adjoining kitchen and told the old woman who kept it, if any body called to inquire for us, to say we had gone to breakfast.—Castillano went to the fire place and turned the head over, as it had only been partially burnt. Castillano then commenced cutting up the deceased, and sternly asked why I did not come and help him? I said I could not, the deed was too horrible. After cutting up the deceased in the manner which had been discovered, we left the house about two o'clock, and went to our dinners, but neither of us eat any. We then left the town for the woods, with a view of making our escape, but being ignorant of the road we had taken, as soon as night approached we went into a thicket, and there slept that night. The next morning we resumed our journey, but without knowing where to go. I was told by Castillano that I might make myself easy, as we had no evidence against us, and it rested solely with me. The following morning we were taken by the civil authority. MANUEL PHILIP GARCIA. Norfolk, March 28th, 1821. ______ [5] (B.) The following letter was addressed by the Mayor of Norfolk to the Mayor of Baltimore. NORFOLK, (Va.) April 2d, 1821. John Montgomery, esq. SIR—The following is an imperfect translation of a communication from a Spaniard called Joseph Garcia Castillano, lately remanded for further trial by the Court of this Borough on a charge of having with Manuel Philip Garcia, murdered in this place on the 20th ultimo, a Frenchman, named Peter Lagoardette, late of Baltimore. In a house occupied by them and the deceased, a trunk was found, containing a quantity of watches and other valuable articles, a part of which have been described to me in a letter from C. A. Trincavelli & Co. as having been stolen from them on the 10th December last. I am induced to send you the enclosed, from the expectation that it will enable you to discover the accomplices (if any) of the above mentioned persons, and with whom they have deposited their stolen property, and if Manuel P. Garcia participated in the robberies enumerated by Castillano. As their final trial takes place on the 9th instant, it is desirable the persons said to have been robbed in your city should attend our Superior Court to identify their persons, jewelry, and money recovered, and also to depose to the robberies committed on them. I am, Sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant, JOHN E. HOLT, Mayor. ______ [TRANSLATION] PORTSMOUTH, April 2d, 1821. SIR—It is now a week that I have been confined in jail and no person has received my declaration. I have not been questioned as to my opinion of the murder of Lagoardette—These are my motives for writing to you, to disclose what I know respecting that transaction. You must know sir, that Manuel Philip Garcia and Lagoardette lived together in Baltimore, and no person is acquainted with the manner by which they supported themselves. Lagoardette went about to dispose of the property which both had plundered. The articles now in the trunk belong to Trincabello, who is now living in Baltimore, Main street, and keeps a shop, and is intimately acquainted with Manuel Philip who was in the habit of going to the house of Trincabello every day, and he can identify the articles in the trunk if shown to him. Those articles were stolen by Manuel and Lagoardette from him. [6] The Sunday previous to the murder, Manuel and Lagoardette had a great dispute and collared each other, and I separated them because Lagoardette bit Manuel's thumb. The cause of the dispute was, Manuel told Lagoardette that the robbery of the French woman in the boarding house, Baltimore, made the preceding month of seventy-six French dollars, he would not divide them equally; and also, it is true he received the half of another bag containing one hundred and forty Spanish dollars, but he did not give the half of the sixty doubloon contained in a white handkerchief, and he had the trouble to stay one week in the above boarding house for the purpose of committing the robbery. When Lagoardette started for Baltimore, and Manuel remained behind in his house at Norfolk, Manuel gave him the keys of his house in Baltimore, and told him to bring with him on his return the plunder taken from Trincabello, and that they could dispose of it in Norfolk. For that purpose when Manuel came to Norfolk he called himself Gomez, and wrote that name on the books of the steam-boat. On Lagoardette's return from Baltimore, Manuel asked him where he had left the trunk containing their plunder, and he answered, at the French mulatto woman's house who washed Manuel's clothes. She sells cakes in the market and has a daughter named Charlotte. There is in her house another trunk of plunder. By sending to Trincabello he can identify many of the articles, and by going to the boarding house and asking whether Manuel and Lagoardette did not live there, and whether it was not during that very week that the robbery was committed, and for which robbery a Frenchman was taken up on suspicion.—Also, by going to the house of the above mulatto woman and taking away the trunk alluded to there will be found in that trunk a waistcoat with gold buttons, that Manuel wore on Sunday, and the waistcoat now worn by Manuel belongs to Lagoardette. Signed, JOSE GARCIA. [The forgoing communication of Castillano, (Jose Garcia as he there signs,) was not addressed to any person, but was put into the hands of an individual, who afterwards handed it to Mr. Holt, who had it translated.] ______ [7] (C) The following communication was handed by Castillano to Mr. James Watson, of Philadelphia, who came here in pursuit of property which he had lost and which he supposed might be among the articles found in the house where Garcia and Castillano had resided. It is without date, but handed to Mr. Watson probably about the 13th April. [TRANSLATION.] SIR—You will find the truth in every thing that is in this paper because I am a Christian, and God permits that you should find everything that has been stolen from you. You must go to Baltimore and inquire for an Italian named Carseina; ask him if he knows a Frenchman named Legran, who is the owner of the boarding house where Lagoardette and this Italian lived.—This same Legran went to Richmond with Lagoardette, for the purpose of buying all his plunder, and paid his passage. He offered Lagoardette $1500 for the whole of his plunder. Lagoardette remained in Richmond about a month, and on his return brought with him a white horse, for which he said he had exchanged six silver watches. He sold the horse in Baltimore; and sold some plunder to me, saying, that he wanted money to go to Charleston to sell the remainder of his plunder. Lagoardette accordingly went to Charleston, and when he returned brought with him a patent lever watch, which he said he had bartered for in Charleston by giving six silver watches for it: he also said that he had sold a great many other things to the owner of the same shop. I bought from Legran, the owner of the boarding house where Carseina and Lagoardette lived, all the furniture of the house, and he in company with the old Italian and Lagoardette, went to Richmond again with the trunk full of plunder—that is what I know. Lagoardette went to Charleston in October and returned the beginning of December and told me that the owner of the shop in which he exchanged the above mentioned watches for thc patent lever, offered him $1500 for the whole of the jewelry which he had remaining, but that he would not take it—nevertheless, he sold some of his articles in Charleston and if they go there, they may find every things [literal translation.] Lagoardette said he boarded in Charleston in a house near the market, the owner is the widow of a Frenchman named Turin. [The remainder of this communication is quite unimportant, relating wholly to transactions between Castillano and Lagoardette in the exchange of articles with one another, and $25 which Castillano gave him for some Augusta Bank notes which he said he had taken in Charleston, which he could not pass.] [8] (D.) DECLARATION AND NARRATIVE OF JOSE DEMAS GARCIA CASTILLANO. DECLARATION. [TRANSLATION.] I owe to the community, as a christian an explanation relative to the murder of Lagarde* in which I have been accused as an accomplice to prove myself entirely innocent of the charge. I have seen the sentence which has been pronounced against me, condemning me to die on the 1st day of June, and with the full conviction that at the appointed time I shall be executed. I declare, that I am of the apostolic and Roman Religion, baptized in the city of Havana, in the parish usually called or known by the name of Santo Christo, and that I am now about forty-nine or fifty years old. As I do not wish that any one should be led into error in this matter, I declare that I hold in regard my soul as any other christian; being fully convinced, that I shall soon die and enter an eternity, where I shall be judged with the most scrupulous exactitude, according to my good and evil actions; if I shall not be able to establish my innocence in regard to the murder of Largarde I do not wish that Manuel or any other person should suffer for me; nor do I see the necessity of denying it, thereby exposing my soul to an eternal condemnation, even for the preservation of a life, which while in a state of perfect health, may at any moment be cut off. I cannot swear that I saw Manuel commit the murder, for if he effected it alone, or in company with any other, it was not done in my presence; and I swear on the holy Bible, that Manuel and Lagarde remained together in the house on Tuesday morning until a little after nine o'clock, that when they took us prisoners, he told me in the door of the Court-house, if they should ask me if Lagarde had come to the house Tuesday morning, I should say no. I desired to know why, he again requested me to say, no; I answered if they should ask me, I would say yes, because I had seen him in the house, having passed there, before I was told by Manuel, in the house where we eat, “that Lagarde had gone out, that the key of the house was left in the window, that when he (Lagarde) should return, he might know where to find it and enter.” *Lagoardette [9] The wise and feeling consideration of fathers of families will readily discover, what must be the grief which, in this miserable situation, bears with relentless force on my afflicted heart, with the aggravating reflection too, that I am to die charged with a crime of which, before the all-penetrating Majesty of heaven I declare myself innocent, leaving my poor family and unfortunate child, of the tender age of two years, the sad inheritors of my woes and misfortunes. Fathers of families, who may have felt anguish for your children, let each of you put your hand on your heart, and you will believe me in truth, that the tears of affliction which roll from my eyes, furnish day and night the only support of this tottering body. The sentence of the law is about to be fulfilled on me, and nothing is left me but to appeal to the tribunal of Divine Mercy, throwing myself in the arms of my Saviour Jesus Christ, as judge of truth, bearing to his most holy presence my unjust sentence, and all those things which have been published against my innocence, and which have charged me with being an accomplice in the commission of a crime where I am not criminal; making them responsible before that just tribunal for all my sufferings, and the afflictions of my family. I am a christian, fearing the Supreme God, and trust, that although my body may perish, my soul may live to everlasting life. I beg the public, by all the griefs of the most blessed Virgin, and the precious sufferings of our Saviour Jesus Christ, that if I have in any thing offended, they would forgive me. As regards the murder of Lagoardette, God will give in a short time a sign to this people, in which they will discover the innocence of the Spaniard, establishing that he is clear of this crime as his Saviour Jesus Christ, who suffered for us, was also innocent; which prediction I pray them to remember, and to observe its annunciation this last day of April. ______ THE INNOCENT JOSE DEMAS GARCIA CASTILLANO, Judged and condemned to death. NARRATIVE. [TRANSLATION.] I came from the Havanna to Amelia with my cousin, captain Don Ignacio Sales, commissioned as Lt. Colonel in the Royal corps of Artillery, who had there the command. I staid there nine months and then left there for St. Mary's, where I rented a house on the wharf, for five dollars a month, from a small gentleman, Mr. Clarke, and established in the house a grocery store. I had kept store there about a year, when the English came and devastated St. Mary's, then I went to Savannah, where I hired a house for six dollars a month, from a tall Portuguese, whose name is Mr. Antonio Silva. I lived [10] in this house three years, and during that time I carried on a segar manufactory with six men, who made segars of Spanish tobacco and also of American. The owner of the house, Mr. Antonio Silva, trusted me with an hundred dollars worth of tobacco in leaf from his store, and I was to repay him in segars, which he intended to sell. About this time I married. I went to the court house to obtain my license, for which I paid five dollars, and was married by a judge, whose name is Mr. Dobenes, to whom I also paid five. This is on record in the books of the court, at Savannah. After my marriage, I moved from Mr. Silva's house, and rented another from a widow lady, Mrs. Fraile, and established a grocery store. On the approach of summer it was very sickly, I was desirous of going to Baltimore; the only vessel which then offered, was a packet brig, called Othello, destined for New-York, in which vessel I sailed. I remained in New-York five days with my family, then went to Philadelphia in the steam-boat, thence, by the same conveyance, to Baltimore;— arrived in Baltimore, I met with a Frenchman, Monsieur Negrin, who kept a silversmith's shop and boarding house; he told me, as I was a silversmith, that if I would buy all the goods he had in the house, he would go to Richmond. I bought all his stock and we both went to the owner of the house, in order to secure it for me—the owner inquired of him what my occupation was, who replied, I was by profession a silversmith, that I had purchased all his stock of jewelry, and desired I might be permitted to occupy the house, Mr. Negrin then went away. In December I offered every thing at public sale, with the view of going the next summer with with my family to Havana. Manuel arrived in Baltimore; I asked him if he was from Havana, his answer, was, no—that he came from Philadelphia latterly, having arrived there from Porto Rico, to which place he had been sent from Havana to serve eight years as a soldier, on account of the following affair, which took place at the Havana— "That he had given to a married woman some poison to kill her husband, by concealing it in his dinner, in which event, this woman was to live with Manuel. The husband discovered it, and Manuel was apprehended and brought to justice, being ordered by the court to serve eight years as a soldier, and in fulfillment of the sentence, was sent to Porto Rico; that he escaped, and came to Baltimore with the intention of going to France.” This is what he told me when he came to Baltimore. When he saw me, at my prayers, he asked me if I believed there was a God; that for himself, he did not believe there was a God or Hell; it was all a pack of lies, that the ministers who desired to make the world believe they were ministers of Jesus Christ, were men imposing on their credulity, and if I were to read Voltaire, he would prove to me that it was all false. The captain of the schooner, in which he came from Porto Rico to Philadelphia, was Don Pedro Faguado, who bought a schooner in Baltimore, which he intended for La Guira. Don Pedro Faguado was a Spaniard, from Cadiz; he bought a new schooner, which was built at the Point, in which vessel he sailed for Laguira de Caraccas. Manuel came with this man from [11] Porto Rico to Philadelphia the last year—now he says he came from the Havana, and brought with him ten boxes of sugar. Let them ask him to whom he sold, or in what house he stored them? and it will be seen that all he says is a falsehood, speaking without the fear of God. When Manuel arrived in Baltimore from Philadelphia, he boarded about one month with a Frenchman, Mr. Guillemont who kept a boarding-house in the square, near the new bank—Don Pedro Faguado staid there also who paid Manuel's board. When the Spaniard bought the schooner, Manuel told me that Don Pedro Faguado was going— that he (Manuel) was without money, he was going to write to Havana to inform his friends that he had deserted his regiment at Porto Rico, had arrived in Baltimore, where he was staying, and desired them to send him some money to take him to France, that he did not wish to return to the Havana as they would take him up and send him to Porto Rico—he told me if I would board him, he would pay me, when they sent him money, that he was going to rent a small room that he might live alone, and would come to eat at my house, that I knew his friends at the Havana, who were rich and would send him money by the first vessel, to which I consented. Manuel then rented a small room in the same square with the boarding house of Guillemont, next door to a woman whose name was Betsey, who had but one eye and whose child was sick with a consumption— he eat at my house— at the end of four months finding they had not sent him any money, and that he had nothing wherewith to pay me, I told him I was poor, and a man of family, that I could no longer board him on these terms—he then told me he had not any thing to offer me except his watch, which I took at $25 on account of what he owed me for board. One evening, some time after, while I had gone to my mother-in-law's house, Manuel came to mine about eight o'clock at night, knowing very well that my poor wife was alone, he entered my bed and endeavored to force her to sleep with him; about this time I returned from my mother-in-law's house and met Manuel, who was just coming out of my door—I asked him what he wanted, he replied, I have been to see you and your wife, who told me you were not at home, upon this he left me. I went to my house, and found the candle extinguished, and my wife in tears, who asked me if I had seen Manuel who has just been here, and put out the candle and seized me by the hand, with a view of forcing me to sleep with him; upon which I told him I would inform you as soon as you returned. After this I went out again to the house of my wife's mother, taking with me a yellow pocket handkerchief belonging to Manuel, which I found on the floor of my room. I told my mother-in-law what had passed and that I knew this handkerchief to be Manuel's. A few days afterwards my mother-in-law went to his house to reproach him for his ingratitude, telling him she was astonished that men should act thus, that he had received many favours from me and had been preserved almost from death by hunger. All this is known in Baltimore. [12] About this time Lagarde came from Richmond, and Manuel went to live with him. Lagarde started alone to Philadelphia and returned sick. He lived with Manuel then and recovered. When he was recruited, both left their lodgings and went to one by the market house, at which Manuel remained a week and no longer. Lagarde during that week slept in his boarding house, and Manuel lodged in the one which they conjointly rented. All this is public in Baltimore, and this is all I know. ______ Letter from Jose Demas Garcia Castillano, to Manuel Philip Garcia. [TRANSLATION] May the Lord our God have mercy on your soul, and forgive you for the evils you have knowingly done, in desiring to have condemned an innocent man by so many untruths and falsities, without considering, that although you may deny and endeavor to conceal the truth, it will, notwithstanding evince itself, for there is nothing so concealed, that it will not be brought to light. By your impostures, you wish to impress the belief, that I am the murderer of Lagarde, when you very well know, that on Tuesday morning you directed me to have some eggs fried and some coffee made at the house where we eat, that you remained with Lagarde and about ten o'clock of the same day, when you came to the house where we eat, I asked you for Lagarde, and you told me he had gone out; I asked you for the key of the house, you told me you had left it in the window, in order that when Lagarde returned, he might know where to find it and enter the house; I asked you for the waistcoat with the gold buttons, you told me you had left it in the house because it was too dirty, and that you had put that on, (which was Lagarde's.) As you wished me to go to the point with you, that I might inquire if you could procure a passage to France in the French frigate, and wished me to go to Baltimore for your clothes, with a pure intention, ignorant of what had taken place in the house, I went. Remember you told me in the court house, when they carried us prisoners there, that a dog had bitten you, (but it was in fact Lagarde, who had done it Sunday morning.) If I had killed Lagarde, why did you deny it from the beginning, in the court house, in the street, to the persons who took us up in the market house, and finally why did you go with me to the point. Remember, that when we arrived at the court house, in the door you told me, if they should ask me if I had seen Largrde in the house, Tuesday morning, I should say no: I turned and asked you why I should say so, you replied the second time, that I should say I had not seen him in the house. Remember also, that the second time they took you to the court house, you came that night to the prison, you called to me and told me that the free masons had kept you all day shut up in a [13] room in the court house, and told you, that if you were to say I had killed Lagarde, in spite of all testimony, they would clear you, and you did not wish to say so because you knew very well that I had not killed him, and that by such a confession you would condemn yourself. Remember that on the Sunday previous to the murder, when you were fighting with Lagarde, and he bit you, I heard what you were disputing about. Remember, that you told Lagarde, when he returned from Philadelphia, and changed the bill of one hundred dollars which you two had stolen from Trincavelli, that he had not given you fifty dollars, which was your share, but thirty-nine dollars only, to which Lagarde answered, as you well know, that he had spent twenty-two dollars on the journey, twelve dollars for his passage there and back, and ten dollars for all the keys of doors which he had brought from Philadelphia, for you, and that the half of all the keys were yours; and he told you, if you were anxious to be satisfied of the fact, you might go to Philadelphia and ask an old blacksmith, who sold keys and old iron every Saturday in the principal market, that he had bought all those keys and told the old man that he was going to sell them in Augusta, where he lived, that you might go and ask if he had not given ten dollars for them. Remember also that one Sunday morning in Baltimore, very cold, and snowing, I went to your house to tell you that an old Frenchman, a friend to Mr. Guillemont, had desired me to tell yon that you should go to his house that he had a letter for you, and that Guillemont also requested it: that when I entered the house I found you and Lagarde seated in the chimney corner and you were relating to Lagarde, that in the Havana you had thrown from your house, in which you had lived alone, into the water a young man that you had cut him up in pieces; that you took your clothes out of your trunk and put therein the pieces of his body, that about 10 o'clock in the day you had it put into a cart to be carried to some other place until the night, that although they suspected you (having seen the young man every day at your house) they could not prove any thing, as no one saw you. I drew back in astonishment, and begged you to stop with such lies—you then told me, that when I went to Havana, and inquired if a young man had not been missing from my house, I would find what you stated to be true. Well does God know that many of these things did I keep to myself, not wishing to present them to the judges, that on my account you should suffer punishment on earth, and before the tribunal of truth. Although you say there is no God, nor hell, I believe in them, and I do not wish that for me you should suffer more harm than that which your lies deserve. I only wish that God would permit Lagarde to rise, and I would ask you, before the judges, if you had ever seen that I offended him in any thing, I know what would be your answer. I cannot say that you killed him, because if you have done it, it was not before me.—And you know very well, that I was with him in Baltimore, and if I had wished to have injured him there, I could have done so with my pistols, or by night in the street, without resorting to the aid of an axe or a [14] knife, nor would I have waited till he came in the house—and Mr. ____ told me that your waistcoat with the gold buttons, and your shirt, was full of blood. I never thought, Manuel, you had a heart so cruel as I find it now to my astonishment—nor that you would be capable of causing an innocent man to suffer for this murder, and die, leaving defenseless my poor family, and my unfortunate child, to struggle alone in this wicked world—before the eyes of my God do I weep for their sad condition! But there is a God, before whose all penetrating eye you cannot pass off your impositions, as you have done before the earthly tribunal; before his most holy throne you will not be able to screen your falsities, as you have done here—where will be removed the obscurity which surrounds justice—and where you, and the judges who condemned me, will bear testimony to my veracity in his, the presence of Almighty God. I call God to witness, for he well knows my spirit is troubled. I beg of God, that these letters may cause you to repent with a sincere contrition of your crimes, in which you have lived without fear or justice, that you may receive the pardon of your sins, and obtain his divine mercy. Peace be to you, and to all: until we shall meet before the holy tribunal of truth. I make, in the mean time, this solemn protestation of my unjust condemnation. May Jesus Christ have mercy on thy soul, who, better than any one else, knows that I suffer and die innocent. JOSE DEMAS GARCIA CASTILLANO. May 1, 1821. ______ [15] DECLARATION of MANUEL PHILIP GARCIA [The following is translated from a manuscript written in Spanish by Manuel Philip Garcia. In some parts of the original, from the contractions used by the writer, and other causes, it was found impracticable to ascertain the words, which had caused some unimportant breaks in the translation.] IN the name of Almighty God, and of the ineffable mystery of the most Holy Trinity; in that of the incarnation of the Divine word, who became man for our salvation, suffered and died on the cross for us, firmly believing, as I do, in all the above articles and mysteries which our holy mother, the Church, teaches and practices, directed by the Holy Ghost, I commit the following declaration to paper. Illustrious People of Norfolk— I had determined not to take up my pen to refute the black aspersions and accusations which Castillano has wished to throw on my character; satisfied with the situation in which my case stands ___ ___ , but as my silence might impress many with a belief, that those calumnies were true—not only that they may be convinced of the truth, but also, that the innocent who are in prison should not suffer, it appears to me proper to explain what I conceive may throw light on this affair. To begin. When a man of worth—of good parentage—tenderly educated —well esteemed in his country, on account of his standing and property, finds himself persecuted by an adverse fortune—thrown in prison —charged with crimes the most atrocious—ignorant of the language of the country in which he is, without any relations, among the inhabitants, where he is oppressed ____ ____, (which is not even denied to brutes,) as it has happened to me ____: the circumstance of the Court not having received the proofs to which I refer in my declaration—he ought to prefer death to a miserable life, which offers nothing but hardships and afflictions; it becomes, however, before death, a duty which the divinity imposes on us, to mention every thing which may throw any light on this subject.—Under such circumstances, desi- [16] rous that every one might be satisfied of the truth, relative to the murder of Peter Lagoardette; and moreover they should be informed truly about the imputations on my character, made by Demas Castillano, I declare and swear, by all that is sacred in heaven or on earth, that what happened, as related in the declaration I made and swore to before the Mayor of Norfolk—for in that murder I took no part; that I was witness to it without the power to prevent it, for Demas, with a poignard in his hand, threatened me with the same fate—twice did I exclaim, do not murder him. Lagoardette slept in the house where the murder was perpetrated on the night of the 21st March. On the morning of the twenty-second, Demas seized the opportunity, while I was asleep, to put in execution his most detestable project, by striking with a most violent blow the unfortunate victim of his fury. When I awoke he had him on the floor and was in the act of cutting his throat with a knife—notwithstanding my supplications to him to desist, he continued, and in a moment of great rage, he ordered me to draw back, threatening me with his knife and other menaces. After separating his head from his body, he threw it in the fire, he mutilated every member of his body, which he did with an inexpressible hardness of heart, notwithstanding my earnest entreaties to the contrary—he went so far as to take up the blood, which was yet warm, in the palms of his hands, and throw it in the fire, as well as the linen shirt and drawers of the deceased, that were covered with blood, which with the murdering knife he had first cut up—having done these things, he wiped his hands and the knife on the first cloth he met with but as his pantaloons were full of blood, he took them off and put on a gray pair, which Lagoardette had bought in Norfolk, as the tailor who made and sold them, recognized.—Castillano washed them and hung them on the door to dry, he did the same thing with the shirt, putting on one of the deceased's, which having ruffles on the wrist, he tore them off, lest it might be produced in evidence against him. Among the shirts which were found, two or three were marked with these initials, J. E. D. S. G. A. C. O. which stood for Jose Demas Garcia Castillano, which had been put on his shirt when he left Savannah, for reasons which I will directly explain, but his true name is Demas Castillano. I repeat it. I am not anxious to defend myself, nor does the cause require it. I speak with sincerity and in good faith. My shirt and waistcoat which were sprinkled with blood, became so from my finger, which Demas had bitten and which had bled abundantly, and the other pieces of clothes belonging to Lagoardette were also bloody, for Demas had wiped his hands on them, as I said before,—but it is false that I put on the waistcoat of the deceased, mine being striped, Demas in the court said it was white, and Lagoardette never wore any other than a black silk one. Demas having concluded all these dreadful operations, he told me I ought to dress my finger, and he tied himself a piece of linen around it; we then went to the cook, but he would not leave my side; when he arrived there it was about ten or eleven o'clock, and as he spoke English, he directed her to [17] have some eggs fried, such was the statement of the cook and her elder son, before Mr. ____, in the court. I wished to leave Demas to search for a Spanish interpreter, to whom I might communicate what had happened, and for this purpose told him I was going to be shaved: suspicious of my intentions he followed me, and staid all the time at the barber's door, who being a negro, I could not make any communications to him. He then went to the house of the cook, where Demas eat his breakfast, as if nothing had happened. The pain which my finger gave me, with the feelings of disgust which the murder produced, and fears for my safety in the presence of Demas, permitted me only to take a little coffee. Monday, Sunday, and the day previous, the cook and her three or four sons observed that my finger was uninjured, but on Tuesday they discovered it was wounded and bloody. It is false then, as stated by Demas, that my finger was bitten by Lagoardette, as I had no quarrel with him on Sunday or any other day; for Lagoardette, although hasty, had a good disposition, and was always ready to serve his friends. We then left the cook-shop, and returned to the house where the deceased was: Dennis blew the fire, stirring it also with his feet, that the head might the sooner burn.—I could not bear such a sight, and begged him to go away—to which he agreed. He took from under the bed a white handled and sharp pointed knife, and went into the street— and, having shut the door, he took the key. He made me go into a negro woman's house, to whom he gave some tobacco, and told her, if any one should call, to say that we had gone to dinner. He then took me through streets in which I had never before been; and although I excused myself, by telling him here was no necessity for me to fly, he insisted I should. We arrived at a hill, where, under the canopy of heaven, we passed the night; he next morning, Wednesday, he desired a white man to carry him across a river in his canoe, which he did. Castillano then led me, after a long walk, to a plantation, the houses of which were unoccupied.— As it was then raining very hard, we remained under shelter there until night, when we took a boat, which was close by, and into which he forced me to get; Castillano rowed it over, a we proceeded on to the place where we were apprehended. When Castillano saw a man on horse back coming, he said to me, "there is a constable,” and he ran up the side of the hill, and threw away, secretly, the knife; which caused me to think, that he had not taken it with him to defend himself against those who should offer to apprehend him, but to use it against me, in case I should offer to quit him, as he feared I might disclose the matter. I have above stated the manner in which Demas executed the murder of Lagoardette —and now it is proper I should relate the circumstances which led to it, and the reasons why he has charged me with it and many other crimes. Peter Lagoardette, while in Baltimore, courted a young girl whose name is Binney, to whom he was engaged to be married as soon as he recovered—during his sickness, in order to be near him, she frequently came [18] to the house of Castillano; one night she slept there, his mother-in-law was there the same night—he seized this opportunity while she was asleep, to approach her bed; she awoke, and, by her cries, soon roused the family, and Demas fled precipitately—and missing his own bed in his alarm, threw himself on a trunk, this was about midnight, and the girl was anxious to leave the house; but had to content herself to stay, having a light furnished during the remainder of the night. On the following day Binney, with the mother-in-law and brother-in-law of Demas, in my presence, and in the presence of Don Manuel Cortes, captain of the schooner Theresa, told Lagoardette all that had happened, who with great propriety resented it, and spoke harshly of Demas—who being informed by his mother-in-law, that Lagoardette had said that he, Demas, had better, act properly, instead of going with the public women, and deceiving honest and virtuous girls, and those which were kind in his family—they became declared enemies. From that time Demas Castillano bore me a grudge, and alleged that his wife had a secret intrigue with me. It is also proper to state, that he told me he was not married to her, that he neither fed nor clothed her—that he had, publicly, two or three illegitimate children, to whom he gave all he had to spare.—That, his wife spoke to me in a friendly manner, was to be expected, not only because we had always been on good terms, but also, as she observed, all the family lived at my expense. Castillano well knows this, for he often came personally in the morning, to receive from my hands a dollar and a half, and on some days two dollars, if this be not called consenting, (an acknowledgment of marriage,) it looks very much like it; and consequently it is evident he considered himself the protector of her honor, without bearing part in the family expenses. It is certain then, that Demas first threatened Lagoardette, and then me. His mother-in-law would no longer eat anything which came from his hands—he suspected I had told her about some opium which he had intended to conceal in some fruit to give her. The fact is, she was informed of it by Lagoardette on his return front seeing Binney; and it was observed that the poor mother-in-law was always in a state of stupor: it was, however, all made up, and Castillano came to my house as usual. Lagoardette, on the restoration of his health, continued his visits to Binney, where he was told to be on his guard, as Demas intended to, assassinate him. Lagoardette being very angry, went into the street to find him, and on meeting him, told him, “you are an insignificant tattler, and, if you are really a man, give me a pistol and come and fight me. Castillano refused, not having the courage to encounter him.—The fact is, it made considerable noise, and many persons, among whom were Mr. A____ , Don Juan Cortes and myself, effected a reconciliation, but Demas retained his intention of revenging himself, as the late event has proved. I had never before known Lagoardette, until I met him at the house of Demas, in Baltimore, where, for about seven or eight months, I frequently [19] met him; and declare in truth, that I never observed any thing in his conduct improper—and Demas now makes these charges against his character, because he is dead, and cannot defend himself—and wished to make us believe, that he had done these things before I became acquainted with him. I have never been in any city north of Baltimore, except Philadelphia, where I arrived on the 17th or 18th of April, 1820, and staid in the boarding-house of Lappillet. I left there for Baltimore; and, on the 21st of the same month, went to board at Mr. Guillemont's, where I remained about three months. Castillano persuaded me to come to his house, as my expenses would be much less, and I would have better accom-modations.—At Guillemont's I paid 30 dollars a month, and at Castillano's, in less than two months, I had expended more than one hundred dollars. I laid out two ounces of gold for the purchase of some furniture from a Mr. Negrin, as Castillano had not even a table in his house—the only piece of furniture was a small stool for his wife, who was almost destitute of clothes, as well as the rest of the family.—I gave him shirts, cravats, and many other articles of dress. He scarcely ever conversed with his wife, and I have been left with her many a night, while he went to sleep elsewhere. I regret to have to state these things, not on his, but on his wife's account. Lagoardette was not in Baltimore at that time, and during his absence, I was surprised to find, one morning, that Demas had become so rich, since the night before, as to be able to purchase shirts by the dozen; linen and cloth pantaloons; coats which cost thirty dollars—every thing necessary for furnishing a house; watches, and many other fine articles, all which could not have been purchased for less than 2000 dollars.____ ____ from that period he became very serious—I asked him repeatedly if he had received an inheritance, ____ ____ he replied, that he had drawn a prize in a lottery. A little after that time Lagoardette arrived, and was much surprised when he went in Demas' house. Lagoardette, shortly after his arrival, told me the mother-in-law of Castillano had said, that he had more than 5 or 6000 dollars in notes and in gold—that he was changing his notes. He gave me, for some ounces of gold, notes of the bank of Augusta, which he took to Norfolk, to the amount of more than 300 dollars—he bought, at different stores, two gold watches for 130 dollars; a chain for 40 dollars; some spoons which cost, I think, about 30; a watch seal for 17, and other jewelry, which amounted to about 55 dollars. I saw a letter written by Demas to a certain Mendassa, at Charleston, enclosing a hundred dollar bill of the Augusta bank, and I saw many others in the pocket-book which I had never seen him have before. He (Lagoardette,) told me, that Demas had not only robbed an Exchange Office in Market street, in Baltimore, but he had committed many other robberies in Savannah—that when it was advertised in the papers, he (Demas) gave the money to his mother-in-law for [20] safe keeping—that the mother-in-law of Castillano told him, (Lagoardette,) that she really believed the money which Castillano had, and from which he had changed my gold, was the money advertised. Castillano was well convinced, that I knew of the robbery—on which account he was very retired, and he knew very well that Lagoardette and myself had accused him of obtaining this money in an improper manner. ____ ____ I did not see him rob the lottery office, for he did not sleep in the house; and before and since, his wife has told me he did not work, and they could not tell where he got money to spend. Before Demas committed this robbery in the exchange office, he derived the money, which he spent improperly, from selling watches, small looking-glasses, silver coffee spoons, and a great many other trinkets, which he offered to Trincavelli, who sometimes bought some of his goods. I bought of him six small spoons, a hair watch chain for four dollars, a gold one, with topaz seals, for fifteen dollars, and he gave me a breast-pin, set with stones, which he said were diamonds; but after the robbery he did not sell any thing—on the contrary, was employed in buying furniture for his house, and changing bank notes for gold. Trincavelli noticed this, and asked whence Demas drew his money. I replied he had told me he had drawn a prize in the lottery.— Trincavelli said it was not so, or it would have been published. Lagoardette sold sausages in Savannah, as he told me and Demas. About the time of those two quarrels, Lagoardette told me, that Castillano, while there, had always a parcel of Spanish deserters from Florida, who frequently got drunk—they also played cards. He permitted the free negroes as well as slaves to come there; and, on account of their scandalous conduct, and some robberies in which he had been engaged he was pursued by the constables on two occasions. In Savannah he robbed a silversmith's shop with false keys, belonging to an American, named Nicholas, whose trinkets, (jewels) were identified; though he denied it, there was satisfactory proof that he had committed the robbery, the things being found in a room in his house; he was sent to prison for three months. After this, upon the proofs which the above mentioned Nicholas gave, he was sent back to prison for a month, and was liberated at the end of that time, on condition of leaving Savannah. Lagoardette says, Demas left Savannah and went to New-York, and when he went there, he took with him a gig and two horses, that Nicholas told him publicly he was a robber—that at New-York he robbed also an English merchant of two thousand dollars by unlocking, with false keys, a tin box which contained the money. The reason he went to New-York was because Nicholas was always following him— Nicholas heard of his intention, and wrote to the officers; so that, when Castillano arrived and had put his goods in a house, which he had rented before, when he was there, it was filled with constables searching his trunks, which caused him to go to Philadelphia, where he stole from a jeweler's store a quantity of [21] valuable jewelry and pearls; as also rings, breast-pins, small looking glasses, silver spoons, watches, chains, topaz seals, pencil cases, thimbles and a great many other articles of value; many persons in Baltimore have seen those things—to whom Demas had shewn them with the view of making them believe he was rich. Among the persons to whom he shewed these things, were the family of Binney, Dr. Antonio Curvo, an Italian, and others, to whom he gave some of those rings. Demas pledged to Dn. Ramon Larronde four watches, two ivory handled dirks with gilt scabbards, rings, and diamond breast-pins, and other articles, for four ounces of gold; which was before he robbed the exchange office; and, when Larronde was about going away, Castillano begged me to receive them on the same terms, to which I agreed: when he returned the four ounces, I gave him back the things, and he made me a present of a silver watch, which marked the days of the month. Castillano has, even at this day, many of those goods which he had stolen, and, perhaps, some bank notes—they may not be in his trunk, but are, probably, secreted in some of the houses which he rented; for he had three, for which he paid rent, one for his wife, and two were unoccupied. When I moved into the one in Baltimore, which Demas had occupied before me, I found under the staircase five or six padlocks without keys, a broken file and some saws which I threw in the street—he had many false keys. When I lived with him in Baltimore, I heard him frequently filing, and he was not a silversmith.—I took him by surprise one day while he was filing a key, when he lived in the house which Negrin had left. I asked him for what purpose he intended it, he answered it was for the street door, as he had lost the key which belonged to it. As I was going out I observed the key was in the door; his wife afterwards told me he was always filing keys—a few days after this, the robbery of the exchange and lottery office took place. During my youth, Castillano's father lived in a house at Havana which belonged to mine; after he had occupied the house some months, I went to collect the rent, and then I knew him, for the first time, by sight—he was then about twenty years old, or upwards. His father found in his possession many keys, for which he intended to correct him; Demas opposed him, threatening him with his sword. His father then determined to confine him in a dungeon, in order to make him a soldier. Two months after, at midnight, he set fire to the dungeon, and a council of war was called to try his case; and had it not been for the mediation of his father, he would have been sentenced to death. Being set at liberty, he established in the environs of the town a blacksmith shop, and after night, with false keys, he went round the town stealing—having a mule, he generally carried the stolen goods and money to his house in the suburbs, where he concealed them— he was denounced and taken unexpectedly at night.—Michael Cosanos, who apprehended him, was murdered a few days afterwards by Castillano's companions; and, in a search which the magistrate made in his house, the body was found, concealed in a trunk, which gave rise to some suspicions in the mind of the magistrate, that cause him to leave the house, fearful for his own safety—[22] in going out he discovered a corpse, which, from the short hair, was supposed to be some priest—in fact, father Manuel de Cobus, a monk of the convent St. Francisco, had been missed for some days. Castillano declared the house was in that condition when he found it; but it was well known, that Demas had had a dispute with an ecclesiastic; the result of this was, that he was sent for six years to St. Augustine, in Florida, in fetters, and his uniform was taken from him on account of the infamy of his conduct. After remaining there for more than ten years, he escaped and returned to the Havana, where he was taken up, while quarrelling with some one, and remanded to St. Augustine, which place he again left, and went to the north, where he lived for more than ten years, as he confesses. When he came from Savannah, he assumed the name of Jose Demas Garcia, because the robbery which he committed there, in the store of Nicholas, made him well known as Demas Castillano. It happened, that when Demas went from Norfolk to Baltimore, he took the keys of my house and trunk to bring me some clothes; after Castillano's conduct with Lagoardette was known in Baltimore, and it being suspected I was dead, as it was published in the newspapers, some persons came to my house to take an inventory of my goods—my papers, which were also there, established my profession, and proved that my object was to go to France. In order to procure a passage in the French corvette, I came to Norfolk; Trincavelli, who was with those gentlemen, told me no money was found in my trunk, when it is a fact I left sixty-two ounces of gold, the balance of three hundred, which I brought with me from my country, and which I left for some time in the possession of Guillemont, with whom I boarded. The disappearance of these sixty-two ounces, proves how honest must have been the intentions of Demas towards me. I cannot swear that Demas robbed Trincavelli, but my suspicions that it was he, and not Lagoardette, are founded on the following reasons:— 1st.—Castillano was very frequently in the house of Trincavelli, and knew his hours for retiring. 2nd.—Because at that time, Lagoardette was confined to his bed, and so sick he could not sit up. 3rd.—Demas was very expert in making keys, and no doubt made a key for Trincavelli's lock, as he had done for the exchange office. Demas gave the goods to Lagoardette to put in his trunk, or to sell them for him, as he had done with those he (Demas) had stolen in Philadelphia. I will not stop to detail the names of the accomplices of Demas, which Lagoardette told me he had in different parts of the north; for besides not knowing them, I do not think any one will be prejudiced, since their conduct has no relation to the murder of Peter Lagoardette; nor his (Demas's) robberies and other depredations; and my conscience does not charge me with having had any thing to do with them, nor will my reputation suffer. I detest hypocrisy; and the manner which Demas has adopted to excite the sympathy of the people, by recommending himself as a [23] member of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, (if it were so) is detestable; but this religion does not allow that a man, * * * * * that he should neglect having his child baptised, which is eighteen months old, and was on the point of death—that he should give opium to his mother-in-law because she scolded him for his scandalous conduct—that he should raise his sword against his father—that he should have killed in Havana an ecclesiastic—that he should have set fire to the dungeon of his prison—that he should have opened doors by the means of false keys to steal, as he did in Havana—that his companions should have killed Michael Cosano. The Catholic religion, or any other sect, does not allow such things; and the following (his acts) are equally forbidden:—In Savannah, he robbed Nicholas; in New-York, the English merchant of two thousand dollars; in Philadelphia, he stole many goods; in Baltimore, he robbed the lottery office. * * * * * [Some circumstances here related by Manuel are considered improper for publication.] In fine, to murder Lagoardette—dismembering his limbs, and throw his head in the fire, are not actions which the Catholic religion permits. If Demas approves of all these things as a Catholic, and also thinks it conformable to its unity, to send out men in different parts of the union to rob, burn, and commit other depredations on the community, I think he knows very little about religion;—but it would be in accordance with its spirit, to reflect seriously on the death of Lagoardette—to restore to liberty a poor man who has been charged with robbing the lottery office in Baltimore—to restore to their owners the notes and other goods, which he has stolen, as well as the silver watch with a gold chain and topaz seal, which belongs to Trincavelli, and which he wanted to sell to Manuel Cortes for thirty-three dollars, and he will have less to account for. As to myself, my faults are of another character. ____ ____ If he does not do this, he will injure the innocent, and the owners of the stolen goods, who stand in need of them; for his family will not be benefited by the possession of such ill-gotten goods. I will conclude by stating, that when I and Castillano were prisoners, he desired me to say nothing of what had happened. In prison we were opposite to each other—Demas observed in Norfolk, on four occasions, when they took me to the court-house, that they had taken off my chains, had given me a good bed, and all other accommodations, which I stood in need of—they had brought a chair, table, and every other necessary for writing; the door being open, which gave him reason to suspect I had declared the fact ____ ____ for they had too the indiscretion to publish my declaration, all which induced him to calumniate me when he was examined. I beg you, gentlemen, to spare me the necessity of saying any thing further, not wishing to be troubled any more. I omit many [24] other circumstances, which would have better explained the irregular conduct of Demas. BEN MANUEL PHILIP GARCIA. Portsmouth, 10th May, 1821. N.B.—I declare also, and swear, that this is the only document which I have given, except the one which was produced before the court; any other declaration is spurious, and this I have given to Mr. James Henry, for the public. BEN GARCIA. [The above declaration of Garcia was replied to by Castillano, in a letter dated the 14th May, in which he denies the truth of the statement made by Garcia, reiterates the charges contained in his narrative, and concludes with the following appeal: "I hope to God, that the afflictions which oppress me, and your knowledge of my innocence, may cause you to declare the truth, which will save me from an unjust execution." About the 23d of May, another letter, without date, was written by Castillano, in which he denies, as before, the murder, and also the robberies, giving a long list of debts, which he says he owes; and urging, that a man so poor as to be so much in debt, could not have been guilty of the extensive robberies with which he is charged.—This letter was shown to Garcia, to whom it was addressed, but was not answered or noticed by him. Garcia, however, wrote another Declaration, dated May 30th, which is a brief recapitulation of the principal facts stated in his former one of the 10th May. In their several manuscripts, each persists in declaring himself innocent of the murder of Lagoardette.] ____ [TRANSLATION.] Declaration (exclamacion) made at the foot of the Gallows. My God: thou well knowest that I am a christian: that I fear thy justice, and that I am going to lose my life for having said the truth; for I am well assured that, had I availed myself of falsehoods, it would not have been taken from me. Behold the place of execution, where I am to die for a murder of which I am innocent (as thou art my witness) I only implore thee, O Lord! in this last hour, when I raise my voice to thee, to assist me with thy justice in defense of my truth; for as on earth they have darkened it, so in thy divine tribunal may it shine!—to which may be called every one of those who condemned me as a criminal, not only of the murder but of the robberies, of which I have no knowledge. O my Jesus! hear a dying christian for the sake of thy blood; they take away his life in public: innocent, and sacrificed on a gallows! Behold in thy hands he leaves his cause that thou mayest defend it and bring truth to light; as a just judge and support of the afflicted. Jose Dimas Garcia Castellano. THE END. File at: http://files.usgwarchives.net/va/norfolkcity/court/garcia603gwl.txt This file has been created by a form at http://www.genrecords.org/vafiles/ File size: 166.1 Kb