Original Letters; Wm. and Mary Qrtly., Vol. 1, No. 3 Transcribed by Kathy Merrill for the USGenWeb Archives Special Collections Project ************************************************************************ USGENWEB ARCHIVES NOTICE: These electronic pages may NOT be reproduced in any format for profit or presentation by any other organization or persons. Persons or organizations desiring to use this material, must obtain the written consent of the contributor, or the legal representative of the submitter, and contact the listed USGenWeb archivist with proof of this consent. The submitter has given permission to the USGenWeb Archives to store the file permanently for free access. http://www.usgwarchives.net *********************************************************************** Original Letters William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Papers, Vol. 1, No. 3, (Jan., 1893), pp. 172-179. ORIGINAL LETTERS. [To Thomas Newton(1)] Greenway, Jany 30th 1808. DEAR SIR, I received your short, but very friendly communication in closing your report on the Subject of the Merchants' Memorial, which I think highly commendable. It was strange indeed that those people shou'd suppose a general policy was to be laid aside to accommodate them. This is the class that always will throw a clog about the Wheels of our govt whenever their Interest is a little concern'd. Why my wheat and Corn are now unsold, but ready clean'd for delivery. What preference have they? not from the superior Love of Country I am sure. I suppose you have much conflict at the present state of affairs I am told much Intrigue on the subject of the next Electon for President; take care you divine not; the still'd mouth'd Feds may break forth like an Electrical Spark and Set you all on Fire. Although I cou'd not help wishg **r Jefferson to continue four years longer until the Tyranny was entirely trodden under foot, yet his letter contains in plain language, but yet sublime, such cogant reasons that I am almost willing to part with him. You know Cicero said when Caesar was destroyed by Brutus "that is not enough that the Tyrant was destroy'd if the Tyrany still continued" - which prov'd a just saying, for it soon rear'd its three-faced Head. Why have you not written me how matters go with Rose. I am untaught through any channel or by any certain means. Numa Pompilius preserved a peace for 40 years, but I much doubt whether Mr. Jefferson in right had no more to con- ________________________________________ (1) In 1706, George Newton m. Aphia Wilson, issue: nine children Thomas Newton, one of these, m. Amy dau. of John Hutchings issue: five children - all of whom died in infancy ex- cept a son, named also Thomas who m. Martha Tucker and was father of the correspondent of Gov. Tyler, as well as of George Newton, in his day a most reputable citizen of Norfolk. Thomas Newton, the last named, was a lawyer, and in 1801 was elected to Congress. He was regularly returned for thirty years. He died Aug. 15th, 1736. [This is an error, he died Aug. 5th, 1847.] The first mentioned George Newton was son of George Newton who was in Virginia in 1670, and who m. Frances, dau. of Lemuel Mason. Page 173. flict with from the Federal Party and public prints, which were not known in the days of Rome. To the shade of retirement my Wishes for his quiet will follow him. I have known him 44 years and a more uniform Character the World never gave existence to, I believe. Write to me when you have leisure. Yr sincere friend and servt, JNO TYLER. ____________ Greenway, March 13th 1808. [To Thomas Newton.] Dear Sir, I find that Congress is about establishing an Army for the defence of the United States, which is more like a peace than a war establishment, but be it as may my present application to you is in behalf of my Son-in-Law Mr. Thos E. Waggaman(1), who I can safely undertake to recommend as an able and proper person to entrust the paymaster's office with in the state of Tennessee. He is a Merchant of considerable note in that Country, is from the Maryland Family who are of high respectability in the State. His dwelling is at Nashville. As I dislike troubling the President (who I have known from my Infancy almost) on any subject, but more particularly when any of my family are concern'd, I thought this made through you might come better to him. If you will do me the favor to mention the subject to him I will be answerable for the faithful performance of the duties of the office. I think your negotiation makes but a poor progress, and yet two questions and categorical answers wou'd settle the matter. All the world are now contending for Neutral rights, and we, not less interested than all the powers, are lying back. Suppose England and France shou'd come to a settlement of their affairs, we shou'd have all the power of England to contend agst, for nothing but that combination vs. her will bring her to a sense of Justice - Let me hear from you as to ye private part of this Letter, the balance do as you please about. Yr friend and servt, JNO TYLER. PS. two ministers cou'd do nothing while in England. One is sent here, but not with full powers. Is not this policy too __________________________________________ (1) Thomas E. Waggaman, m. Martha Jefferson Tyler. Page 174. flimsy to deceive? I am sorry so much altercation has taken place in our State about the next president, for my own part I am content with either of the candidates. They all stand high in my esteem and I am well satisfied our country will be ably and virtuously serv'd by either. I began to write only a few lines but some blind Impetus will push me on. Adieu, J.T. ________________ Richmond, Va., Decr 16th 1808. [To Thomas Newton.] DEAR SIR: You promised to write to me when we last saw each other at Suffolk, but I suppose you have been too much engaged to dip your pen in Ink on private Subjects. I congratulate you and my country on the Madisonian Victory, and the decision with which Congress is actg. One step more and everything will come right; and that is to exchage Ministers and have no more intrigue and corruption and never to send a resident Minister to any court for receive one here. I never did hold with the policy of suffering authorized Spies among us, they always create mischief. You have heard of my call to the office of Chief Magistrate by a strong vote unsolicited and undesired, which I cou'd not get over acccept'g; my friends were so zealous. I receiv'd the message in bed at Mid-Night last Saturday -- at my own House by express. The vote wou'd have been much greater but for some mean insinuations of my being opposed to the administration and a friend to the Monroe Party; the most bearfaced lye that ever was utter'd when it was well known by a certain set who countenanced the thing that no man was more decided in the State, but I wou'd not descend to the abominable meaness of expressing myself improperly of Mr. Monroe, who I have long been in the strictest bonds of friendship with -- I greatly hope that Mr. Jefferson will never believe I can be oppos'd to my Country's true Interest to gratify any wish for a friend's promotion. Nor can I ever be brought to believe I can be brought to believe he cou'd ever pursue One single measure deisgnedly to injure a Country which gave him birth and made him so much the admiration of his friends and ye Envy of his Enemies. Little as he need to care about my Opinions, Yet I cannot bear that a good man shou'd believe I am capable of disapproving good measures and virtuous actions -- Page 175. not in my whole Life was ever a hint drop'd of my want of Patriotism before, and this to serve a particular purpose -- Pray when a safe opportunity offers, let him know I still love and revere his Virtues as I always have done, and only regret that I cou'd not be near enough to him always to light my Taper by his Fire. Don't call this adulation, it is not so. I always revered him. God bless you. Yr friend, etc. JNO TYLER. ____________ FEB'Y 4, 1809. DEAR SIR, I enclose you two Copies of a Resolution passed the legislature, which I hope will meet your approbation. You will therefore make the proper use of them, and I hope you will find no difficulty in obtaining for hte lower part of our State(1) that defence which is so necessary in the present Crisis. I am with great respect Your friend and Servt, JNO TYLER. THOMAS NEWTON, ESQ. in Congress from Virginia Washington. ____________________ [To John Rutherfoord(2)]. WASHINGTON, February 23, 1829. DEAR SIR; I learn not only from the newspapers, but from various private sources, that I am thought of as one of the representatives of the Richmond District in the Convention, and I take the liberty of frankly, but at the same time confidentially, making known to you my wishes on the subject. ______________________________ (1) Refers to the fortifications at Norfolk. (2) John Rutherfoord was first captain of the Richmond Fayette Artilery and became Colonel of the Regiment. He was a member of the House of Delegates, and in 1840 was Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, and upon the resignation of Gov. T. W. Gilmer, presided for a year as Governor. He continued the constant friend of Mr. Tyler and died at Richmond in July, 1866, aged 74. His son John was a promising young statesman, who died early. John Rutherfoord, the latter's son, practices law in Richmond. Page 176. I am everything but desirous of being in it. You have already, in the mere effort to afford facilities to the people, witnessed a severe struggle for political power between the upper and lower country. How much more violent is that struggle estined to be in the Convention! Does it become me, representing as I here do, the interest of the whole State(1) to become a party in this contest? And yet this seems to be inevitable if I go into the Convention, representing as I should a tide-water district, the feelings and sentiments of which are well known to me, and which probably is destined under any new arrangement to lose more than any other district in the State. Would it be becoming in me, having always reference to the station which I hold, to enter into local contests or political warfare with any of my constituents? My situation is sai generis and ought to shut me out from that assembly. I have also strong private considerations operating upon me. In the first place, my health has been very bad and has confined me a prisoner to my room for the last four weeks; and, although I shall resume my seat in the Senate on the first favorable change in the weather, I have not yet been able to do so. In the second place my domestic affairs re- quire all the attention I can bestow upon them. Now I shall have to leave home the 1st of Decr not to return for 5 or 6 months, and if to that time be added 2 months in the Convention, I become literally a stranger to my own household. What then can be done to keep me out? It can only be done, it appears to me, through the instrumentality of some of my particular friends among whom I rank yourself. Might not ar- guments be urged to the members from the district by yourself and Christian calculated to satisfy them, without my being seen in it? Nay, might not a ticket be agreed on by you from which my name should be excluded? I rely upon your friendship which has so repeatedly been manifested to me. Converse with Christian(2) and write me shortly. I have said that I did not desire my own wishes or views to ___________________________________ (1) Mr. Tyler was U.S. Senator when he wrote this letter. Despite his objections he was elected to the Convention (1829-'30). (2) John B. Christian was the son of Robert Christian, who served as United States Presidential elector. John B. was a member of the House of Delegates, Judge of the General Court and of the Supreme Court. He is not mentioned in Appleton's "Cyclopedia of Biography". Page 177. be made known. The reasons are obvious. I do not wish to manifest an indifference or re- pugnance to the public will, which if once openly declared I must and will obey. This is the principle which has always governed me and to which I have always submitted. To manifest openly, however, a disinclination to be in the Convention might be tortured by my enemies into a fear of responsibility, etc., etc. If this thing be not arrested before I reach home, I fear it will be too late to move in it. My friends must manage it in my absence, otherwise if there by a settled design to run me, I fear it will be too late to arrest it. Yourself and Christian are the only persons to whom I have communicated these views, and whatever you decide upon will be satisfactory to me. The cabinet arrangements are confidently spoken of -- Van Buren, Secretary of State - Ingham of the Treasury - Branch of the Navy - Eaton, P.M. General; and Berrien, Attorney General. Mr. Tazewell is spoken of as Minister to England and Floyd has been offered the Govt of Arkansas, but declines it. Very Truly, Yr. Frd., JOHN TYLER. John Rutherfoord, Esq. ________________________ [To John Rutherfoord.] March 14, 1830. MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 4th Inst. has remained thus long unanswered in concequence of the long arrear of correspondence in which I found myself involved by reason of the late day at which I arrived here. You are certainly amongst those whose letters I would most promptly acknowledge. In reply to your enquiries as to the course which Congress will pursue in relation to the U. States Bank during its present session, I have to say that I have not heard a single intimation so far thrown out of any intention to intermeddle with the subject, nor do I believe that it is intended by any one to introduce any such measure. A bill is before the Senate prescribing punishment for forging its notes and out of that may possibly arise some incidental discussion. If introduced or whenever hereafter introduced the fate of the Bank will be decided not so much upon its merits, as with the view to the political advancement of Page 178. this respect save through the action of the people themselves, and I confess to you that I almost despair of even this. Sectional cupidity is so strongly appealed to, and avarice is so controlling a passion of the human heart that it will be difficult almost in the extreme, to overcome its seductive influences. There is nothing sound in the state of parties here, you may rely upon it; and never have I seen more distinctly displayed the want of some convenient cement to bind men together. We still hold together, it is true, in the expression of partiality for the President, but that is all. He cannot be considred as standing at the head of a party, for in truth he has none. A Kentuckian is ready to denounce him if he yields aught to our constitutional scruples, and so are the Pennsylvanians, etc., etc., while the South sustains him from the fear of greater ill under the auspices of another. The opposition is united to a man and will carry on the most unsparing warfare. They produce the effect, which may be salutary, of holding our heterogeneous materials together. Grandy in his speech announced the President as a candidate for re-election, What think you of it? I want peace for the country if it can be procured, a short rest from political in- trigues. Will his re-election be calculated to produce this? I have inclined to the opinion that the President sould only hold on for one term, because his first term seemed to me to be devoted to a system of electioneering to secure his re-election. But the evils on the other hand are equally appalling. So many Richmonds take the field now a days, and so many schemes are put afloat, that the proper decision on this point is difficult to be made -- At this time too the country is peculiarly excited by the alarmists and fanatics, anti-Sunday mail, anti-masonic, abolition societies, and last, tho not least, the sympathy and mock-sensibility attempted to be created on behalf of the Southern Indians, all con- spriring to one end, viz.: the overthrow of Jackson and the elevation of Clay. My own decided opinion is that Clay never was so formidable as at this moment. Kentucky will go to him en masse and probably the whole West, while New England would give but one voice and that in his favor. Let me have your views freely, fully, and in the same spirit of confi- dence in which you have mine. The rumours which have reached you relative to the etiquette observed amongst the grandees is unfortunately true to a Page 179. great extent, but there is less of mock majesty and state at the President's house than I have ever before seen in the same mansion. The President has none of it. My reception at his dinner party was kind and hospitable, and, would you old fashioned Virginian believe it? he even went so far as to introduce his guests to each other, a thing without precedent here and most abominably unfashionable. At dinner he seemed to me to have laid aside the royal diadem, and to have fancied himself at the Hermitage, such was his unrestrained freedom, his unaffected deportment. All satisfied me that I stood in the presence of an old fashioned republican, who whenever and whatever he could, laid aside the affectation of high life. If his measures be not as popular as his manners, the fault lies elsewhere than at his own door. This I must potently believe; and, if ruin awaits him, the true cause thereof will be found to lie in the circumstance of his having leaned too much ofn favorites. This will be my commentary, and history furnishes me the lights by which to make it. With the tender of my best respects to Mrs. Rutherfoord. I am Dr Sir, Truly and faithfully yrs, JOHN TYLER.